Literacy in Conflict Situations
Dr. Ulrike Hanemann
UNESCO Institute for Education
Hamburg, Germany
March, 2005
Introduction
1
1. The context of conflict and post-conflict
Legal context
Some basic facts
Crisis affected populations
Strategies of UN and other international agencies related to EFA
Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE)
and Minimum Standards
2
2
2
3
4
2. The impact of conflict and post-conflict contexts on literacy
Conflict as a catalyst of illiteracy
Conflict as an opportunity for literacy and change
Issues which affect access to literacy programmes
Increasing literacy access to Afghan girls and women:
An example of good practice.
Issues affecting the implementation of literacy programmes
5
7
8
10
3. The impact of literacy on conflict and post-conflict contexts
The ambiguous role of literacy in the context of conflict
The peace-building potential of literacy provided by NGOs
Community participation and organization meeting the learning
needs of conflict-affected populations
Adolescents and youth: the untapped potential
Impact of the Adult Literacy Programme of the BEFARe Project on
Afghan Refugees in Pakistan
Impact of Women’s Literacy Project on beneficiaries in Kosovo
UNESCO Programme of Education for Emergencies and Reconstruction
(PEER)
14
14
15
5
10
12
17
18
19
19
20
4. Overcoming the marginal status of literacy within educational provision
in conflict or post-conflict situations
20
References
21
Endnotes
24
Literacy in Conflict Situations
Introduction
This paper offers an analysis of the available reports of UN and international agencies
working in education in conflict and post-conflict situations, relevant academic research,
country studies, impact studies of specific programmes in this field and of my own
experiences in the case of Kosovo and Afghanistan. It discusses the major issues affecting
youth and adult literacy in conflict and post-conflict situations utilising examples from
different countries. Bearing in mind that statistical data on literacy is notoriously incomplete
and unreliable, this is even more true for ‘conflict countries’ and poses particular challenges
in attempting to assess reality.
Education is attributed a key role in both preventing conflict and rebuilding post-conflict
societies. The dialectical approach to education, which was ceaselessly emphasized by the
Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, signifies within a scenario of conflict or post-conflict that
every education system has the potential to either aggravate the conditions that lead to violent
conflict or to overcome and heal them. However, independent from the potential role of
education to reverse or contribute to development, education systems are invariably
debilitated by conflict. How can EFA goals be achieved at the time when education systems
are damaged and under resourced? And which is the specific role and place of literacy in
contexts of conflict and post-conflict?
In 2000, at the World Education Forum in Dakar the issue of conflict as an impediment to the
achievement of EFA goals was analysed at a strategic session on Education in Situations of
Emergencies and Crisis. This followed an EFA Assessment Thematic Study on Education in
Situations of Emergency and Crisis (UNESCO, 1999) which concluded that ‘man made’ and
natural disasters1 have emerged as major barriers to the accomplishments of Education for
All2. As a consequence the main declaration of the Dakar Framework for Action emphasizes
that, “countries in transition, countries affected by conflict, and post-crisis countries must be
given the support they need to achieve more rapid progress towards education for all”3.
While emphasizing the “key role” of education “in preventing conflict in the future and
building lasting peace and stability”4, 180 countries committed to support strategies that
contribute to “meet the needs of education systems affected by conflict, natural calamities and
instability, and conduct educational programmes in ways that promote mutual understanding,
peace and tolerance, and that help to prevent violence and conflict”(Strategy Five)5.
So far only three countries – Canada, Norway and Sweden – have made clear commitments to
education for emergencies and declared that in such situations, ‘education will be a major
priority’ (Talbot, Ch. in: IWGE, 2003:71). In practice, the main focus of international support
to education systems in conflict or emerging from conflict is on primary education for
children. The achievement of EFA goal 4 (Achieving a 50 per cent improvement in levels of
adult literacy by 2015, especially for women) at best plays a marginal role within most of the
programmes for educational reconstruction. Literacy courses are mainly targeting women
within broader gender parity strategies or in recognition of their instrumental role as mothers
and developmental agents6. For example, the target population for literacy in Guinea Bissau
consists almost exclusively of women and unschooled young girls (IWGE, 2003:80/81). The
literacy program in post-conflict Kosovo was specially designed and developed for girls and
women (Hanemann, U., 2002). Furthermore, there is an increasing awareness of the
importance of addressing the educational needs of adolescents, youth and young adults in
conflict and post-conflict contexts, but altogether it has to be concluded that literacy and non1
formal basic education for youth and adults are not a priority in post-conflict reconstruction
and rehabilitation programmes.
1. The context of conflict and post-conflict
Since Dakar the global situation continues to be disturbing: Each year more than 30 million
people flee their homes as a result of conflict and natural disaster. Over 500,000 people are
killed in war. For many more people their ability to make a living is destroyed and their
families are torn apart. Since the atrocities of September 11th 2001 and in the context of the
“war on terror” (OXFAM, 2003:2), there have been trends which may have made civilians
even more vulnerable than before: Related military operations threaten to eclipse the suffering
of civilians targeted by warring parties; human rights considerations are being overridden;
substantial humanitarian aid is provided to “priority cases” like Afghanistan and Iraq while
very little remains for the rest of the countries in crisis7; and the independence and
impartiality of humanitarian aid is under threat by using the military to distribute it and
thereby entangling it with a counter-terrorism agenda (ibid.).
On the other hand, the sharing of responsibilities for refugees among the international
community has been difficult to achieve for the UNHCR, which is mandated to lead and coordinate international action to protect and cater for refugees worldwide. “Donor fatigue”
makes it harder to raise funds for refugee assistance and leads to “hospitality fatigue” in
countries experiencing a large influx of refugees8. This decade has been marked by a dramatic
increase in the number of internal conflicts and collapse of state structures in several
countries. While the number of refugees has decreased, the number of persons displaced
within their country has increased dramatically. It is evident that humanitarian action by itself
cannot resolve the root causes of conflict. Thus there is an urgent need for the international
community to improve the political will and capacity for crisis management along with firm
long-term development support.
Legal context
The UN Refugee Convention9 is the most important legal instrument for protection of
refugees. In Africa and Latin America, regional regulations have been adopted which
supplement and extend the UN Convention. European countries have not managed to agree on
a similar instrument. Instead, harmonization of refugee policy in Europe has tended to be led
more by efforts to prevent refugee ‘flows’ than from a will to strengthen the protection of
refugees. The right to education is articulated in many international documents, including the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Convention on the Rights of the Child
(1989), the Dakar World Education Forum Framework for Action (2000) and the Millennium
Development Goals (2000). The latter three state the right to quality education for all,
including those affected by emergencies. A UN Special Rapporteur on the right to education
is also monitoring the performance of this aspect in emergencies and conflict contexts.
Some basic facts
Currently 52 countries are considered ‘conflict countries’ (IWGE, 2003:74). The UNHCR
estimated in January 2004 that the total number of refugees, asylum-seekers and others of
concern amounted to 17.1 million. “People of concern to UNHCR” include refugees (about
57%), returned refugees (about 6%), asylum-seekers (about 6%)10, internally displaced (about
31%) and stateless persons11 in more than 150 countries (www.unhcr.ch, 21.02.05; UNHCR,
2005:19/20). However, statistical data is still unreliable and can just indicate trends due to the
2
difficulty to track the move of conflict affected people, particularly in the case of internal
displacement12. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) estimates that in 2003 nearly 25
million people (in 52 countries) were uprooted within their own country by conflicts and
human rights violations. The NRC therefore sees internal displacement as “one of the great
human tragedies of our time”. They criticize international public attention which continues to
focus on refugees who cross international borders, and that nearly a third of IDPs 13 are fully
or partially ignored by the UN (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2004:4). Palestinians comprise
the largest number of refugees and IDPs in the world, while Afghans occupy the second place
(UNDP, 2004 b:41/42).
Region:
Africa
Asia-Pacific
Middle East
Europe
Northern America
Latin America & Caribbean
Total:
Refugees, Asylum-seekers
and others (UNHCR-2004)
4,285,100
6,262,200
4,242,300
978,100
1,316,400
17,084,100
Internally Displaced Persons
(Global IDP Project, NRC- 2003)
12,700,000
3,600,000
2,000,000
3,000,000
3,300,000
24,600,000
Crisis affected populations
Each conflict is unique in its constellation of causes and processes. However, they all generate
terrible consequences for the men, women and children caught up in them. It is estimated that
almost 80% of the world’s refugees, returnees and internally displaced are women and
children (Johal, R., 2004:3). The Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, an
advocacy organization based in New York, estimates that at least half of all forced migrants
are children (Sommers, M., 2002:3). Women and children are increasingly the targets of war
and victims of rape, torture and abuse. Leaving their homes, villages or countries can put
women and children at a greater risk of violence, poverty and poor health because they lack
essentials such as access to accurate information, documentation, basic literacy and funds for
transportation. As a result they often experience a downward spiral of insecurity and
vulnerability. They are among the poorest in conflict and post-conflict settings and often see
themselves forced into unregulated or illegal jobs such as domestic work or prostitution.
Women and children have specific concerns when living as refugees in camps or as internally
displaced in urban settings. Their movement is usually linked to (or restricted by) levels of the
available assistance, the decisions of men in the family, their ability to temporarily leave
camps, and levels of safety within the host community and country. States have been erecting
barriers to the free movement of refugees including closing borders and increasing
deportations. Although increased attention is being given to gender and women in conflict and
post-conflict settings by the UN, international NGOs and donors, there are still many gaps and
unrealized opportunities to appropriately address the impact of migration and mobility on
war-affected populations, in particular women and children.
Participation of women and youth in shaping and monitoring policy and programs is weak,
“gender mainstreaming” initiatives still have to prove their effectiveness at the field level, and
UN bodies often choose not to advocate for rights and protection of women and children in
favour of maintaining “good relations” with the host country. Although most of the waraffected women are the poorest of the poor, refugees and internally displaced women and
children often remain invisible in development analysis and programs (ibid. 6-9).
3
The particular situation of adolescents and youth also tends to be overlooked because “It is
much easier to organize classes for very young children” (Sinclair, M., 2001:33).
The particular risks for war-affected adolescents are that they are more likely to be recruited
into military service than younger children; they attend school in far fewer numbers than other
children and in turn, adolescent girls are more likely than adolescent boys to miss out on
education. They are also particularly vulnerable to economic exploitation and are at a higher
risk of contracting HIV/AIDS and other STDs. Adolescent girls may be more likely than
younger girls to be sexually abused. Adolescents may head households after losing their
parents and may lose traditional opportunities to learn a trade which may, in addition to a lack
of opportunities for gainful employment and meaningful role in society, make them
increasingly vulnerable to the lure of participating in armed conflict and prostitution. When
assuming adult responsibilities they have to manage without sufficient support. Despite the
challenges they face their opinions are seldom asked (Women’s Commission for Refugee
Women and Children, 2000:4/5). The issue of out-of-school children is frequently forgotten
on the agenda of educational provision in conflict and reconstruction contexts. Non-formal
and more flexible approaches need to be found for this specific group.
The problem of child-soldiers has become acute during the nineties. For example, in Liberia,
Sierra Leone, Cambodia and other countries, adolescent boys and girls under the age of 18
have been recruited as soldiers. These young people need not just ordinary schooling but
entire processes of re-education. They tend to be ignored by ministries of education and taken
up by NGOs instead.
Strategies of UN and other international agencies related to EFA
In recent years there has been a rise in awareness of the need for non-formal and formal
education programmes in emergency situations. A broad consensus has emerged about the
need to see education as a priority humanitarian response and to ensure a minimum level of
quality, access and accountability for education in situations of crisis (INEE, 2004:6).
The principal UN agencies involved in education programs during emergencies are UNHCR,
UNICEF and UNESCO. UNHCR’s mandate is to assist refugees and to support repatriation,
resettlement or integration of conflict-affected populations. UNICEF has the mandate to care
for the world’s children, which is generally broadly interpreted. Their capacity to respond in
conflict and post-conflict situations is the largest. UNESCO is the UN agency mandated to
oversee education globally, yet it is the least funded of the three agencies focusing on
education in emergencies and its role is not clearly defined. Other key players in the field of
emergency education are the World Bank, UNDP, USAID, Norwegian Refugee Council,
GTZ, Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, the International Save the
Children Alliance, the International Rescue Committee, CARE International, Jesuit Refugee
Service, and OXFAM. Many of these agencies co-operate on the ground with local NGOs.
None of the international agencies has a specific policy or strategy aiming at literacy or adult
and youth basic education, but there are general guidelines for educational response in
complex emergencies, crisis and reconstruction (e.g. UNHCR, 2003; UNESCO, 2002 and
2003 a; Sommers, M., 2001; Salinas, C./ Müller, G., 1999; Aguilar, P./ Retamal, G., 1998). At
present the commitment and common platform of the international community is to promote
the right to Education for All within the Dakar Framework for Action. The need for interagency cooperation and partnership that links crisis to reconstruction programmes is also
broadly recognized. This has not always been easy and without “clashes” (Sommers, M.,
4
2002:14). But more recent situations, for example in Kosovo, Timor-Leste and Afghanistan,
have seen improvements in the degree and effectiveness of co-ordination and co-operation of
international agencies.
Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE) and Minimum Standards
As recommended by the World Education Forum in Dakar, a first Global Consultation on Education in
Emergencies took place in Geneva in November 2000, which led to the establishment of the InterAgency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE). Since then the 900-member network14 has
strengthened the focus on the EFA flagship ‘Education in Emergencies’ and has brought together a
great number of actors advocating for education to be included in emergency response and to improve
quality of education in conflict-affected countries.
Minimum Standards on Education in Emergencies, Chronic Crises and Early Reconstruction were
launched at the second Global Consultation held in Cape Town in December 2004. The standards are a
result of an impressive process of inter-agency collaboration involving some 2,250 people from more
than 50 countries in all regions15. The standards, indicators and guidance notes that articulate the
minimum level of educational access and services to be attained in emergencies, through to the early
reconstruction stage, are meant to encourage governments and the international humanitarian aid
community to rebuild education systems of good quality with a better gender balance and content that
promotes peace.
2. The impact of conflict and post-conflict contexts on literacy
The statistical inaccuracy of data on conflict affected populations presents a serious constraint
on the ability to accurately estimate the impact on education systems. What is certain is that
conflict has a devastating impact on education and literacy, both in terms of the suffering and
psychological impact on learners and teachers, and in terms of the degradation of the material
conditions and infrastructure. Yet the impact of conflict and post-conflict contexts on literacy
varies very significantly with the specific context and can only be sufficiently understood in
light of the specific conditions unique to any particular country.
Understanding the linkages between literacy and conflict is an important issue for defining
and implementing adequate EFA strategies. According to the UNDP Human Development
Index (HDI) 31.4% of the countries are ranked as high human development, 49.2% as
medium human development, and 19.4% as low human development countries. However,
60% of countries that rank low on the HDI suffer serious conflict, whereas only 24% of the
medium ranking countries do so. They show a strong correlation between their status in
human development and the propensity to conflict. Moreover, of the 25 countries with the
worldwide lowest adult literacy rates in 2000-2004 (below 50%) 12 are countries with
conflicts or emerging from conflicts16. If we also consider Côte d’Ivoire, Angola and Somalia
in this category, then more than half of these countries are conflict affected and a clear
correlation between illiteracy and conflict can be determined.
A recent study on gender and conflict shows that of the 25 countries with the lowest levels of
female adult literacy, 10 are either experiencing armed conflicts or recovering from it17 (Kirk,
J., 2004:1). The probability of most of these countries to meeting EFA goal 4 is minimal. In a
recent meeting of the International Working Group on Education, 68% of the ‘conflict
countries’ were assessed to be ‘off-track’ in their trajectory to meet the EFA goals (IWGE,
2003:75).
5
Countries with major or isolated conflicts and countries emerging from conflicts and their adult
literacy rates18:
Countries/ territories with Countries
with
isolated Countries emerging from
major current conflicts
conflicts or rebellions
conflicts (since 1990)
Country
Adult literacy Country
Adult literacy Country
Adult literacy
rate
rate
rate
(15 and over)
(15 and over)
(15 and over)
Total
Total
Total
Men/Women
Men/Women
Men/Women
Burundi
50.4%
Armenia
99.4
Afghanistan
Data
57.7%/43.6%
99.7%/99.2%
unavailable
28.7% (6)
43.2%/14.1%
Colombia
92.1%
Azerbaijan
Data
Angola
Data
92.1%/92.2%
unavailable
unavailable
97.0% (1)
42% (1)
DR Congo
Data
Burma
85.3%
Bosnia
and 94.6%
unavailable
(Myanmar)
89.2%/81.4%
Herzegovina
98.4%/91.1%
61.4% (1)
Côte d’Ivoire
Data
Georgia
Data
Cambodia
69.4%
unavailable
unavailable
80.4%/59.3%
46.8% (1)
100% (1)
Iraq
Data
Indonesia
87.9%
Central
48.6%
unavailable
92.5%/83.4%
African
64.7%/33.5%
55.9% (1)
Republic
Liberia
55.9%
Kyrgyzstan
Data
East Timor
Data
72.3%/39.3%
unavailable
unavailable
97% (1)
56% (5)
Somalia
Data
Nepal
44%
Eritrea
Data
unavailable
61.6%/26.4%
unavailable
24% (3)
55.7% (1)
36%/40%
Sudan
Data
Philippines
92.6%
Ethiopia
41.5%
unavailable
92.5%/92.7%
49.2%/33.8%
57.8% (1)
Palestinian
Data
Russian
99.6%
El Salvador
79.7%
Autonomous
unavailable
Federation,
99.7%/99.5%
82.4%/77.1%
Territories
89.2% (4)
Chechnya:
93% (2)
Sri Lanka
92.1%
Guatemala
69.9%
94.7%/89.6%
77.3%/62.5%
Tajikistan
99.5%
Guinea-Bissau Data
99.7%/99.3%
unavailable
38.5% (1)
Uganda
68.9%
Haiti
51.9%
78.8%/59.2%
53.8%/50%
Uzbekistan
99.3%
Kosovo
Data
99.6%/98.9%
unavailable
Lebanon
Data
unavailable
86.0% (1)
Mozambique
46.5%
62.3%/31.4%
Nicaragua
76.7%
76.8%/76.6%
Republic
of 82.8%
6
Congo
Rwanda
Sierra Leone
88.8%/77.1%
69.2%
75.3%/63.4%
Data
unavailable
36.0% (1)
Source: UNESCO (2004)
(1)http://www.worldata.org/Y/2000/1%20VP/Science/Education/literacy_rate_15/%25/V/Total%20Population/v
p_ok.htm
(2) http://www.tradeport.org/countries/chechnya/01grw.html
(3) http://www.hmnet.com/africa/somalia/somalia.html
(4) http://www.undp.org/hdr2003/indicator/cty_f_PSE.html
(5) http://www.geocities.com/alextilman/
(6) UNDP, 2004:28
Conflict as a catalyst of illiteracy
During wartime and prolonged conflict the school buildings and infrastructure are damaged or
destroyed, qualified teachers are displaced and the lack of security prevents parents from
sending their children, particularly their daughters, to school. Because of chronic conflict
access to education in parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and southern
Sudan is minimal. In Somalia only 21% of school-age boys and 13% of girls are in school; of
those who are able to attend primary school only 20% reach fifth grade (Sommers, M.,
2002:1). Dysfunctional formal school systems continuously produce illiterates and make the
progress towards achieving EFA by the year 2015 painfully slow. According to current
prognosis the figure of 120 million children who were lacking educational opportunities in
2000 will have improved only 10% by 2015 (Midttun, E.K., 2005:5).
The latest Refugee Education Indicators and Gap Analysis released by UNHCR in June 2004
(UNHCR, 2004 b) covering 118 refugee camps in 23 Asylum countries, provide an overview
of five education indicators19 and also allow to quantify the gaps that UNHCR’s educational
programmes need to bridge to meet these standards. Not surprisingly, the average does not
meet the standards in any of the five indicators. Only one quarter of the 860 schools included
in the analysis reported that they have girl retention initiatives which aim at preventing girls
from dropping out of schools due to household responsibilities, obligations to contribute to
family income, religious or cultural constraints. Drop-out rates seem to be an important
problem in some camps in Guinea, Democratic Republic of Congo, Pakistan and Tanzania.
Only 67% of the camps achieved to meet the standard of 90% of students who successfully
completed the school year. In the camps which reported this indicator, some 50,000 refugee
children dropped out during the school year which may afterwards cause increased rates of
out-of-school children and illiterates.
Forced migrant children in refugee and IDP camps normally have the best chances of access
to primary school, although, support for refugee schooling is usually far greater than anything
available for internally displaced children. UNESCO’s Programme for Education in
Emergencies and Reconstruction (PEER) in East Africa or the Basic Education for Afghan
Refugees (BEFARe) programme run by the German GTZ in Pakistan are examples of
extensive, well equipped provisions for refugees that have been operational for many years.
Children not living in camps are likely to not attend formal schools. Little is known about
their lives and learning opportunities. In all cases girls generally are far less likely to be
attending school than boys (Sommers, M., 2002:28).
7
Another group at high risk of being illiterate are persons affected by mines, war, disease or
congenital disabilities. For example, it is estimated that in Afghanistan around four per cent of
the population is impaired which means approximately one million people. Men represent 78
per cent of those with disabilities. Half of the men and almost all the women with disabilities
which were surveyed by the Ministry of Martyrs and Disabled in 2003 were illiterate (UNDP,
2004 b:41).
In spite of the good work being done for Afghan refugees in the camps in Pakistan, where
more than half of the school-going age children go to school, the majority of refugees who
have returned to Afghanistan have had to do so without having received any formal education
at all, neither at home in Afghanistan before they became refugee or while being refugees in
Pakistan. Atle Hetland, who is working with Afghan refugee education in Pakistan, estimates
that two-thirds of the returned refugees have no literacy and no formal vocational training.
According to his opinion it is not likely that they will be given priority in primary education
or adult education at home in Afghanistan upon return. Those who stayed at home over the 25
years of war are in even greater need of basic education, literacy, general knowledge and
skills training (Hetland, A, 2005:1).
Conflict as an opportunity for literacy and change
Populations lack basic literacy, language and life skills for survival in many different settings,
such as refugees and IDPs who are forced to live in areas where they don’t know the
language, minority communities or youth who have been excluded from the educational
system, female or child-headed households who due to death or separation lack a family
member with basic literacy and numeracy skills and persons with disability who could not
benefit from self-sufficiency education. People who have not had the opportunity to learn how
to read or write for various reasons may have access to literacy and basic education as a result
of social changes caused by conflict.
Once the conflict is settled, a new political space opens for change and reform due to a public
that normally places high expectations on change, a sudden influx of resources for change and
reduced resistance to it from bureaucratic structures which often have been weakened. Needs
assessment and accordingly more realistic and participatory planning of educational
interventions allow for re-balancing inequities in terms of access and quality of treatment for
different social groups that may have existed in the pre-conflict education system.
Reconstruction also provides the opportunity to re-orient priorities. Within a sector-wide
approach to the education system in countries with low literacy and basic education profiles it
will be necessary to focus first on the basic cycle of education. Through the expansion of
access to and improvement of the quality of basic education existing inequities can be
addressed and this demonstration of early impact will help to consolidate the peace.
Trying to follow the appeal of influential UN agencies to use emergencies and early
reconstruction for transformation of education systems, with rather a developmental approach
than one of humanitarian assistance20, educational planners and strategists, in practice
however, often concentrate their resources and energies on the mainstream formal schooling
system while literacy and youth and adult basic education are frequently small in scale,
marginalized or completely consigned to NGOs and civil society institutions.
In post-conflict Kosovo the UN Interim Administration (UNMIK) missed the opportunity to
integrate literacy and adult education into the new education system. Meanwhile a literacy
programme for women and girls was started by a network of 21 local womens’ NGOs co8
ordinated by the Kosovar SOROS Foundation and financed and promoted by UNICEF, to
whom this task was assigned as the ‘leading agency’. Only after UNMIK had handed over the
authority for education to the local government in 2003, was a unit for adult and lifelong
learning established within the Ministry of Education which took over the co-ordination of the
ongoing literacy programme. The concern for rebuilding and transforming education systems
in post-conflict countries rarely manifests itself in substantial programs that address the
learning needs of youth and adults.
The controversial role of UNMIK in rebuilding and reforming the education system in postconflict Kosovo was analysed in a recent study by Marc Sommers and Peter Buckland (2004).
The authors illustrate how UNMIK’s leadership of the Department of Education and Science
missed the opportunity to draw from Kosovo’s educational heritage and marginalised
experienced local educators when implementing “dramatic reform” and even renewal “had
become the order of the day”. The handover process three years later was limited in large part,
“because building capacity and trust and developing a receptive system were not awarded a
particularly high priority” (Sommers, M./ Buckland, P., 2005:38). This study highlights the
need to find a balance between enduring traditions and visionary changes, to provide training
in conflict prevention, mitigation and resolution and to promote coexistence initiatives in the
context of ethnic discrimination to work in a way that enhances capacity and trust.
Education in post-war Afghanistan is considered a key component in influencing awareness
of life opportunities. Although the literacy rate in Afghanistan is today one of the lowest in
the world, literacy is not among the government’s top priorities for the education sector so far.
Only with some good will can one discover it within the last two (out of seven) priorities:
Promoting long-distance education programmes and eliminating prevailing gender disparities
(UNDP, 2004 b:70). Nevertheless, the recent national human development report advocates
strongly for the provision of equal access to a basic and balanced education system. This
should also include increased allocations and support for “general, non-formal, functional
literacy, vocational and teacher education programmes, and distance radio learning to
compensate for the lack of capacity in remote areas of the country”. The report also
recommends giving further attention to the “lost generation – an entire population of Afghans
aged 12 to 30 whose education was terminated by ongoing conflict” (ibid.:71).
At the same time, the UNDP report provides a critical assessment of the role the international
community is taking in the reconstruction and peace-building process in Afghanistan.
International aid has a long and controversial record in Afghanistan. Aid agencies and donors
are asked to be more self-critical and learn from past mistakes. Adequate consultation,
community participation and real needs assessment were sacrificed on the altar of the urgency
of international pledging conferences and the pressure from the international community to
deliver. The report advocates ensuring “Afghan ownership” in designing strategies and for
resisting the temptation of quick-fix projects that demonstrate immediate results. It is
necessary to recognize the “importance of letting the Afghan political process mature, while
promoting reforms and policy priorities that have long-term implications.” Capacity-building
cannot be “rushed”. (ibid:214-219). This is particularly true for the education sector.
The examples of educational reconstruction in Kosovo (Sommers, M./ Buckland, P., 2004),
Timor-Leste (Nicolai, S., 2004; Millo, Y./ Barnett, J., 2004), Afghanistan (UNDP, 2004 b),
Rwanda (Obura, A., 2005) and other countries (The World Bank, 2005) illustrate that the
opportunities to introduce changes that transform education systems can only bear fruit with
time, patience and local involvement. It is difficult and takes more time to work in a way that
9
enhances capacity and builds the necessary consensus. But experience shows that this helps to
ensure that changes become a sustainable and lasting part of the education system.
Issues which affect access to literacy programmes
In conflict-affected contexts many barriers may exist for adults attending literacy classes.
Primary barriers may include where and when classes are held as well as attitudes towards
adults, specifically while being educated. Other issues that may hamper access to literacy
provisions are age, gender, language, religion, cultural norms and traditions, ethnicity,
nutritional state, health, in particular HIV/AIDS, disability and other kinds of vulnerabilities.
Poverty is a strong factor which pushes people in or from conflict-affected countries into all
kinds of activities to secure survival of their families and at the same time prevents them from
using educational opportunities. The access to quality humanitarian assistance and services,
including food aid, shelter material and basic health services is often a precondition for
refugees to be able to participate in literacy and adult basic education programmes. After the
conflict is over, international aid for the provision of literacy and adult basic education
programmes for returnees and IDPs decreases or shifts completely towards building capacities
in the areas prioritized by new governments. In the face of shrinking inflows of external aid,
these priorities usually focus on formal education.
Security concerns, limited mobility and lack of funds can restrict the educational options,
particularly for girls and women. The search for physical protection is a driving force for
refugees affected and traumatized by war. In most situations girls and women would not
attend classes which took place at distant and inaccessible locations or in the evenings due to
security concerns. Social and religious norms as well as policies on women’s freedom of
movement can also restrict women’s mobility, as is the case in Afghanistan and Iraq21. These
include access to documentation, money to pay for transportation and male escorts.
A study by the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children on Afghan women
and girls returning from Iran to the Herat Province in Afghanistan in 2001, found only 30% of
the entire sample literate. The study also identified a number of reasons why women did not
attend adult literacy classes organized by the Iranian Literacy Movement Organization. Time
and distance seemed to be the most important factor. Mobility and conservative cultural
patterns also played a role. The number of literate females increased the longer they were in
Iran. Some adults felt ashamed to go to literacy classes. Women had to look after children and
disabled family members or were suffering from trauma and nervous disorders. Another
reason why most adults did not benefit from any outreach services could be that many of the
latest refugees in Iran are ‘illegal immigrants’ and have had to avoid contact with formal
institutions in order to escape detection and deportation (Azerbaijani-Moghadam, S., 2001).
The latter reason, paired with a lack of information and language problems is also preventing
‘illegal’ immigrants, who fled from their crisis-affected countries to industrialized countries,
from making use of existing literacy and language courses.
Increasing literacy access to Afghan girls and women: An example of good practice.
Gender in Afghanistan has to be analyzed in the historical context of the culture, religion and politics
of the country. The advancement of educational progress for girls and women should be based on a
thorough understanding of the local culture and traditions within a Muslim society and on the
priorities of Afghan women as they themselves define them. A safe environment, free from violence
and abuse, is a precondition for a sustainable recovery processes. If women are not able or allowed to
visit literacy courses in public spaces then educational providers have to find a way to use or create
10
specific protected spaces where female participants feel safe, and which are culturally acceptable for
their male family members. In other words: If girls and women do not come to school, the school has
to move where girls and women are, and these are their homes. In recent years home-based schooling
has proven to be a viable alternative that goes beyond war, conflict and the Taliban-restricted context.
Community-based home schools were already set up in the beginning of the nineties with the support
of UN and other international agencies. These schools mushroomed in the major cities in Afghanistan
during the Taliban regime22 and also expanded to different refugee education programmes in Pakistan.
The GTZ run Basic Education for the Afghan Refugee Project (BEFARe)23 in Pakistan was one of the
world’s biggest education projects for refugees until December 2003. BEFARe has many years of
experience with literacy and basic education courses for Afghan refugees of whom more than one
million are still registered as living in various camps and urban centers in Pakistan. One of the
organization’s lessons learnt was that girls and women are more likely to make use of educational
provisions if they take place in specific “female spaces”, which are not public and which are
experienced by learners as protected areas. The home-school approach is responsive to this
requirement as it provides non-formal education to female learners in private houses, often in the
facilitator’s house, and increases the access opportunities for girls and women. During the initial
implementation of the adult literacy programme it was realized that there was a large number of dropout children in the communities who were without access to education due to their advanced age. This
is why it was deemed appropriate to offer accelerated home-based schooling to this specific target
group as they were too old to be admitted to the formal primary schools, and too young to be in the
adult literacy courses run and implemented by BEFARe.
The specific location of each home school was determined by the community and the availability of
the teacher who was expected to run the programme in his or her home. The guiding principle that
BEFARe followed to make the courses accessible to girls and women was simple: Once the
programme is acceptable by the male members of the community then it is easier to offer to the female
target group. The elders and religious leaders usually had a look at the pictures of the instructional and
learning material, - many of them were not literate enough themselves to check in detail the texts, and normally they did not have any objections to the curriculum to be taught to their female
community members. A lot of integrated quotations from the Qu’ran were also helpful in achieving
the approval of the mullahs in each refugee camp.
Once the identified teachers fulfill the established criteria, they are provided with specific teacher
training. This is backed by regular monitoring, on-the-job training and regular refresher training. They
are also provided with relevant instructional and learning material including blackboards, canvas,
chalk, textbooks, teacher’s guides and stationery. The courses are then initiated according to a
schedule agreed upon by the teacher, the community and the organization. Keeping in view the
logistics and judicious utilization of available resources the schedule seeks to be as flexible as
possible. This is in order to make it more convenient for the participants of the community to attend,
and the organization to monitor and supervise it. Part of the community’s commitment towards the
programme is to ensure the regular participation of learners, especially the girls.
The basic literacy level and mathematics use the same material for male and female participants, who
study in separated groups. In the reader courses however, different textbooks for men and women are
used. For adult female participants specific topics such as mother and children’s health, breastfeeding,
family planning and child care are incorporated in the curriculum. Recently, complementary topics
have been integrated into the literacy course such as modules on gender orientation, vocational
education and skills training. Also a Family Health Book for men and woman is addressing issues
such as prostitution, drugs and HIV/AIDS which are problems increasingly affecting Afghan refugees.
The home school literacy classes for out-of-school children, which were reported to be very popular,
use formal schoolbooks. By providing women and girls with life skills they are increasingly
empowered to improve their status in the family and community, and promote their involvement in
community activities. Some of the female participants of BEFARe courses have even become teachers
in formal schools.
11
Not many problems are reported in running courses at private houses but in some cases a lack of space
results in overcrowding of classes. The home school approach is considered an example of good
practice because they are more acceptable to the community and provide flexible and protected
learning environments. Home-based courses are of short duration, which enables the female
participants to give more time to their families, and they are also cost effective. At the end of 2003
BEFARe reported that the percentage of female students has increased to 61 per cent in adult literacy
courses and to 52 per cent in the home school programme, meanwhile in the formal school programme
girls still represent a modest 27 per cent24.
The main achievements of the BEFARe project include increasing the refugees’ awareness and interest
in education, increasing access to literacy and basic education for all, particularly for females,
increasing community’s involvement in education and increasing the quality of teaching and learning.
These achievements have to be understood as a result of a long-term process. However, in order to
gradually and successfully enhance girls’ and women’s access to education these efforts have to be
complemented with a well-designed strategy25 that addresses both male and female learners and
teachers simultaneously.
The home-based approach seems to be a promising model that may help to achieve the EFA goal 4 in
Afghanistan, particularly for women in the rural, tribal and under serviced areas. The experiences
analysed, both in Afghanistan and Pakistan, illustrate that home-based education is likely to remain for
a long time essential in enabling girls and women access to literacy education. But educational
authorities should find ways to integrate the home-school model into the mainstream system and to
provide more adequate support for teachers. The previous experience and alternative qualifications of
home-based teachers is an important asset for the future development of the Afghan education system
and should be formally recognized by the authorities in order to ensure that they are fully integrated
and further available to the system.
Issues affecting the implementation of literacy programmes
The implementation of literacy programmes is affected by severe security situations which, in
many cases restricts humanitarian operations. This includes the limitations of access to and
movement around the affected countries and areas for international staff engaged in education
programmes in emergency and reconstruction settings. Related activities in the field of
literacy could only start a couple of months ago in war-torn Iraq26. Ongoing literacy
programmes may be affected or even temporarily interrupted by setbacks due to violent
incidents (e.g. in Kosovo March 2004), political processes towards a new constitution and
presidential elections (e.g. Afghanistan since December 2003) and security-related problems.
Changes within the Ministry of Education following elections including the appointment of
new officials in charge of non-formal education and literacy programmes may also affect the
continuity of the so far developed work within the framework of reconstruction policies.
Capacity building efforts made through training, study visits and other counterpart schemes
are undermined by frequent staff changes within governmental institutions in recovery and
reconstruction.
The curriculum is impacted by conflict in several ways, for example with relation to the
language used, the issue of using standardized curricula in a context of cultural diversity and
plural societies, and perceptions of bias and exclusion. In Kosovo the imposition of the
Serbian curriculum and language as the only medium of instruction were critical factors in the
creation of the ‘parallel education’ system during the 1990’s. Security reasons prevented
many parents from sending their daughters to school, in particular in rural and remote areas.
For this reason the literacy survey conducted by UNICEF in Kosovo in 2001 found that about
40% of women aged between 16 and 35 were illiterate, and almost 80% of the surveyed
12
women did not complete the compulsory 8 years of Basic Education (Vrenezi, N./ Gjurgjeala,
J., 2002).
Very little research has been done so far on the role that literacy may play in reproducing the
attitudes, values and social relations underlying civil conflict and violence. After the conflict,
when a group of Kosovar Albanian teachers and NGO co-ordinators drafted a literacy and
adult basic education curriculum for girls and women in Kosovo they decided not to address
political or religious issues in the primer. This was understandable within a highly politicized
environment. However, this intention turned out to be unachievable since the authors of the
textbooks were part of the context and all of them in one way or another were personally
affected by the conflict. Expressions of partiality were probably the price that had to be paid
for a participatory process of curriculum development. Trauma, psychological stress and
emotional wounds need both time and protected spaces such as the literacy classes to heal.
The Afghan women who were involved in the development of a literacy programme in
2002/03, mainly employees of the Ministry of Education, decided to base their curriculum on
the principles of the Islamic religion. However, distancing themselves from the
fundamentalist and ultra conservative way of interpreting the Qu’ran, they sought to offer
progressive ways of ‘reading’ Islam. The pedagogical method focused on the development of
dialogical skills and the use of reasoned argument within family contexts. Within this
empowering literacy approach learners are encouraged to gain the support of their families as
a first step back to public life in society which was denied to girls and women during the
Taliban regime.
Just as literacy has the potential to instil new values, attitudes, skills and behaviours, it can
also help promote new social relations that will build resilience to conflict and trauma. In the
case of the literacy programmes for women in Kosovo and Afghanistan, the development of a
culture of dialogue and awareness about the need to change unequal, unjust and violent
relationships is part of the intended curriculum.
Advising to avoid ready-made curricula may be easier than putting it into practice, due to the
urgency to create quick responses to existing learning needs. However, in both cases of
Kosovo and Afghanistan it was decided to use the opportunity to build capacities for
curriculum development. Conducting curriculum development workshops with inexperienced
female staff took, of course, much more time than it would have taken if the literacy material
would have been translated and adapted from existing “packages”. With this approach
however, ownership of the programme would have been debilitated and opportunities to build
institutional and local capacities would have not be taken advantage of. On the other hand,
mainly due to the lack of local capacities in graphic design and editorial work, the material
production went so slow that the beginning of courses had to be delayed in several occasions
with the inherent risk of discontinuing the learning process.
Despite the fact that high illiteracy levels for women and girls in Afghanistan continue to be
not only a primary obstacle to their full participation in society but also to their health and
well-being27, many men seem to feel threatened by the attention and funding that is being
directed towards women in the post-Taliban period (UNDP, 2004 b:81). This also seems to be
one of the main reasons why the literacy programme for women which was started by the
Afghan Education Ministry with support from UNICEF and UNESCO in 2002 could not
continue to be implemented during the whole of 2004. The UN and other international
agencies prefer not to further complicate the already complex relationship with Afghan
authorities through the thorny issue of gender discrimination. In addition to the violation of
13
women’s right to basic education and development, in this case a vast potential of human
resources remains unused for reconstruction and economical recovery.
Furthermore, the lack of educational provisions for the “overwhelming majority of the
younger generation (men as well as women) has left a huge gap in the general capacity of the
nation to resume control of its affairs”(UNDP, 2004 b:217). This signifies that international
efforts to build Afghan capacities for literacy and non-formal education will be a process that
will necessarily be slow and hampered by bottlenecks. The implementation of the LAND
Afghan project (Literacy and Non-formal Education Development in Afghanistan), which was
started in 2003 in the Afghan Department of Functional Literacy with financial and technical
assistance from UNESCO/ Japanese Funds in Trust, was mainly affected by low levels of
capacity and competencies within the national staff. Substantial progress in developing a
curriculum framework and learning materials could only happen during the periods when an
international consultant was present and taking the lead of the activities28.
The new Afghan Constitution, ratified in January 2004, provides a framework for the
protection of citizens’ educational rights. Article 44 explicitly mentions the state’s obligation
to promote education for women, to improve education of the nomads (Kuchi) and to
eliminate illiteracy in the country. However, in Article 45 the right “to devise and implement
a unified educational curriculum based on the provisions of the sacred religion of Islam” is
exclusively left to the state. Literacy courses can also be established by the citizens of
Afghanistan “with the permission of the state” (Article 46). But within the established
framework and in a society ruled by a traditional culture which is “intensely patriarchal”, it
will probably take long for women to achieve literacy (UNDP, 2004 b:131, 77).
3. The impact of literacy on conflict and post-conflict contexts
The accountability of literacy and adult basic education programmes implemented or
supported by international agencies is reduced mainly to financial, administrative, operational
and technical aspects. It is extremely difficult to find evaluation studies that would assess the
impact of literacy programmes on learners and their conflict-affected environment. Usually
empirical evidence is missing in cases where relevant statements are made in terms of peacebuilding and stability-promoting effects of educational interventions. Despite this
shortcoming it is worthwhile to analyse some good practice examples that reflect innovative
ways towards building sustainable peace in communities and societies.
The ambiguous role of literacy in the context of conflict
Generally literacy and education are seen as inherently benevolent and conducive to reducing
and overcoming instability and violence. However, examples from different countries show
that education may become a contested terrain under conditions of inter-ethnic conflicts and
politically charged environments. In Kosovo the rebellion of Albanians against the rule of the
Serbian Milosevic government prior to NATO’s aerial incursion revolved partly around the
`parallel system’ for education that they created29. Education still remains one of the chief
settings where tensions between Albanians and Serbs play themselves out (Sommers, M./
Buckland, P. 2004). Education was also a cause of the conflict in Nepal and then became one
of its main battlegrounds when the Maoist insurgency attacked schools and started to run
schools in areas where they have gained control (UNDP, 2004 a). In Timor-Leste school
achievement were significantly lower for Timorese (80% of the 16-18 year old age group)
than in the rest of Indonesia (nearly 100%; The World Bank, 2005:10), which may have
contributed to instil Timoreses’ desire for independence.
14
A recent UNICEF study highlights some negative aspects of education in relation to conflict,
such as the use of education as a weapon in cultural repression of minorities (e.g. suppression
of language, traditions, art forms, religious practices and cultural values), segregated
education that serves to maintain inequality between social groups (e.g. unequal education
access on ethnic lines was a critical factor influencing the outbreak of war in Burundi) , denial
of education as a weapon of war (e.g. the forced closure of schools for Palestinian children by
Israel during the Intifada), the manipulation of history and textbooks for political purposes,
the inculcation of attitudes of superiority, and also negative practices of gender-based
discrimination (Bush, K./ Saltarelli, D., 2000:3). Therefore, literacy and education cannot be
tackled in isolation. Their role and potential to exacerbate conflict must be carefully analysed
and comprehensively understood in relation to the various social, political, ethnical, cultural,
religious and security dimensions of the conflict or post-conflict situation.
Any substantial progress in peace-building and social development has to be inclusive and
allow for participatory processes, one of the prerequisites for this is literacy. The recent
national human development report on Afghanistan emphasises the potential of education and
literacy programmes to significantly improve human security. These programmes raise “not
only the levels of literacy but also have a host of positive externalities ranging from improved
household health management, to expanded decision-making capabilities, more informed
resource management” (UNDP, 2004 b:203). However, until the full deployment of this
potential will be possible, others will have taken the decision-making positions in the society
thereby increase the risk of excluding and disempowering the largely illiterate Afghan
population which is “still struggling for physical survival and coming to terms with its losses”
(ibid., 218).
The peace-building potential of literacy provided by NGOs
Generally, non-governmental organizations enjoy more liberties in providing the kind of
literacy education they consider appropriate, because they may usually act under the lee of
governments which are more affected by politically charged environments. This applies, for
example, to the selection of language in which literacy programmes are offered or to specific
skills and thematic areas which are emphasised in the curriculum in response to the learning
needs of diverse target groups. Many NGOs view literacy as only one component embedded
in broader developmental strategies. Literacy in combination with life skills and vocational
training is a very common feature. Frequently, these NGOs have long standing experiences
and can quickly provide literacy programmes after conflicts. Such is the case of the Sierra
Leone Adult Education Association (SLADEA) which has been engaged in adult non-formal
education programmes since 1978. Currently, the organisation is tailoring its adult education
programme to the post-war context through a strategy that empowers the young and adult
population, especially women in response to their new roles as family heads, single parents
and bread-winners which has followed the death of their husbands and male partners during
the war30.
The Colombian NGO CLEBA, which also can look back on a forty-year long experience of
literacy work in Medellín, emphasizes a multipart approach to adult literacy education
including teacher training, participatory research, the creation and publication of teaching
materials and the start-up of new projects. Its methodological approach, called “pedagogy of
the text”, is aiming at the creation of authentic texts by learners based on their own real-life
experiences. About 900 men and women, who have been forced to migrate to a marginalized
urban sector of Medellín from rural communities heavily affected by the armed conflict,
15
participate in an adult literacy project which focuses on the key thematics of citizenship and
peace education31. Mobilizing peoples’ capacity for resilience through writing down and
sharing their experiences with others seems to be a promising approach in coming to terms
with their multiple traumas and shifting toward constructive action.
A similar example of good practice of an NGO with a long standing experience in adult
literacy and post-literacy work with refugees and displaced communities in Sudan seems to be
the Sudan Open Learning Organisation (SOLO) set up in 1984 by the UK-based International
Extension College. In response to the need to follow up the literacy classes, and a profound
lack of reading and writing materials for the newly ‘literate’ and their social exclusion, SOLO
pioneered the ‘Building Literacy in Sudan with SOLO Press project’ (BLSP). BLSP uses a
‘confidence-building literacy’ approach which enables newly literate refugees and IDPs to
write and publish their own stories in the form of books, magazines and newsletters.
Furthermore, the project seeks to encourage displaced readers to read on a daily basis. From
modest beginnings SOLO Press has become a fully-fledged commercial educational publisher
generating income which provides SOLO with a more secure base to sustain its education
activities.
BLSP has created 28 ‘circles’ among refugees and IDPs with some 1,800 members, the vast
majority of whom combine circle membership with additional community activity (building
drainage systems, carrying out income-generating activities, etc.). On an individual basis,
people are now writing letters to family members, reading to their children, reading
newspapers and teaching other family members to read and write. Community Liaison
Workers (CLWs) were recruited from the camps and settlements and trained in selecting
participants, facilitating circle development and encouraging participants to write, read and
edit their own stories. Once, when ideas generated by the circles resulted in published stories
and community-based sensitisation campaigns, the interest and motivation of participants and
potential participants grew dramatically. The volume and range of writing produced in the
groups has been impressive, with hundreds of personal stories already written in several
languages. A comprehensive commissioning process enables project staff and beneficiaries to
choose which stories go through for publication. A new spirit of self-confidence, motivation
and co-ordination can be detected. This form of applied confidence-building literacy
generates empowerment. The challenge for this project, which embarked in an open process,
will be to creatively meet the expectations of the participants through enhancing their
ownership. BLSP seems to be a model with its own momentum, a momentum which was
created and managed by the participants and communities themselves32 (Abuzeid, H. et al,
2003).
The Refugee Education Sponsorship Programme, which is active in the South Kivu
Province33 in the Democratic Republic of Congo, is currently experimenting with an
expanded repertoire of methodologies in support of the peace-building process. In addition to
the methodological approaches of conflict management, peace education and training,
sensitization to mutual understanding, justice and human rights advocacy, the project is
exploring the potential of an arts-based and cultural campaign for rehabilitation after conflict.
Literacy is seen as a potential provider for artistic and cultural activities. Writing and reading
skills are powerful assets that are complementary to the four other approaches in dealing with
conflict and rebuilding lives of individuals and communities. These two assets (reading and
writing) contribute to the development of one’s listening and speaking skills – and in
interconnection – to all the four peace-building activities such as conflict management, peace
promotion, stereotype-free communication and advocacy for justice and peoples’ rights. This
holistic approach is deemed relevant for the ongoing peace-building and reconstruction
16
campaign. A study that was carried out in June 2004 to determine which of the peace-building
methodologies were used in different institutions and social activities in South Kivu Province
found that the arts-based and cultural approach, including literacy, was least used (only in 18
out of 65 analysed cases, or 27%)34. However, since the rate of illiteracy in the DRC is still
high – at an estimated 80% - the integration of an arts-based and cultural campaign with
literacy into the peace-building process is perceived as a must (Mutambala, D.A., 2005).
Community participation and organization meeting the learning needs of conflictaffected populations
Community participation and ownership, which constitutes one of the six core minimum
standards (INEE, 2004:11-28) for education in conflict or post-conflict situations, is key in
order to really meet the learning needs of the conflict-affected populations and to pave the
way for sustainable long-term development processes. While full participation is often
difficult to achieve in emergency circumstances and consultation is just the minimum target
for education in early stages of recovery from conflict, increasingly empowering the affected
population to be part of decision-making processes and enabling them to take direct action on
education issues should be one of the main goals of literacy and adult learning programmes. A
critical moment for refugees is the repatriation process when they return from a structured and
protected camp environment to their countries of origin. It seems to be the acid test to prove
the gains achieved through learning and empowerment processes in a different setting.
The impact of literacy and education projects on refugee women, who returned from
Honduras and Mexico to El Salvador and Guatemala after peace accords were signed, was
analysed in a set of three studies supported by the International Center for Research on
Women (ICRW) as part of the Promoting Women in Development (PROWID) grants
program in 1998/1999. While some women returned to traditional roles others sought
expanded roles by becoming organized and actively participating in national political debates
and post-conflict socio-economic reconstruction. They operated through women’s
organizations that existed prior to conflict or were formed in exile, or through avenues opened
since the peace accord implementation. In both El Salvador and Guatemala the return process
presented a critical moment in determining whether or not the gains made by women during
exile could be sustained (PROWID, 1998).
In the case of the camps in Mexico, many Guatemalan refugee women learned to read, write,
add and subtract. In addition, indigenous women learned to speak Spanish. However, more
men than women were trained as community teachers. For many women their status as
refugees helped to raise political and social awareness which in turn fostered new identities
and life goals. After their return some women continued to participate in literacy programs
run by local and international NGOs, but many dropped out due to obligations of work and
family, the embarrassment of having to share classes with their own children, and a lack of
support from the community and teachers. With regard to health education, men continued to
reject family planning upon return and many women stopped using birth control. However,
positive change occurred with regard to women’s emotional health: In the camps women
began to think of themselves as capable persons who have rights to rest and recreational
activities.
The study on the Guatemalan refugees and returnees concludes that resettlement interrupted
the progress that women made in the refugee camps. The women were abandoned after a long
period of extensive, external support, a vacuum which could not be filled by local NGOs
because of political differences and a lack of co-ordination. Men began to take steps,
17
individually and collectively, to reassert their dominance. It became clear that they had only
been able to accept the women’s changes because they viewed them as an interlude during a
time of crisis. Nonetheless, women gained an awareness and now think and speak in terms of
equality and rights. But one of the lessons to be learned for international agencies, NGOs and
governments providing assistance in a post-conflict setting is that follow-up strategies for
processes initiated in the camps have to be designed and implemented in order to maintain the
continuity in the changes achieved (PROWID, 2000).
One of the rather exceptional attempts of linking the refugee experience with a pertinent
strategy to assist returnees is Mama Maquin which was formed in 1990 as an organization of
Guatemalan women in refugee camps in Mexico. With the help of Mama Maquin, the
UNHCR was able to approach women in all refugee camps, no matter what language they
spoke, and to determine in consultation with them their main problems and to decide the
priorities. At that time the refugee women were unwilling to go back to the old ways because
the refugee experience had changed them (García, S., 1998, p.2). Currently, Mama Maquin is
linking 35 communities of returned refugees and trying to advance a program for sustainable
development. Communities of returned refugees, especially those of indigenous origin, face
the highest rates of illiteracy and malnutrition in Guatemala. In particular, Mama Maquin has
been a leader in pushing for equal land rights for women in indigenous communities and in
combating domestic violence and female illiteracy35.
Literacy programmes seem to be conducive to strengthening womens’ organization around
their own and their communities’ interests. In post-war Rwanda women from the Hutu and
Tutsi tribes have organized literacy classes and cultural activities in the framework of
agricultural and handicraft cooperatives in order to promote inter-tribal harmony. Living and
working together peacefully, these women are sending a message of reconciliation to their
children and to the rest of their communities36. The family literacy approach is used to
improve primary school enrolment and attainment for children in conjunction with adult
literacy efforts. An example for such a model for integrated family education constitutes a
family literacy program in Ethiopia supported by ProLiteracy. As parents learn to read and
write, their interest in and capacity to support their children’s education grows. This approach
can contribute significantly to the overall advancement of communities. It is seen as key to
Sub-Saharan Africa development where only 25% of school-age children are enrolled in
school37. However, similar models of integrated family literacy programmes are also
implemented successfully in other conflict-affected situations.
Adolescents and youth: the untapped potential
Of special concern is the group of youth – now young adults – who missed out on schooling
and training opportunities, in part or entirely. They constitute the most immediate human
resources of societies in reconstruction after a crisis (Women’s Commission for Refugee
Women and Children, 2000; Heninger, L., 2004). But youth unemployment rates are usually
at least double the national rate. In Kosovo, more than 60 per cent of youth were unemployed
two years after the conflict (The World Bank, 2005:70). A one-year Youth Education Pack
programme – providing literacy, life skills and skills training to illiterate youth aged 14 to 18,
or older, - was developed and piloted with assistance from the Norwegian Refugee Council in
Sierra Leone in 2003. This programme provides youth with a minimum of important
knowledge and skills to improve their quality of life and chances to get a job. It does not meet
the overarching objective of helping these adolescents and youth to complete their basic
education but it is a realistic, relevant alternative for many war-affected youth38. Some
emergency education experts criticize “kits” and “packages” for being “simple technological
18
approaches” (Sommers, M., 2002:16; Sinclair, M., 2001). However, this analysis has had
limited success in identifying evaluations of such programmes in order to assess their success
in meeting the learning needs of those adolescents and youth.
Impact of the Adult Literacy Programme of the BEFARe Project on Afghan Refugees in
Pakistan
In 2003 the GTZ-BEFARe project based in Peshawar, Pakistan, commissioned a comprehensive field
study to two local consultants in order to evaluate and validate the curriculum, textbooks and teacher
guides developed by the project for its formal and non-formal basic education programme39. In this
context the impact of the Adult Literacy Programme on the Afghan refugee participants was evaluated,
which is the major component of Non-formal Education of BEFARe40.
The study concluded that the participants developed instrumental skills in reading, writing and
numeracy. Another impact of the programme on learners was obtained through practicing numeracy
skills such as counting, measuring and estimating things of common use in their daily life through
critical thinking. Furthermore, they were able to change their attitude towards the schooling of their
children, gain information and knowledge about the living environment in order to make it healthy and
clean. The participants were enabled to take part in the development and reconstruction processes in
their own country of Afghanistan due to changes in their behaviour. They also were able to apply
effectively the learnt knowledge and principles of health, hygiene and child care, develop basic skills
related to certain vocations or occupations for their better employing and earning. The knowledge
learnt was deemed to be functionally relevant and could be applied in daily life. In addition, learners
developed an awareness about adverse effects of the war situation, including the danger of mines and
advantages of peace.
Impact of Women’s Literacy Project on beneficiaries in Kosovo
In Kosovo illiteracy for females in rural areas is estimated around 40%. Of highest concern is that the
illiteracy rates for girls aged 15 to 19 are higher than for other age groups due to educational
opportunities in the nineties and the security situation. In 2001 UNICEF, in partnership with the
Kosovar Foundation of Open Learning (KFOS-.Soros) and with technical support from UNESCO,
started the preparatory activities for a women’s literacy programme. The World Bank was financing
this programme. Courses with 127 learner groups in 91 villages started in 2002, reaching
approximately 2000 girls and women. A network of 21 local women NGOs are providing the support
structures at a grassroots level for effective implementation of the programme. In the beginning of
2003, the Kosovar Ministry of Education took over the responsibility for the administration of the
programme from KFOS. Since then every year a new level of adult basic education has been
introduced and at the end of 2005 learners will have the opportunity to take an exam equivalent to
Primary School.
A recent Midterm Evaluation carried out by the World Bank in 2004 determined the impact of the
literacy programme on the participating girls and women. Results in literacy achievements are
impressive, with the level of literacy skills at least doubling from before to after the course. In general,
participants became more confident in elaborating and expressing their thoughts and discussing them
in front of other people. The diverse ages in classes have become an opportunity for inter-generational
exchange and for lively discussions on “hot issues”, mainly related to family and power relationships.
The interviews with the beneficiaries also showed that literacy has been the key to opening an entire
world of possibilities to the girls and women. First of all, it created demand for further training. Most
participants expressed their wish to continue their education, especially vocational training in
computer and tailoring skills. For others the new reading and writing skills have been a tool in
improving their existing working conditions and to better defend their rights. Some of the participants
even found a job. This shows that a literacy course can open unexpected possibilities41.
19
The midterm evaluation comes to the conclusion that literacy has enabled women of all ages to see,
and sometimes to seize, the opportunities available in their environment to which they were “blind”
before. The evaluation team also tried to assess the impact of the literacy course on the parenting skills
of the participants. In fact, respondents actually believe that their capacity as caregivers has increased
after the course, confirming that literate women can play a vital educational role with children in the
family even if they are dealing with children that are not their own. Even if many participants are not
mothers of preschool children, contributing to increase in confidence in skill building, awareness and
literacy attainments proves to have a multiplier effect. The evaluation concludes that considering the
positive impact of the program it is vital to ensure that efforts and achievements, together with
women’s expectations for change, are not wasted. The main challenge will be to allow literacy classes
to continue and give sustainability to their literacy skills42.
UNESCO Programme of Education for Emergencies and Reconstruction (PEER)
UNESCO’s PEER programme has been going on since 1992 and is one of the major providers of
services to conflict- affected countries in the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes Region in the field of
basic education, civic education and the culture of peace, vocational training and environmental
education. An evaluation of the programme conducted in 2003 comes to the conclusion that it is
difficult to measure the impact of PEER projects because of the absence of base-line data and regular
impact assessments. Inadequate attention has been given to results and impact in the reporting of the
projects, which generally gives more attention to the implementation of activities and delivery of
inputs. An additional reason given by the evaluation team for the lack of information about the impact
of the PEER projects is that there has been no attempt to measure the effectiveness of various
approaches in terms of increased awareness or changing attitudes (PEER Programme Assessment
2004:6).
One of the major findings of the evaluation study is that the PEER projects have tended to be more
development oriented than emergency oriented. The projects implemented were found to be relevant
in that they are addressing needs and priorities of the countries concerned. They also contributed to the
achievement of EFA Dakar goals mainly through increasing enrolment of children in Somalia,
Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi. However, the evaluation report does not provide
empirical evidence to assess to what extent PEER projects achieved the improvement in levels of adult
literacy. Therefore the absence of baseline data and impact assessments is one of the identified
weaknesses of the programme (ibid:60).
4. Overcoming the marginal status of literacy within educational provision in conflict or
post-conflict situations
Usually education as a humanitarian response is focusing on the provision of formal primary
education for children. Also in post-conflict situations and reconstruction strategies for
education systems literacy and basic education for youth and adults have a marginal status43.
Civil society organizations and institutions with limited resources and scope try to cover
existing learning needs. Official systems debilitated by conflict have limited capacities to
cater for a whole range of educational needs, including those of IDPs, returnees, child soldiers
and war affected youth, numbers of orphans, widows, disabled and people psychologically
affected by the hostilities. A sector-wide approach to rebuilding the system is mandatory, and
focusing first on the basic cycle of education should be a priority.
In the field of non-formal education, the most logical starting point lies in supporting literacy
programmes where they exist (building on the strengths of the past) and dramatically
expanding access to literacy provisions where they don’t (showing early impact to help
consolidate peace). However there seems to be a widespread “literacy blindness” when it
comes to establishing priorities for the reconstruction of education systems. Returning to
20
“normalcy” should not mean returning to business as usual (returning to previous education
schemes that may have permitted unequal access and unequal quality of treatment of different
social groups), because post-conflict conditions are different and “windows of opportunities”
for change should be used to make the system more inclusive. The process of reconstruction
should include an analysis of literacy and education both as a possible contributor to conflict
and as a constituent of reconciliation and peace-building. Prior situations of inequities and
exclusion should be identified and the process of their elimination should be continuously
monitored.
Funding is a key issue and was identified at the Cape Town Consultation in December 2004
as one of the elements that can really make a difference (Midttun, E.K., 2005:5). Although
publications and research projects in this field in past years suggest that there is now
recognition of the importance of early investment in education as a prerequisite for successful
post-conflict reconstruction (The World Bank, 2005; IWGE, 2003; 78), in practice
international donors and funding agencies make available only a fraction of what would be
necessary to reach EFA goal 4. The Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children
point out that education in emergencies is critically underfunded. In 2002, of the US$ 46
million requested for education through the UN Consolidated Appeals Process (excluding
appeals for Afghanistan) only US$ 17 million (37%) was actually contributed (Heninger, L.,
2005:7). Even in the case of countries which are of current priority, there are broad funding
gaps. The Afghan government, for example, allocated US$250 million for education, the
second largest amount of its 2003 development budget. However, only US77.47 million has
been committed by donors, leaving a gap of more than 60 per cent not financed (UNDP, 2004
b:70/71)44. In 2004, the Kosovar government allocated only 0.14% of the GDP to adult
learning. So far development of adult learning was only covered by international funds, which
raises concerns about the sustainability of the current literacy and adult basic education
program for women.
There is an urgent need to increase funding and support for literacy and basic education. Far
more could and should be done from the part of international agencies and governments
emerging from conflicts. This field should not be left to NGOs, which certainly are the most
important partners for achieving EFA goal 4, but without sufficient financial resources and
governmental support they cannot make the necessary difference.
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Endnotes:
‘Man made’ and natural disasters are also called ‘complex emergencies’ which are often caused by conflict or
civil unrest, which may be compounded by a natural disaster (INEE, 2004:7).
2
The Dakar Forum explicitly recognized conflict as a substantive obstacle to EFA, and that, together with the
ravages of AIDS/HIV, affect so many people, that they collectively constitute a threat to the attainment of EFA
and MDG (IWGE, 2003:82).
3
The Dakar Framework of Action, main declaration, paragraph 12
4
ibid. paragraph 28
5
ibid.
6
“If you want to improve any of the social-health indicators, then what you must do is educate women. Even if
that is all you do, you will see an improvement across the board: infant mortality decreases, childhood death
decreases, life expectancy increases, education of the children improves, and per capita income increases.”
(www.wfamily.com/literacy.html, 03.03.05)
7
Looking at the total funds donated to emergencies, the difference is striking: The same donors that rapidly
came up with US$ 2 billion for post war Iraq claim a shortage of funds when humanitarian appeals for Burundi,
Guinea and other countries in crisis are just looking for one per cent of this amount of money. Nearly half of the
funds given by donor governments in 2002 to the UN’s 25 humanitarian appeals went to Afghanistan. “The
remaining 24 countries had to struggle by on what was left” (OXFAM, 2003:2).
8
www.nrc.no/onAlert/3.htm, 03.03.05
9
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951)
10
The largest groups of asylum-seekers live in Europe and North America (UNHCR, 2005:19). In order to keep
the analysis focused, this paper will not address their case.
11
According to UNHCR estimates: Millions of stateless people or those with unresolved nationality (ibid., 20).
12
According to UNESCO, more than 20 million refugees and 30 million displaced persons are today living in
the most precarious circumstances http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/ev.php-URL_ID=13433&U, 25.02.05.
13
In 13 of the 52 countries affected by internal displacement, IDPs (more than 10 millions) could not count on
their government for protection at all. In 21 countries affected by internal displacement, UN agencies were not
engaged in addressing the specific humanitarian needs of IDPs (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2004:9, 11).
14
The network consists of 100 organisational and 800 individual members. INEE is led by a Steering Group
currently composed of representatives from CARE USA, the International Rescue Committee, the International
Save the Children Alliance, the Norwegian Refugee Council, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNICEF and the World Bank
(INEE, 2004).
15
www.ineesite.org/standards/MSEE_report.pdf
16
Iraq, Afghanistan, Nepal, Pakistan, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia,
Eritrea, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and Sierra Leone (UNESCO, 2005: 20/21).
17
Pakistan, Sudan, Côte d’Ivoire, Eritrea, Angola, Chad, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Burundi, Sierra Leone
18
The chart is following the attempt of M. Sommers (2002:3) to classify conflict-affected countries or territories
in three categories.
19
Percentage of the population aged 5-17 enrolled in school (standard: 100%), percentage of students who
successfully completed the school year (standard: 90%), student to teacher ratio (standard: 40), percentage of
qualified or trained teachers (standard: 80%), and percentage of schools with structured retention initiatives for
girls (standard: 80%) (UNHCR, 2004 b: 2).
20
For example, the influential UNICEF paper “Education in Emergencies and for Reconstruction: A
developmental approach” by Mary Joy Pigozzi (1999) (www.unicef.org/girlseducation/files/EducEmerg.pdf
21
Afghan women are supposed to be accompanied by a male family member when moving in public spaces or
travelling.
22
These schools were mostly run by female teachers who were no longer permitted to work in the public school
system. The implementation of the educational policy of the Taliban with regard to the home schools was
inconsistent and varied from region to region over time In some areas the Taliban did not discourage home
schools, because they seemingly did not violate the set rules. However, in other cases the Taliban closed these
schools, and if they discovered clandestine run home schools, all involved were physically punished.
1
24
23
BEFARe is a bilateral project between the Governments of Pakistan and Germany providing educational
opportunities to Afghan refugees in the North West Frontier Province. Since 1990 BEFARe is jointly
implemented by the “Commissionerate for Afghan Refugees” (CAR) and the “German Agency for Technical
Cooperation” (GTZ). The central office of the project is located in Peshawar with five sub-centres that cover all
140 Afghan refugee camps throughout the province. The goal of the project is to provide and improve the quality
of basic education to refugees and enhance the basic education system on the basis of community self help. The
author of this article visited the project in January 2003.
24
GTZ-BEFARe Monthly Newsletter Vol.2, Issue 8, 31st December 2003, p.1
25
For example, female staff members of the non-formal education unit in central BEFARe have their own
Coordinator, and within the Women’s’ Literacy Centre they have their own Female Training Team. This seems
to be part of a strategy that takes into consideration the specific needs of women and tries to empower women
within the project management.
26
For example, in Iraq in September 2004 UNESCO started preparations for the establishment of a National
Literacy Centre managed by the government and five Community Learning Centres designed to promote
entrepreneurial skills and basic education programmes that focus on literacy (information provided by Mehdoob
Dada, UNESCO, 07.03.05)
27
Afghanistan has one of the highest maternity mortality worldwide: Every 30 minutes a woman dies of
pregnancy. Over 80 per cent of these maternal deaths are considered preventable (UNDP, 2004 b:27 and 81).
28
Annual progress report January 2004-January 2005 for UNESCO/ Japan Funds-in-Trust Co-operation
(unpublished)
29
1990 the Serbian-dominated government partially withdrew the autonomy rights that were previously granted
to the Kosovo province and within the assimilation policy Albanian, as the language of school instruction, was
eliminated. In response, Kosovar Albanian parents sent their children to illegal, non-accredited parallel schools
run by dismissed Albanian teachers.
30
www.daco-sl.org/encyclopedia2004/4_part/4_5sla.htm, 03.03.05
31
ProLiteracy Worldwide (2005) Literacy in Action: Spreading the Light. International Program Update 200405, p.20
32
www.fmreview.org/text/FMR/18/19.htm, 02.03.05
33
And more specifically in the Fizi and Uvira Territories in the eastern part of the DRC.
34
The study was carried out by Dieudonne Amsi Mutambala, as a student at Responding to Conflict (RTC) in
Birmingham, UK.
35
www.nisgua.org/articles/Fall%20Tour%202003%20SE%20, 03.03.05
36
ProLiteracy Worldwide (2003) A New Commitment to Literacy in Action. International Programs Update
2003, p.17
37
ibid.
38
Forced Migration Review No.22, January 2005, p.56; Information Helge Brochmann, NFC, 04.03.05
39
GTZ-BEFARe (2003) Title not available. Consultants: Mahamuda/Ahamadi (unpublished)
40
ibid. pp.92/93
41
The unemployment rate in Kosovo is extremely high, estimated around 60%.
42
Supporting Conflict Prevention and Social Cohesion through Early Childhood Development in Kosovo.
Midterm Evaluation. 2004 (Draft Final Report)
43
“The lion’s share of education efforts in both situations lie in primary education.” (Sommers, M., 2002:27)
44
No data is available about the percentage of the budget allocated for non-formal education.
25