FIGURINES
Algonquian
Ojibwa.
meaning, ritual, social category, use.
CHARMS
g) Dolls —These will be considered in the order of their elaboration. The simplest form
of representing a human being was by means of a large tuft of the needles of the Norway
pine. This tuft was cut squarely across the end and about halfway up a part of the needles
were cut across, suggesting the length of the arms, or perhaps a shawl hanging from the
shoulders. A bit of the wood was left at the top of the tuft suggesting the head. These
little figurines were placed upright on a piece of zinc or in a large tin pan which was
gently agitated. This motion caused the figurines to tremble in a manner suggesting an
Indian dance and even to move back and forth, according to the skill of the person
manipulating the tin on which they were placed. Dolls were also made of green basswood
leaves and of bright autumn leaves, fastened with little splinters of wood (Densmore
1929:66).
FIG. 9.— Figurines cut from slippery-elm bark (Densmore 1929:66).
Figures of men and women were made from a portion of the root of bulrushes that is
below the water. This was partially dried and made into figures by tying it with
basswood fiber, after which the figures were thoroughly dried and could be handled
without breaking (Densmore 1929:66).
A step higher in development were the figures of men and women cut from the inner bark
of the slippery elm. This is the same material from which is made the "wigup cord" so
extensively used in Chippewa industries. The two figures illustrated (fig. 9) were cut by a
woman at Red Lake from bark she took from the tree. The figure of the woman shows
the old manner of dressing the hair and both figures are so cut that they can be easily held
by little hands. The same is true of the grass doll (pl. 26, b) whose body is admirably
shaped for a child's grasp. The grass is wound with narrow strips of basswood fiber, and a
bit of color is introduced by the red breechcloth. A similarly elongated figure is seen in a
doll made of willow, by a woman living at Grand Marais, on the north shore of Lake
Superior [Pl. 26, a.] (Densmore 1929:67).
A doll in man's winter costume shows a combination of Indian apparel with that obtained
from the trader, and may be said to represent the transitional period of Indian
development. The coat and shirt are in imitation of manufactured articles, while the
fringed leggings bound around the knee with bead bands, the breechcloth, woven sash,
and moccasins are of the native style. The hood made of cloth is of a type widely used
among the Chippewa and said to be very practical in winter. The face of this doll is of
brown cloth and there is an attempt at modeling the features, all of which mark the
passing of the imaginative and the dawn of the imitative period in native art (Densmore
1929:67).
Page: 1
The Chippewa, more than many other tribes, believed in the use of "charms."
Constructively these were of two classes, i. e., charms that comprised several units or
materials and charms consisting only of herbs. The first of these classes included charms
using figurines, outline drawings, or a hair or part of the clothing of the person to be
affected, together with certain herbs. Into both classes there entered the belief that the
supreme test of the power of a substance was its ability to act independently of its
material presence. Thus an herb applied externally might cure the bite of a reptile, but it
was considered evidence of great power if an herb carried in a packet could protect a man
so effectively that he would not be bitten by the reptile. The old-time Chippewa appear to
have believed that matter has two sorts of properties—one tangible and the other
intangible. The medicine men, through their dreams, learned the intangible as well as the
tangible properties of matter, their use of the former being designated as "charms," or
included in the general term of "medicine" (Densmore 1929:107).
Certain herbs were believed to cure the sick and also to act as "charms." Among these is
Lathyrus venosus Muhl., the roots of which were used as a dressing for wounds and were
also carried on [page 108] the person to secure safety and success. Evil as well as good
was said to be accomplished by these means and the Chippewa had certain antidotes to
counteract evil charms. Some of the antidotes acted by material presence and others acted
independently of such contact. Figurines were used in many of these and ranged from 1
inch to 6 or more inches in height (Densmore 1929:107-108).
(a) Love charms.—
(1) The most common form of love charm consisted of two figurines made of wood
representing a man and a woman. (Pl. 39, a.) These were about an inch in height and
were tied together with a hair or a raveling from the clothing of the person to be affected.
With the figurines was tied a tiny packet of "love-charm " medicine, one of the usual
ingredients being the seeds of Onosmodium hispidissimum Mackenzie. The figurines
thus prepared were placed in a little bag and carried by the person wishing to create the
influence. It was said this charm would attract a person from a considerable distance, and
that it could be prepared with special herbs in such a manner that "in four days the man to
be influenced will suffer a headache so severe as to cause nosebleed." Medicine was
sometimes placed on the lips of the figurines. It was said that "a wife who feels that the
heart of her husband is being alienated may place medicine over the heart of the male
figurine, wear the charm, and regain his affection" (Densmore 1929:107).
(2) Another form of love (or "attraction") charm was shown to the writer by an informant.
It consisted of a little dust or powder in a buckskin packet. The powder was colored
vermilion and in it were little shining facets resembling quartz. The amount was about
what could be lifted on the end of a penknife. The owner had paid $5 for it, and said that
"when she was to meet anyone whom she wished to influence she rubbed a little on her
cheeks and the person always spoke kindly to her" (Densmore 1929:108).
(3) Onosmodium hispidissimum Mackenzie (false gromwell): The seeds of this plant were
said to have power as a love charm and were used alone or in combination with other
substances, one example of the latter use being with the figurines already noted. The
seeds are tiny and round with a luster like that of pearls. They were said to be "magnetic"
Page: 2
and to adhere to a needle thrust among them. Numerous other herbs were supposed to
have power as love charms (Densmore 1929:108).
(f) charms to work evil.—No herbs intended for use in evil charms were collected and no
specimens of such charms were sought, but the following methods of working such
charms were described by reliable informants: (1) A figurine larger than those used in
the love charms was suspended from the branch of a tree by a very fine thread, it being
said that when the thread broke and the figurine fell the person whom it represented
would die (Densmore 1929:113).
MIDE'WIWIN
Black art could also be exercised as "grand medicine" on figurines of wood made to
represent persons. An interpreter at L'Anse related the following:
A few years ago I was asked to clean out an old house. In it I found a bundle which
contained two figures carved out of wood, one representing a man, the other a woman. At
about the position of the heart was a little red spot and an arrow. An old woman who
looked at them said, "That's bad. The Indian who moved from here must have killed these
two people by 'medicine'." She examined them and said they represented a man and a
woman who had been done away with some time ago [Hilger, 1936 a, p. 18.] (Hilger
1951:73).
TABOOS, MEDICINES, AND WITCHCRAFT
There is still a wide demand for medicines and charms to inspire love. They are kept (or
were kept, for no one will admit their possession) in small buckskin bags, and employed
in various ways according to their supposed virtues. Some were smeared on the cheeks;
others inserted in the moccasin to excite affection in the youth or maiden who walked in
the same trail. There are certain kinds of rotten wood which are thought to render their
carrier attractive to the opposite sex; and the wife of John Manatuwaba is suspected of
selling little figurines with love charms attached to them. If a man pricks the eyes of a
garter snake with the thorn of a certain shrub (species not ascertained), and afterwards
pricks a girl's dress with the same thorn, she will feel attracted towards him (Jenness
1935:83).
Athabaskan
Chipewyan. use.
BURIAL:
Earlier during the same summer a three year old boy drowned when he fell from the dock
in front of the federal school. His funeral, which was held in the absence of the priest,
while basically similar to the one previously described, was notable for a few differences
that are worth mentioning. When the funeral party arrived at the cemetery, which had not
been visited since the last death had taken place early the previous winter, several men
began digging the grave while all others began to clean up the cemetery. Small trees and
bushes were cut down to clear the area around the graves. Then people set to work
restoring the graves, most of which were overgrown with weeds, to a clean, neat
Page: 3
condition. Many of the small wooden crosses had fallen down [page 56] and these were
either placed upright again or laid on the graves. Green birch leaves were then spread on
all the graves and a number of people placed religious medals and figurines on the
graves of relatives (VanStone 1963:55-56).
Earlier during the same summer a three-year-old boy drowned when he fell from the dock
in front of the federal school. His funeral, which was held in the absence of the priest,
while basically similar to the one previously described, was notable for a few differences.
When the funeral party arrived at the cemetery, which had not been visited since the last
death had taken place early the previous winter, several men began digging the grave
while [page 69] all others began to clean up the cemetery. Small trees and bushes were
cut down to clear the area around the graves. Then people set to work cutting the weeds
and restoring the graves to a clean, neat condition. Many of the small wooden crosses had
fallen down; these they either placed upright again or laid on the graves. Green birch
leaves were then spread on all the graves, and a number of people placed religious medals
and figurines on the graves of relatives (VanStone 1965:68-69).
Caddoan
Pawnee.
use.
CERAMIC FIGURINES
The Pawnee ceramicists seldom extended their efforts beyond the realm of utilitarian potmaking. Very few figurines are found, though one or two crude representations of horses
or other quadrupeds have been picked up at the Hill site by Mr. A. T. Hill. Disk beads,
made by grinding sherds to a circular shape and then piercing them, have been found at
the Schuyler and Burkett sites, but nowhere else; they obviously are no indication of the
potter's skill. Thickened perforated circular objects, resembling spindle whorls and
especially made, are not uncommon near St. Paul on the Loup, but there is nothing to
indicate that they were of Pawnee origin. Modeled clay pipes have not yet been found in
the historic Pawnee sites of the region; judging from the occurrence of stone pipes [page
71] in various prehistoric sites, stone was apparently used from very early times. This is
the more remarkable in view of the fact that along the Missouri River in eastern Nebraska
clay pipes of curved and elbow type are the rule. The Mandans also used pottery pipes in
addition to those of stone55 (Wedel 1936:70-71).
Note 55: Will and Spinden, 1906, p. 115.
Iroquoian
Iroquois.
meaning, social category, use.
SENECA ETHNIC SYMBOLS
Baskets, corn-husk masks, other items of woven grasses and plant fibers, turtle shell and
bark rattles, beadwork, carved wood products including corn mortars and pounders,
bowls, spoons, figurines, and lacrosse sticks can all be classified with silver work as
Page: 4
hand-made products. They are therefore, symbolic of Indian identity, since the white
population in its obsession with cheap, mass production no longer cares to expend the
time and loving care that goes into hand crafted items. There is also the implication that
the slower pace preferred by the Indian allows this activity to be pursued (Evaneshko
1974:150).
The Origin of the False Faces
Archaeological Material:
Mathews also examined the claim that faces on other archaeological objects were
forerunners of or copies of masks. He examined maskettes, female figurines, and pottery
vessels. He concludes that: [page 245] On the basis of the foregoing, there is little
evidence that human faces on Seneca archaeological artifacts were the precursors of False
Face masks. Faces on pipes, figurines and other objects rarely exhibit a close stylistic
relationship to nineteenth and twentieth century masks109 (St. John 1981:244-245).
Note 109: Ibid., pp. 137-138.
The third characteristic image that links the pipes to the shamans is a protrusion from the
top of the head found on many of the same pipes that have the trance and sucking poses.
Contrary to many claims, this is not a portrayal of Iroquois hairstyle, according to
Mathews. Rather, it is the horn symbol, the symbol of a shaman found throughout North
America on "petroglyphs in Ontario . . . on Hopewell pipes and figurines . . . on
Mississippian pipes and decorated shells . . . and on early stone figures from Upper Fraser
Valley"117 (St. John 1981:248).
Note 117: Ibid., p. 173.
WHITE DOG SACRIFICE LATE 18TH CENTURY
Mr. William Parker tells me that when he lived at Allegany about 50 years ago he saw the
wooden Idol of the Senecas at that place. He was born there and how long they had had it
before he was born he does not know. About 6 miles below Cold Spring the Idol was
made. It was about 7 feet high standing up in position. It was cut out of a pine tree. It
[had] two legs & two arms. It was a human figure, standing upon a pedestal of the same
tree. This pedestal was sunk in the ground, but was so high above it that you could not
touch his feet. It was about 14 feet high from top to bottom. One arm [left inserted here]
was akimbo, the other down and a little forward. He looked to the south or [page 113]
was placed with his face to the south. His face bent down a little to see those at the foot.
The people kept him dressed in costume. Over his head was a silk handkerchief and
feathers. Around his neck was another silk handkerchief. His cheeks were painted. Rings
of silver in his ears. Over his arms the tails of Buffalo were tied around both arms above
the Elbow. Around the wrist was a dog skin wrist Band of white. . . . The arms were
striped with red paint winding around. Around the waist he had a Belt. Over the left
shoulder was an Indian Belt. Over the right was a belt of wampum (sea shell) three inches
wide. His body was painted with red paint in stripes. He Had on the Breech Cloth of
Cloth, lined around the Edges with red ribbon. An Indian Belt or Band was wound
around his legs below the Knees . . . like the wrist belt. Around or above his ankle he had
Page: 5
a White dog Skin Band. The body was striped in [?] lines whenever it was exposed.
When Mr. Parker first saw it on growing up to take notice of it was at the Indian Village
at Allegany called Gä-num-dä-gä-yose-ha on the Allegany Reserve on the north side
upon the river bank. About 6 miles below Cold Spring. It stood up by the side of a large
tree, on a flat upon the river bank. It was on the right side of the tree about 16 feet from
the tree. He stood on a flat, about 15 rods from the river. About 30 rods from the river in
the rear rose a hill covered with pine, and in the rear of that a range of hills parallel with
the river. He stood in the midst of the settlement. The people were in the habit of dancing
around him in the summer, at the green Corn Dance. When they gathered the corn, also.
Also, this Standing dance. The tree out of which the idol was made was from three to
four feet in diameter--a pine. The Idol was considerably larger than this large man. They
knew there was a Great Spirit above, but they wished to bring him down to look over the
people especially when they were dancing. The figurine was well proportioned. They
dressed him up every time they danced, and then took off his ornaments and left him
exposed to the weather. . . . About 25 years after it was made this Idol was moved to
Deo-no-sä-da-ga or the Burnt House or Cornplanter's village in Pennsylvania. When
Handsome Lake became a prophet about 1802, Parker thinks they threw this Idol into the
river or destroyed it. He having a revelation direct from heaven this idol became
unnecessary. Handsome Lake's license to preach as Johnson calls it is a letter to the
Senecas from the Secretary of War Gen. Dearborn and is dated in 1802. Blacksmith has it
and I saw it yesterday. It merely commends the plan to the people. The log had begun to
rot before it was removed, and while at Cornplanter's village it rotted down until the feet
came down to the ground [page 114] as the pedestal was set further in the Earth. Mr.
Parker saw it last at Cornplanter's village about 50 years ago. He . . . never saw it there.
He was born at Cornplanter's village. Handsome Lake . . . lived about a mile and a half
below Cornplanter's village. A few years before the Idol was destroyed the Senecas
moved about a mile down the river and left the Idol above. It was in a year or so thrown
into the river or otherwise destroyed. The Idol had been at the place first described about
25 years before it was taken to Cornplanter's village. It was there when he was born, and
was destroyed about 7 or 8 years after he was born. Mr. Parker says he is now 55 (Dec.
1849). Mr. Parker saw this Idol among the flood wood of the Allegany River about 6
miles below Cornplanter's village for the last time when he was about 7 years old. This
Idol was made by two Senecas. One of them was Gä-she-o-ä (Jacob Minister) a Seneca
Chief. Mr. Parker knew him. He died about 25 years ago aged about 70. This is also the
very man who caught Horatio Jones and carried him into captivity (Tooker 1970:112114).
Muskogean
Seminole.
use.
Lean Years, 1957-1971:
The factory at Big Cypress produced small drums and hatchets as well as figurines
carved from cypress knees. At Brighton the women brought their sewing machines to the
recreation hall and turned out intricate Seminole patchwork by the yard. The patchwork
was then affixed to shirts that had been bought by the gross from a commercial
Page: 6
manufacturer. These items were brought to Dania for sale in the arts and crafts center.
According to Quinn, "We were buying it by the yard—two or three dollars a yard. We
had $3,000 worth of that kind of inventory on hand all of the time. We had boxes of that
stuff."39 He felt it was a worthwhile endeavor that gave the people some income and selfrespect, as there could be no social progress where [page 99] there was complete poverty.
"We had women there who were making more money doing what they could do best than
they could working in the fields, and they wouldn't get sunburned quite so bad"40 (Kersey
1996:98-99).
Note 39: Quinn interview, 24-26.
Note 40: Quinn interview, 24-26.
The turban, y ·sìsbàn ·k · (Figs. 4, 5, 7, 14), is of unknown origin. Its distribution in
historic times was largely Southeastern but it also occurred in the Great Lakes region.
Some archeological figurines may indicate its existence in aboriginal times, but the
forms shown are difficult to interpret; turbans did occur in pre-European Mesoamerica.
Seminole turbans were normally made by folding and wrapping a commercial woolen
shawl. They were often decorated with a silver band and feather plumes. In the 1830's
Seminole, Creek, and Cherokee turbans were identical, but after their final separation
from the Creek, Seminole turbans underwent a clear series of changes in shape and
proportions (Fig. 8) before becoming obsolete [page 171] about 1935 (they have been
revived in recent years as an element of "national dress") (Sturtevant 1967:170-171).
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Densmore, Frances
1929 Chippewa Customs. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 86,
U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1905-1925. MN, WI, Ontario.
This is a study of almost all aspects of the material culture of the Chippewa. The author
visited the people for the purpose of studying tribal songs, and this collection of data
concerning their customs was gathered during their research. Her study was conducted on
Chippewa reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Ontario, and here she presents a
well organized account of Chippewa customs.
Evaneshko, Veronica
1974 Tonawanda Seneca Ethnic Identity: Functional and Processual
Analysis. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Arizona, Tucson.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1972-1973. Seneca, Tonawanda Reservation, NY.
The topic of Tonawanda Senceca ethnic identity is used in this dissertation as a vehicle of
comparing and contrasting two anthropological theories and methodologies -- the
structural-functional frame of reference and the processual analysis framework. The
Page: 7
structural-functional frame of reference is first used to describe the Tonawanda Senecas'
ethnic symbol system. These symbols, derived from the historical experience and cultural
content of the society, work together to produce a group image and group solidarity. The
ethnic symbol system is then analyzed for its contribution in understanding Tonawanda
Seneca behavior. A major determinant of group behavior is found to be the Tonawanda
Senecas' attitudes and beliefs regarding the significance of their relationship to land (p.
220). The information gathered from this analysis provides one kind of explanation for
the Tonawanda Senecas' behavior in rejecting a government housing program, (described
in detail in the text). The '...alternative anthropological theoretical frame of reference -the processual model -- suggests that the ethnic symbol of land may be viewed as an
epiphenomenon of individual choice and decision made during daily social transactions'
(p. 221).
Hilger, M. Inez
1951 Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background. Bureau of
American Ethnology Bulletin 146. U. S. Government Printing Office,
Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Dates: 1932-1933, 1939-1940. MN, WI, MI, 1932-1940.
The author of this work is a professional ethnologist and member of the Order of St.
Benedict. Although child-rearing practices were the main objective of the study, a full
ethnographic description is included. Material was obtained from a number of
reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. In addition to data on the life cycle,
information is included on material culture, social organization, religion, subsistence
activities, etc. A thorough survey of the literature was made in writing the work.
Jenness, Diamond
1935 The Ojibwa Indians of Parry Island: Their Social and Religious Life.
National Museum of Canada, J. O. Patenaude, Ottawa.
Beliefs regarding man, nature, and the supernatural, and their importance in the social
and religious life of the Parry Island Ojibwa are given special attention in this work by
Jenness. The author uses the myths and legends of the people to explain and supplement
these beliefs, and also quotes directly to a great extent from informants. An Appendix at
the end of the book brings together miscellaneous notes on the material culture which
were gathered incidentally by the author.
Kersey, Harry A.
1996 An Assumption of Sovereignty: Social and Political Transformation
among the Florida Seminoles, 1953-1979. University of Nebraska
Press, Lincoln.
Seminole NN16. No Field Date. Florida, c. 1900 – 1979.
Page: 8
This monograph discusses two important issues for Native Americans -- sovereignty and
polity. The author shows how these two concepts apply to the Seminoles of Florida
particularly during the volatile decades following World War II during which the tribes'
social, economic, and political structures were changed to meet the challenges of the new
era. In this document Kersey describes the Seminoles' exercise of sovereignty through the
establishment of tax free smoke shops and high stake bingo parlors on the reservations,
the settlement of their land claims cases and the resolution of their water rights and use of
conservation areas, all of which involve a progression of court decisions and federal
statutes establishing the tribal parameters of sovereignty (pp., xi-xii).
St. John, Donald P.
1981 The Dream-vision Experience of the Iroquois: Its Religious Meaning.
Ph.D. Dissertation, Fordham University, New York.
Iroquois NM09. No Field Date. Seneca, NY.
St. John's dissertation is a study of continuity and change in the religious life of the
Iroquois from approximately 1600 AD to around 1980. Throughout this work the dreamvision experience is given primary focus, for the author believes that by understanding
this religious phenomenon within the context of several significant periods and events in
the history of the Iroquois, its many functions and meanings become evident (p. 321).
The historical periods noted above in which the dream-vision is investigated are the early
contact period, which the author calls the 'archaic universe', the prophetic career of
Handsome Lake, the Longhouse Religion which was founded on the basis of the
revelations of Handsome Lake, and the emerging 'planetisation' of mankind. Much of the
early historical data in this document is based on the JESUIT RELATIONS and other
related works, such as the CODE OF HANDSOME LAKE, and the journal entries of
various Quaker missionaries. This material is then further supplemented by later
compilations from mythology, folklore and legend.
Sturtevant, William C.
1967 Seminole Men's Clothing. In Essays on the Verbal and Visual Arts,
edited by June Helm, pp. 167-174. University of Washington Press,
Seattle.
Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1950-1959. Florida, 1774-1959.
This work presents a typology and history of the major items of Seminole men's clothing
with commentary on the effects of acculturation and internal cultural change. Fifteen
illustrations depict the various items described in the text including several photographs
showing how the articles of clothing were worn. Also included here are the patterns used
in the preparation of the clothing.
Tooker, Elisabeth
1970 The Iroquois Ceremonial of Midwinter. Syracuse University Press,
Syracuse.
Page: 9
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1958-1966. Seneca, Allegany Reservation, NY. 19th century.
Traditionally the Midwinter Ceremonial was the largest and most complex of Iroquois
rituals. This study is divided into three major parts. In part I the author describes some of
the basic principles of Iroquois ritualism, which are then interpreted in terms of the
various components of the ceremonial itself (part II). In this section Tooker discusses
cultural variations between different members of the Iroquois League (e.g., Seneca,
Cayuga, Onondaga), and changes that have been introduced in the ritual during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Part III of this work presents the Midwinter
Ceremonial in historical perspective. Here, through the eyewitness accounts of Halliday
Jackson, Mary Jemison, Thaddeus Osgood, Lewis Henry Morgan, and J. V. H. Clark the
Midwinter Ceremonial is described in detail as it was originally performed during the
eighteenth through nineteenth centuries.
VanStone, James W.
1963 The Snowdrift Chipewyan. Northern Co-ordination and Research
Centre, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources,
Ottawa.
Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1960-1962. Snowdrift, Mackenzie River-Great Slave Lake
area, Northwest Territories, Canada, 1800-1962.
This is an intensive study of the isolated community of Snowdrift in the MackenzieRiver-Great Slave Lake area of Canadian Northwest Territories. A preliminary report
dealing primarily with the economy of Snowdrift was undertaken by the author in the
summer of 1960 under contract to the Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre of the
Canadian government. This report appears as source 2: VanStone in this file. The present
source is a continuation of the author's field work at the village during the summer of
1961 and for a month in the winter of 1961-1962, and deals with the general historical
background of the community, the annual cycle (primarily in terms of hunting, trapping
and fishing), material culture and subsistence, the life cycle from birth to death, social
structure and community life, the individual in relationship to his culture, and religion.
Throughout the report the author notes the pervasive effects of white acculturation on
native institutions.
1965
The Changing Culture of the Snowdrift Chipewyan. National Museum
of Canada, Ottawa.
Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1960-1961. Snowdrift, south Great Slave Lake, Northwest
Territories, Canada, 1800-1960s.
In contradiction to the general premise that culture change within the Mackenzie River
Valley and Great Slave Lake region would tend to represent a relatively homogeneous
universe of interacting forces, the author has qualified this generalization by reference to
actual historical records of cultural contact in the area which show a variation of effects
Page: 10
depending upon the intensity of the contacts (p. xiii). To study one particular aspect of
this problem -- the effects of contact intensity -- VanStone chose as his sample the village
of Snowdrift, which represents a homogeneous population, living in an isolated
community with few outside contacts. As background information for his analysis the
author presents data on the culture history of the Chipewyans, the annual cycle,
government assistance programs, subsistence techniques, individual life cycle events,
social structure and community life, the individual and his place in the culture, and
religious institutions and concepts. The source concludes with a discussion of the effects
of acculturation, limited as it is, on the various cultural elements as listed above.
Wedel, Waldo R.
1936 An Introduction to Pawnee Archaeology. Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin 112, U. S. Government Printing Office,
Washington.
Pawnee NQ19. Field Date: 1930. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi, and Kitkahahki bands; northern
Kansas and Nebraska, proto-historic period.
This monograph, written by an archaeologist, is a study of Pawnee archaeology and
culture history based primarily on artifacts in the Hill Collection at the Hastings Museum
in Nebraska that were excavated from the thirteen archaeological sites described here in
detail, and from the journals and records of early explorers and adventurers to the region.
Although new archaeological fieldwork makes the archaeological data described in this
monograph outdated, the historical information and analysis of material culture make this
document a useful addition to an understanding of the Pawnee. The monograph is divided
into four major parts, the first of which is introductory, the second, dealing in detail with
the historical background of the Pawnee, the third with Pawnee archaeology as viewed
through the various bits of evidence obtained from the excavation of prehistoric, and
early historic sites, and the fourth, the material culture of the early Pawnees as derived
from a study of the artifacts themselves. Pages 94-102 contain a summary of all data
presented in the monograph.
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