WORKING PAPER 2
DELAYED CHILDBEARING IN BRITAIN: THE 1958 AND 1970
COHORT STUDIES COMPARED.
Roona Simpson
Centre for Research on Families and Relationships
Centre for Research on Families and Relationships
University of Edinburgh
23 Buccleuch Place
Edinburgh
EH8 9LN.
Email: Roona.Simpson@ed.ac.uk
INTRODUCTION
Fertility patterns have changed significantly in most European countries in recent
decades; the postponement of first births in particular has been associated with
smaller family sizes and increased childlessness, all of which contribute to overall
fertility decline. There are a range of theoretical perspectives associated with fertility
decline, and a number of factors proposed in the demographic and sociological
literature to explain it1. Delayed childbearing has been identified with changes in
education and employment in recent decades, particularly for women (see Kohler,
Billari and Ortega 2002; Sobotka 2004), with several scholars suggesting that birth
timing and spacing may be key strategies individuals adopt to reconcile work and
family responsibilities (e.g. Brewster and Rindfuss 2000)2. There is a considerable
body of empirical research demonstrating substantial differences in first birth timing
by education level and labour market position (e.g. de Cooman, Ermisch and Joshi
1987; Joshi 2002). In addition, there is much debate in both the demographic and
sociological literature about individualisation and the changing character of intimacy
and partnership, and their relationship to fertility postponement and decline3.
Interpreting statistics on changes in demographic behaviour in terms of changing
individual motivations is problematic; however, partnership patterns are becoming
more complex and diverse, and there is empirical research supporting ideas that
changing partnership patterns are associated with late entry into parenthood (see
Berrington 2004, Olah 2005)4.
This paper reports the results of analysis conducted on the 1958 and 1970 British
cohort studies. This analysis illustrates evidence of changes in the timing and extent
of first birth amongst different cohorts in relation to various socio-economic
1
See Simpson (2006) Childbearing on Hold: a Literature Review for an overview of the key theories
and determinants proposed in the literature.
2
Debates about the options available to individuals in reconciling work and family responsibilities
include discussion of the social policy contexts in which these decisions are being made (see Gauthier
1996, Esping-Anderson 1999, Hobson and Olah 2006a, 2006b).
3
Several scholars have attributed various contemporary changes in family and household structures
(such as the delay and decline in marriage, rising divorce rates, increasing cohabitation, and increasing
periods of singleness) to shifts in societal norms and values, conceptualised broadly in the demographic
literature as the Second Demographic Transition (see van der Kaa 1987; Lesthaeghe 1995) and
associated with the Individualisation thesis within the sociological literature (see Giddens 1992; Beck
and Beck-Gernsheim 1995).
4
These processes are inter-related, and changes in education and employment are associated with
changes in the timing and type of partnership (see Oppenheimer 1998, 1994; Berrington and Diamond
2000; Berrington 2003).
1
characteristics such as social class background, educational attainment, and
partnership status.
Most research on fertility decline focuses on women, to the
empirical neglect of men (Greene and Biddlecom, 2000:81)5. These cohort studies
allow a comparison of the characteristics and circumstances of women and men
remaining childless in their early thirties. As well as comparisons by sex, this intercohort analysis allows comparisons across time, thereby providing a picture of the
impact of social change on the lives of cohort members. Those born in 1958 will
have experienced their early adulthood during the 1980s, a very different political,
social and economic context from those born in 1970: whereas the 1958 cohort
initially experienced a buoyant labour market but faced worse conditions as they got
older, the opposite occurred for those born in 1970. Rising living standards in recent
decades have been accompanied by increasing polarisation in terms of wage
inequality. Previous analyses of the cohort studies demonstrate changes across a
range of domains such as education, employment, health and family life, which reflect
the wider social context in which these changes were experienced (see Ferri et al,
2003). To illustrate, the expansion in further and higher education is evident in the
increased acquisition of qualifications by both men and women (for example, the
proportion of women with tertiary qualifications rose from a quarter of those born in
1958 to just under a third of the 1970 cohort), as well as the declining proportions
leaving school at 16 (from 60% of 1958-born women to 45% of those born in 1970)
(Makepeace et al., 2003).
The focus of this paper is changes in the timing and propensity to have children,
which are related to other changes over time in family and household composition;
these are referred to throughout the paper. However, there is a complex relationship
between wider social processes and changes at the family and household level. For
example, a declining propensity to home ownership (less than two-thirds of the 1970
cohort buying their own home in their early thirties compared with four-fifths of the
1958-born cohort) in part reflects trends such as rising housing costs, however may
also be linked to factors such as the increasing emphasis on educational qualifications
5
This may be in part due to the greater reliability of reported fertility by women. Previous research
suggests some unreliability in men’s reporting of children, especially of non-marital births: for example
Rendall et al (1999) in an evaluation of men’s retrospective fertility histories from the British
Household Panel Study found only 60 of men’s births from a previous marriage were reported per 100
of women’s births, with women’s fertility reports matching birth registration statistics.
2
(Smith and Ferri, 2003). It is difficult to distinguish the relative impact of these
processes on specific life events such as starting a family. It is beyond the scope of
this paper to consider the extent to which wider social changes support or inhibit
family formation, however the findings reported below should be considered in
relation to the broader social context in which these are taking place.
Data and Methods
The National Child Development Study (NCDS) and British Cohort Study (BCS) are
longitudinal surveys following a sample of individuals born between March 3-9 1958
and April 5-11 1970 respectively. Surveys to monitor the educational, physical and
social development of these cohorts have taken place at varying intervals, with data
collected at birth, 7, 11, 16, 23, 33 and 42 for the NCDS and at birth, 5, 16, 26 and 306
for the BCS.
Full partnership and fertility histories were collected from the NCDS
cohort at age 33 and from the BCS cohort at age 307. Longitudinal data enables the
opportunity to investigate demographic events within a life course perspective
however are subject to attrition, and approximately 70% of those taking part in the
birth survey were interviewed in their early thirties. Previous analyses of the response
bias arising from this suggests it is the most socio-economically disadvantaged and
those from non-white backgrounds over-represented amongst those lost over time (for
further detail see Shepherd 1995). Both samples also under-represent those who
began child-bearing in their teens (Berrington 2003).
There are 11,471 men and women aged 33 in the NCDS cohort, and 11,261 aged 30
in the BCS cohort. The analysis described in the section below compares the socioeconomic characteristics and circumstances of those who remain childless in their
early thirties8. Comparisons are also made with those who have had children at the
same age, to provide a broad overview. It illustrates differences between men and
women, as well as changes over time between cohorts9. Cohort members remaining
childless in their early thirties will have experienced this in somewhat differing
6
Excepting some respondents interviewed prior to April 2000 at age 29.
These fertility histories were used in the survival analyses presented below, following cleaning the
data to address those with missing/incomplete birth dates. Those giving birth before 16 (15 cases in the
1958 cohort) were excluded from analysis.
8
As the focus of this paper is on postponed fertility, it only considers biological children and
childlessness is defined as not having had a live birth; those classified as childless may include
respondents with adopted or step-children.
9
All figures cited are statistically significant (p< 0.05).
7
3
circumstances: those born in the late 1950s experienced this is in 1991, while those
born in 1970 experienced this at the turn of the century (1999/2000).
This research considered several variables identified as important in the literature10.
As noted above, previous research has attributed fertility postponement to changes in
education and employment (particularly for women), and partnership formation.
However, these are mediated by social class (Berrington 2003). This paper reports the
results of analyses looking at childlessness by sex in relation to social class
background11, educational attainment12, current economic status, and current
partnership status13.
THE PROPENSITY TO CHILDLESSNESS AMONG YOUNG ADULTS
DIFFERENCES BY SEX AND CHANGES OVER TIME
-
The following section compares the incidence of childlessness amongst cohort
members at age 29, looking at both women and men.
Childlessness by Sex
As Chart 1 illustrates, there are significant differences by sex, with larger proportions
of men remaining childless at age 29 compared with women in both cohorts. Thus,
nearly half of men (47%) in the 1958 cohort remained childless at 29 compared to a
third of women at the same age. For the 1970 cohort the figures were around three
fifths (59%) of men and 45% of women at the same age.
10
Initial analysis was carried out looking at religiosity. The Second Demographic Transition attributes
declining fertility to, inter alia, a growth of values of self-realisation and freedom from traditional
forces of authority such as religion, while previous research reports a correlation between increased
religious activity and more traditional attitudes to family (e.g. Berrington and Diamond 2000, Olah
2005). However, while there was a decline in religiosity evident (only 11% of the 1970-born cohort
who defined themselves a having a religion attended services at least monthly, compared with 30% of
the 1958 cohort), there was no significant association with childlessness.
11
Identified using the occupational social class (Registrar General’s definition) of the cohort member’s
father (or father figure) at age 16.
12
Recoded into those with no qualifications, school-level qualifications (including A/S level and their
NVQ equivalents) and tertiary level qualifications, which include Higher qualifications, degrees and
NVQ equivalents (4-6).
13
Here, partnership is defined as co-residential, and results are reported for both marital and cohabiting
relationships. The partnership histories record relationships in which respondents ‘lived with someone
as a couple’ for a month or more. However, as Murphy (2000) observes, assuming all co-residential
partnerships as equivalent raises several issues: these differ not just in de jure status, but in terms of the
meanings and motivations these hold for respondents.
4
As these figures indicate, there have been considerable changes across time.
Previous analysis of the cohort studies (Berrington 2003) finds an increase in the
median age for first birth for women from 26 to 2914. These figures indicate a
considerable increase in the proportion of adults remaining childless at 29 in just
twelve years.
Chart 1: Childlessness at 29, by Cohort and Sex (%)
70
Percentages
60
50
40
Men
30
20
59
47
45
Women
33
10
0
1958
1970
Birth Cohort
Childlessness by Social Class Background
This section looks at the occupational social class (Registrar General’s definition) of
the cohort member’s father (or father figure) at the time of birth to identify the social
background of cohort members. As Chart 2 illustrates, there are differences across
social class differences in the propensity to remain childless at age 29. For example,
for women born in 1958, 46% from professional or managerial backgrounds (I and II)
were childless at 29, compared to 26% of those with fathers in semi-skilled and
unskilled occupations (IV and V). While there has been an increase over time across
the social classes, the patterns differ by sex: for example, men from professional or
managerial backgrounds show the largest increase (13%, from 56% to 69%), whilst
for women this category has increased the least (9%, from 46% to 55%).
14
While at the same time similar proportions (around 10%) became teenage mothers, indicating
increasing polarisation between women in relation to age at first birth.
5
Chart 2: Childlessness at 29, by Social Class Background (%)
I and II
IIINM
IIIM
IV and V
No Father Figure
TOTAL
80
70
60
50
40
30
59
47
20
10
0
45
33
1958
Men
1970
1958
Women
Birth Cohort and Sex
1970
Childlessness by Educational Attainment
This section reports analysis comparing the incidence of childlessness by educational
attainment amongst cohort members in their early thirties, at ages 33 for the NCDS
and 30 for the BCS respectively. Recent decades have seen a massive expansion in
post-secondary education, and young adults spend an increasing proportion of time in
education. The 1958 cohort experienced an educational context in which the majority
(over 60%) of young people left school at 16, however by the time the 1970 cohort
reached 16, in 1986, this had declined to less than half (54% of males and 45% of
females).
The likelihood of remaining childless as a young adult is influenced by
educational attainment15. There is considerable evidence from previous research of
large differences in first birth timing according to levels of education (see Sobotka
2004), and there has been much attention to increases in women’s educational
attainment in particular16. Nevertheless, as the analysis presented below illustrates,
these differentials also hold for men.
15
There is much debate about the role of educational attainment and the extent to which this influences
fertility decline directly and indirectly; for example, the time spent in education may be incompatible
with starting a family (see Kohler, Billari and Ortega, 2002), however is also associated with changing
values and preferences (Oppenheimer 1994). For further discussion see Simpson 2006.
16
However, as Makepeace et al. (2003) observe, this broad observation does not address continuities in
the large differences by gender in subjects studied. Furthermore, their analysis of the cohort studies
demonstrate that the gap in the chances of gaining tertiary qualifications for those from the highest and
lowest social classes has widened steadily over time.
6
Table 1 presents figures for the proportion of men and women remaining childless in
their early thirties. Differentials by educational attainment levels are significant for
both men and women. Amongst childless women in the 1958 cohort, for example, the
proportion of those with tertiary education (37%) is nearly three times that for those
without qualifications (13%). These differences are similar, if not so extreme, for
childless men. Looking at difference by sex, the largest differences are between men
and women from the 1970 cohort with no qualifications: a third of these women
remain childless compared with over half (53%) of unqualified men.
Looking at changes over time, the largest increase has been amongst men with tertiary
qualifications, a rise of 37% (from 41% to 78%). This compares with the largest
increase for women in the same educational category, 31% (from 37% to 68%).
Table 1: Childlessness by Educational Attainment, Early Thirties (%)
Sex
Birth
Cohort
MEN
1958
29
31
41
5453
1970
53
58
78
5450
WOMEN 1958
13
21
37
5687
1970
33
45
68
5773
No
School Level
Tertiary
Qualifications Qualifications Qualifications
Sample
(100%)
Chart 3: Childlessness by Educational Attainment, Early Thirties (%)
100
80
60
No Qualiications
40
School Level
20
Tertiary
0
Men
Women
1958
Men
Women
1970
Birth Cohort and Sex
7
Childlessness by Current Economic Activity
Analysis was conducted to compare the proportions of men and women remaining
childless in their early thirties by economic activity, as well as looking at changes
over time. There has been much debate in the literature over the role of women’s
employment in particular in fertility decline, with some commentators proposing
women’s increased labour force participation as an indicator of increasing gender
equality. Such claims however do not address factors such as hours of work or levels
of pay (see Simpson 2006). Previous research by Makepeace et al. (2003) finds
differences by sex in the proportions of men and women born in 1970 who
experienced continuous employment between ages 16 to 30, 30% compared with 14%
respectively. There is also an increasingly strong relationship between qualifications
and continuous employment: in the 1970 cohort, highly qualified women are more
likely to remain in continuous employment than both their less qualified
contemporaries and their predecessors in the 1958 cohort (Makepeace et al, 2003:58).
Preliminary analysis of the 1958 cohort’s economic activity showed significant
differences in economic status by sex: 89% of all men were in full-time employment,
compared with 36% women, of whom around another third, 32%, worked part-time or
looked after the home and family (28%).
Similar analysis on the 1970 cohort
demonstrates considerable change in the economic activity of all women, with over
half (51%) now in full-time employment and concomitant decreases in the
proportions working either part-time (23%) or looking after home and family (19%).
However, for men, there is little change in the proportions working full time (88%); in
both cohorts the second largest category for men was unemployed (6% and 4% of the
1958 and 1970 cohorts respectively).
Subsequent analyses considered the incidence of childlessness in relation to economic
activity by parental status. Not surprisingly there were significant differences evident
amongst women, for both cohorts. Amongst the 1958 cohort, the vast majority of
childless women were in full-time employment, 82% compared to 22% of mothers.
The picture for men was very different however, with a slightly higher proportion of
fathers (90% compared with 88%) working full-time. Looking at the 1970 cohort
indicates very little change over time – 80% of childless women worked full-time
8
compared with 22% of mothers. The figures for men had also not changed, with 88%
of father and childless men working full-time.
Thus, men are overwhelmingly in full-time employment, regardless of parental status.
Interestingly, childless women from both cohorts are more likely to be categorised as
either working part-time or looking after home and family (over 12%) than fathers of
the same age (less than 3% in both cohorts). Previous findings indicate that British
men have the highest average number of working hours compared with other men in
the European Union, while British fathers work longer hours on average than men
without dependent children (Kiernan, 1998). These figures suggest a lack of change
in the retention of caring responsibilities by women compared with men, regardless of
parental status.
As well as providing a salutary caveat to optimistic claims of
increasing gender equality, these findings suggest discrepancies in resources of time,
a factor which Presser (2001) relates to fertility decline.
The considerable changes in patterns of family formation in recent decades include
not just dramatic changes in parenthood, but also partnership. These include a delay
in forming first partnerships, a decline in marriage alongside an increase in both
cohabitation and singleness, and an increase in relationship turnover17. These all have
implications for the context of childbearing18. The following section illustrates the
association between partnership status and the incidence of remaining childless.
Childlessness by Partnership Status
Previous analyses of the cohort studies have highlighted the dramatic decline in
marriage: whereas three quarters of women and two thirds of men had married by age
29, just over half of women and a little over a third of men born in 1970 had done so
(Berrington 2003).
Some of the decline can be explained by an increase in
cohabitation, and cohabitation was the most common form of first partnership for the
17
While in 1971 the average age of first marriage in England and Wales was 25 for men and 23 for
women, by 2003 this had increased to 31 for men and 29 for women. Non-marital cohabitation
amongst those under 60 in Great Britain doubled between 1986 (the earliest year for which data are
available on a consistent basis) and 2004, from 11% to 24% for men, and 13% to 25% for women
(ONS 2006).
18
Births by unmarried women accounted for 42% of all births in the United Kingdom in 2004,
compared to an EU (15 countries) average of 33% (Eurostat 2006). Scotland had an even higher
proportion with nearly half of all births (47% in 2004), a considerable increase on less than a third
(31%) ten years previously (GROS, 2005).
9
1970 cohort (Berrington 2003). However, there is also an increase in the proportions
who have never experienced any cohabiting partnership, as well as evidence of a
delay in partnership, whether marriage or cohabiting. For example, women born in
1970 are also very much less likely to have entered their first partnership at a very
young age: just over a quarter had lived with a partner by age 20, compared with 40%
of women born in 1958 (Ferri et al. 2003). In addition, there is a rise in relationship
dissolution, with twice as many men and women born in 1970 having been in at least
one previous relationship by age 30 (Ferri et al. 2003). These changes indicate a
concomitant increase in singleness, either prior to or between relationships.
In terms of living arrangements, other research identifies a higher proportion of men
in their early thirties either living alone (14% compared to 9% of women born in
1970) or living in the parental home (one in six men born in 1970, more than twice as
many compared to women of the same age), and as such a greater decline in
residential partnership amongst men (Ferri et al 2003).
Analyses of the British
Household Panel Survey notes an increasing tendency since the 1980s for young
adults to return to the parental home (Ermisch and Francesconi, 2000). In part this
may be related to changes such as the increase in partnership dissolution. However,
this may also be associated with wider changes in areas such as housing or education,
and indicate a delay in young adults establishing themselves as economically
independent19.
Preliminary analysis of the cohorts by legal marital status20 indicates a dramatic
increase in the proportions remaining never-married over time, as well as significant
differences by sex. A fifth (21%) of all men from the 1958 cohort remained nevermarried in their early thirties, compared to 14% of women of the same age. However
this had increased to 57% and 44% of the 1970 cohort respectively. Differences
between men and women may be explained in part by the fact that traditionally
19
Preliminary analyses of the cohort studies identify a significant decline in home ownership between
the cohorts. Interestingly, slightly higher proportions of women born in 1970 compared to men were
buying with a mortgage (62% versus 58%), a reversal of the situation for the 1958 cohort (75% women
compared with 78% men). While the proportion living in social housing (housing associations or local
authority) remained the same at about 15%, the proportions of those renting from other than social
landlords had increased over time (from 6% to 21%) for the 1970 cohort, while the proportions
classified as ‘living rent free’, including with parents, had also increased.
20
In both cohorts the relevant variables were recoded to identify those married (combining first or
second marriages), those previously married (that is currently legally separated or divorced, as well as
widowed, of whom there are very small numbers in each cohort), as well as the never-married.
10
women have tended to marry at younger ages than men. This category refers to the
civic status of never having married, thus does not preclude those who may currently
be cohabiting, hence the subsequent analysis reported below considers current
partnership status which distinguishes those currently cohabiting, regardless of
previous marital status.
Table 2 provides figures for the proportions of men and women who remain childless
at age 29 by partnership status. Given the changes in partnership formation noted
previously, we might expect the significance of marital status to wane over time. Yet,
despite changes such as an increase in cohabitation, an association between marriage
and childbearing persists across time. For example, the proportion of childless men
from the 1958 cohort ranges from 35% of the married to 97% of those never-married
and currently single. Figures for childlessness amongst women of the same age range
from a quarter of married women to 83% of the never-married. There has been a
slight decrease over time, nevertheless figures for the 1970 cohort show these
differentials by partnership status persist.
Looking at changes over time, childlessness appears to have increased amongst
married and cohabiting women (by 5% and 6% respectively) but not men of the same
status. Childlessness has risen amongst the previously married by 11% for both sexes
however, from 37% to 48% of previously married men and 24% to 35% of previously
married women.
Table 2: Childlessness by Partnership Status at age 29 (%)
Sex
Birth
Cohort
Married
Cohabiting
Single NeverMarried
Previously
Married
Sample
(100%)
MEN
1958
35
62
97
37
5543
1970
35
61
90
48
5376
WOMEN 1958
25
48
83
24
5767
1970
30
54
72
35
5761
Charts 4 and 5 below illustrate these changes graphically, showing the relative decline
in childlessness as cohort members’ age. Charts 4a and 4b look at those born in 1958
up to age 33, and it can be seen that the proportions of childless married decline
considerably for both sexes between 29 and 33, to 17% of married men and 13% of
11
married women.
There is also a continuing decline in childlessness for those
cohabiting, to 50% of men and 40% of women. The decline for other categories
between the ages of 29 and 33 is more gradual.
Chart 4a: Childlessness by Partnership Status amongst Men, 1958 Cohort
Married
Cohabiting
Single Never-Married
Previously Married
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33
Chart 4b: Childlessness by Partnership Status amongst Women, 1958 Cohort
Married
Cohabiting
Single Never-Married
Previously Married
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33
Charts 5a and 5b below compare the proportions remaining childless in the 1970
cohort. Comparing these charts, the delay and decline in childbearing across cohorts
up to age 29 is evident. However we do not yet know what this cohort will do in the
future, and these figures suggest the importance of comparing cohorts at later ages to
see whether there is an overall increase in the propensity to childlessness.
12
Chart 5a: Childlessness by Partnership Status amongst Men, 1970 Cohort
Married
Cohabiting
Single Never-Married
Previously Married
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Chart 5b: Childlessness by Partnership Status amongst Women, 1970 Cohort
Married
Cohabiting
Single Never-Married
Previously Married
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
The persistent differences by partnership status suggest the pace of shifts in the
context of childbearing (within marriage) lag behind shifts in partnership formation, a
finding which has implications for future fertility patterns. The decline in marriage
may herald a shift to cohabitation, while the delay in partnership may reflect
postponement rather than overall decline21. However, there is considerable evidence
that cohabitation is a more fragile relationship than marriage, and that divorce is more
common in marriages preceded by cohabitation (e.g. Haskey 1992, Ermisch and
Francesconi 1996). Previous research on the 1958 cohort (Berrington and Diamond
21
Berrington (2003) suggests broadly similar proportions of men and women do go on to partner by
age 29. Other analyses indicates that of those born in 1958, the great majority (about 8 out of 10 men
and women) were living with a partner at age 42 (Ferri et al. 2003).
13
2000) suggests that experience of independent living prior to partnership formation is
associated with a preference for cohabitation rather than direct marriage, and higher
separation rates amongst cohabiters. Relationship stability is related to both timing
and type of relationship; this suggests that current patterns of fertility decline are
unlikely to alter in the future, given trends in partnership formation and dissolution
and the association of childbearing and marriage identified above.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This preliminary investigation into delayed childbirth identifies associations between
delayed childbirth and various socio-economic factors, and highlights the need for
further research. While there is much attention in the sociological and demographic
literature on fertility decline to notions of increasing individualisation and values of
personal autonomy (see Simpson 2006), this analysis indicates structural factors
influencing the incidence of childbirth, with consistent differences by social class
background evident across the cohorts.
The analysis also identified differences by
factors such as educational attainment across cohorts. Differences between men and
women in relation to economic activity, including between childless women and all
men indicate the importance of gender over parental status in shaping work practices.
These figures also suggest claims of gender equality based on labour market
participation are somewhat over-optimistic.
Inter-cohort comparisons presented in this paper identify a delay in childbearing in the
context of increasingly diverse partnership patterns. Nevertheless, childbirth remains
associated with being ever-married.
These findings suggest the importance of
research investigating changes in partnership formation as a precursor to fertility
decline. The gendered nature of shifts in partnership is striking. There is little
contemporary research on singleness for men22.
However, the association of
singleness with childlessness demonstrated here suggests the need for further research
encompassing a gendered analysis of changes in partnership formation more
generally, and the propensity to singleness in particular, in order to get a fuller picture
of the processes underlying delayed childbirth.
22
Until recently there has been relatively little research on singleness, however the past few years has
seen an increase in both historical research and research on contemporary singleness for women (see
Simpson 2005 for an overview).
14
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