Continuity & Changes in TST
1
CONTINUITY AND CHANGES IN TRADITIONAL
SKILLS AND TECHNOLOGIES AMONG
HILL DALITS OF NEPAL
(a Study Based on Kami, Damai & Sarki of Kaski District)
SUMITTED TO
SOCIAL INCLUSION RESEARCH FUND SECRETARIAT
SNV/Nepal
( Netherlands Development Organisation)
Kathmandu, Nepal
SUBMITTED BY
Biswo Kallyan Parajuli, PhD
34 – Lampatan Marg, Simpani
P.O. Box 77, Pokhara Sub-Metropolis – 1
Kaski, Nepal.
September 2009
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11
Continuity & Changes in TST
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BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11
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CONSTITUUENTS OF RESEARCH TEAM
ASSIGNED RESPONSIBILITY
KEY RESEARCHER
NAME
DR. BISWO KALLYAN
PARAJULI
EVALUATION & QUALITY CONTROL
DR. MURARI SUVEDI
DOCUMENTATION OFFICOR
DR. DIRGHA MAN GURUNG
RESEARCH ASSISTANT
MR. JANARDAN THAPA
MR DEV BAHADUR CHHETRI
MR DAMODAR TRIPATHI
MR. RAJENDRA ADHIKARI
MR KHUMANATH BARAL
MR AMRIT KUMAR BHANDARI
FIELD SUPERVISOR
MR. BHARAT BAHADUR SARKI
MRS. BASANTI PARIYAR
MR. RAJAN K. PARIYAR
MR. RUDRA BAHADUR NEPALI
MS. ASMITA PARIYAR
FIELD ASSISTANT
MS SATYA GAHATRAJ (BK)
MS LAXMI PARIYAR
LANGUAGE EDITOR
MR PARMESHWOR BARAL
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11
Continuity & Changes in TST
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am greatly honored to write few words for this report. This report is an outcome of
almost three years long research on Continuity and Change in Traditional Skills and
Technologies among Hill Dalits of Nepal (a study based on Kami, Damai and Sarki of
Kaski district). This study was sponsered by SNV Nepal to enhance the social
inclusion campaign in Nepal. It also aims to boost up and support the social
awakening movements for people of oppressed strata of Nepal. Hence it is an assets
of Social Inclusion Research Secretariat Nepal. The overall goal of the study was to
explore the effective measure for inclusion of Hill Dalit in society and to analyze the
nature and pattern of occupational change among Hill Dalit of Kaski with reference to
social inclusion – exclusion discourse. The specific objectives were as follows:

to develop an inventory of male & female skill technologies of Hill Dalit.

to measure the gender specific perspectives of Dalit artisan groups toward
their occupational skills.

to assess the continuity and change pattern of occupational shift among the
Dalits.

to assess the educational and/or skill training needs of Dalits.

to evaluate the women's status in changing Dalit society.

to suggest policy alternatives to inclusion/exclusion discourse on occupational
mobility of Dalits.
I hope findings of this report would be an exciting and useful for readers and
researchers whoever are interested to study the Nepalese society in general and Hill
Dalit issues in particular. I believe that this report will play an important role in
sharing and disseminating ideas, opinion and thoughts on the issues of inclusion and
exclusion in our society. And it will contribute to the stock in the literature of Dalit
issues in Nepal.
I am greatful to several dignified scholars who have suggested me to incorporate
thoughtful comment, valuable critiques and insights during the various consultation
meetings and seminars in Kathmandu and Pokhara. I owe a great debt of thanks to
the SNV Nepal and Social Inclusion Research Secretariat Nepal for granting me the
research grant to carry out the present research. I express my deep sense of gratitude
to the SIRF Coordinator Dr Keshab Man Shakya, Central Terai Coordinator Ms Leela
Rasaili and Research Associates Ms Sita Rana for their fabulous support and
cooperation to complete the research project.
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Continuity & Changes in TST
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I am extremely thankful to the scholars Dr Rajendra Pradhan, Dr. Hari Sharma, Dr.
Sudhindra Sharma and other reviewers of our proposal and incecption reports for
granting us the inevitable research facilities in their institution (Social Sciennce Baha)
together with the valuable suggestions for this research work. I owe much to them for
their helpful criticism which always provided me a new insight. I wish to express my
sincere gratitude to the regional office of Dalit NGO Federation Pokhara, Mijar Samaj
Kaski, Pariyar Sewa Samaj Kaski for their assistance and cooperation in my field
work activities. Specially I want to remember the cooperation extended by Mr Durga
Bahadur Sunar, Mr Krishna Nepali, Mr Dil Bahadur Nepali, Mr Hari Bahadur Pariyar,
Mr Anil Pariyar, Ms Prem Devi Pariyar, Mr Jagatg Biswokarma, Bhabe Sarki and
Hom Bahadur Nepali. I am thankful to Mr Bishwo Raj Adhikari, Ms Amber Hasting
and Parmeshwor Baral for going through and correcting the manuscript.
I bestow my thanks and gratitude to my fellow researchers and colleague Dr.
Dirghaman Gurung, Dr. Murari Suvedi, Dr. Kedar Basnet, Janardan Thapa and
Damodar Tripathi for their contributions, suggestions, and academic assistance in my
work. I am thankful to my assistants of research team Mr. Rajendra Adhikari, Mr
Khumnath Baral, Mr Deb Chetry, Mr Parshu Ram B.K., Mr Bharat Bahadur Sarki,
Ms Asmita Pariyar, Mr Rajan Kumar Pariyar, Ms Basanti Kumari Pariyar, Mr Rudra
Nepali, Ms Laxmi Pariyar, Ms Satya Gahataraj and Ms Asmita Shrestha for their
sincere assistance and devotion towards this research work.
I am also thankful to all the participants of focused group discussions (FGDs), key
informants, respondents, facilators and community leaders of present study whose
valuable cooperation in providing information for the present study has been of
immense value for me. Lastly, I want to thank Mr Ishowar Shrestha for providing
secretarial facilites. But I am alone responsible for any deficiiency of analysis,
presentation and errors in this report.
---------------------------------Biswo Kallyan Parajuli
Team Leader
Project No: SIRF/06/11
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11
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ACRONYMS
B. S. B.K. CBS CERD DDC DFID e.g.
etc.
FGDs FM
GSDRCHDI hh
ILO KII
NGOs NHDR PMI SIRF SLC SNV SPSS TST VDC -
Bikram Sambat
Biswokarma
Central Bureau of Statistics
Committee on the eliminationof Racial Discrimination
District Develoment Committee
Department For International Development
spoken par example
et cetera (and so forth)
Focused Group Discussions
Frequency Modulation
Governance & Social Development Research Center
Human Development Index
Household
International Labour Organization
Key Informants Interview
Non-Governmental Organizations
Nepal Human Developoment Report
Playing Musical Instruments
Social Inclusion Research Fund
School Leaving Certificate
Netherlands Development Organisation
Statistical Package for Social Sciences
Traditional Skill Technology
Village Development Committee
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GLOSARY
Aran ko kam -
Work related with fireplace / hearth of Blacksmith
Bali Partha
An annual contract of wage between service provider and
-
receiver in kind
Balighare
-
Annual contract of wage in kind (grain)
Chuya
-
Skin of young bamboo, specially used to produce baket,
winnowing etc
Dakarmi
-
Mason/ who work in building construction with stone, bricks
and mud
Dalit
-
Oppressed and untouchable group in caste hierarchy
Damaha
-
One of the improtant musical instrument of Panche baja made
up of small hollow wood with leather cover.
Damai
-
Tailor Smith (Pariyar) a group of artisan found in hill region of
Nepal
Dholak
-
One of the Nepali munusical instrument.
Doko
-
A basket woven with bambo skin
Ghan
-
Hammer
Jajamani
-
Patron clint relation based on occupational service
Janajatis
-
Indegenious nationalities
Jati/Jat
-
Caste
Lok Geet
-
Folk Song
Loktantra
-
Democracy
Kami
-
Blacksmith (Biswokarma), a group of artisan found in hill
region of Nepal
Karmi
-
Worker, builders or menders
Katuwali
-
Messenger service provided in rural caste based society
Kshetri
-
One of the caste in Hindu society and supposed to be thea
dministrator and warriors.
Madhesi
-
Inhabitants fo Trai of Nepal
ManuSmriti
-
Hindu religious book (ancient religious code)
Murali
-
One of the Typical Nepali Musical instrument made up of
Bamboo (flute)
Nanglo
-
Winnowing made of bamboo skin
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Nairo
-
8
Agricultural tools made of skin of dead animal to join yoke and
plough
Nepali Baja
-
Nepalese musical instruments
Panche Baja
-
Typical Nepali Musical instrument which consist of 5 different
musical apparatus
Pani Chalne
-
Whose water is accepted in closed caste society
Pani Na-chalne-
Whose water is not accepted in closed caste society
Purohit
-
Family Priest
Sarki
-
Cobbler (Nepali) a group of artisan found in hill region of
Nepal
Sikarmi
-
Carpenter/ who works as wood worker
Thaili banaune -
Making traditional purse of clothe
Theki
A wooden vessel specially used by farmers to put milk and
-
yoghurt
Shinu
-
Dead animal
Vaishya
-
One of the caste group of the Hindu society engage in trade and
business
Varna
-
The caste system formlated by the the hindu society
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgement
V
Acronyms
III
Glossary
IV
List of Tables
XI
List of Figures and Illustrations
XIV
Page
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
1-13
1.1 Prelude
1
1.2 Background of Study
2
1.3 The Goals
3
1.4
Output of Study
4
1.5
The Problem
4
1.6 Perspectives on Social Exclusion/Inclusion
Discourse
5
1.6.1
Social exclusion is
6
1.7
Strategic Significance
12
1.8
Relevance to society
12
1.9
Ethical Aspects of Research
13
1.10 Maintenance of Gender Equality
Chapter II
13
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
14-45
2.1
History and Traditional Skill Context
14
2.2
The Issue of Skill and Technology Use
20
2.3
Paradigm Shift or Continuity and Change in Dalit Occupation
21
2.4
Issues of Exclusion/Inclusion and its Impact
32
2.5
Issues of Caste Inequality & Discrimination
37
2.6
Issues of Empowerment
41
2.7
Conceptual Skeletons
43
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Chapter III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
46-55
3.1
Universe and Sample Plan
46
3.2
Nature and Source of Data
49
3.3
Tools and Techniques
49
3.3.1 Interview Schedule
49
3.3.2 Key Informant Interview
50
3.3.3 Focus Group Discussion
50
3.3.4 Consultation Workshop
51
3.3.5 Reconnaissance Survey and Research Strategies
51
3.3.6 Pretest and Finalization of Research Tools and Training
51
3.3.7` Physical Preparation of Field Work
52
3.4`
Field Work for Data Collection
52
3.5
Supervision of Field
54
3.6
Checking, Scrutinizing and Tabulation of Field Data
54
3.7
Plans for Data Analysis and Report Writing
54
3.8
Organization of Report
55
Chapter IV STUDY SITE AND THE RESPONDENT
4.1
56-81
Description of the Study Site
56
4.1.1 Sampled Cluster for the Study
57
4.1.2 Place of Origin
58
4.1.3 Type of Family
59
4.1.4 Demographic Composition of the Respondent
60
4. 1.4. Age and Occupational Distribution of the Respondent
61
4. 1.5 Occupational Distribution of the Respondent
62
4.1.6 Occupation of the Family Members
65
4.1.7
Marital Status of the Respondents
66
4.1.8
Distribution of Family Member by Caste
66
4.1.9 Age and Sex composition of the Study Population
67
4.2
68
Religious Affiliation of the Respondents
4.2.1 Educational Attainment
69
4.2.2 Educational Status of the Respondent by Gender
70
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11
Economic Condition
71
4.3.1 Land Ownership and Food Sufficiency
72
4.3.2 Food Sufficiency
73
4.3.3 Animal Husbandry by Caste
74
4.3.4 Purpose of Keeping animal
74
4.3.5 Ownership of House
75
4.3.6 Type of House
75
4.3.7 Occupational Distribution of Household Head
76
4.3.8 Main Source of Household Income
78
4.3.9 Monthly Income
80
Chapter V
DALIT’S OCCUPATIONAL SKILL TECHNOLOGY
5.2 Inventory Occupation of the Family Members
82-95
82
5.3
Ancestral Traditional Occupation
84
5.4
Household Members Knowledge on TST
85
5.5
Traditional Occupation followed by the Respondents
86
5.6
Respondents’ Knowledge on TST
87
5.7
Known Traditional Skill and Technology
88
5.8
Attitude toward Learning Traditional Skill
89
5.9
Reasons for Happiness
90
5.10
Expertness in the Traditional Occupation
90
5.11
Source of Learned Occupational Skill
92
5.12
Age at Learning Traditional Skills
93
5.12
Utility of Occupation Skills in Daily Life
94
Chapter VI CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN OCCUPATION
6.1
Traditional Occupation of the Dalits
96-128
96
6.2 Intergenerational Occupation Mobility
98
6.3
Grand-father’s Main Occupation
100
6.4
Father’s Main Occupation
102
6.5
Respondents Main Occupations
103
6.6
Description of Main Occupational Skills across Generations
105
6.7
Necessity of Giving Continuity to the TSTs
106
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6.8
Causes of Giving Continuity to TSTs
107
6.9
Necessity of Transferring Traditional Skills / Technology to New
Generation
108
6.10
Traditional Skills in the Disappearing Stage
109
6.11
Traditional Skills Needed to be Conserve
110
6.12
Views on Change in the TSTs
111
6.13
View for Giving Continuity to the Present Occupation
112
6.14
Reasons for Continuation to the Present Occupation
114
6.15
Reasons for Discontinuing the Present Occupation
114
6.16
Preferred New Occupations
116
6.17
Respondents’ Veiw on Advising Offsprings to Adopt the Same
Occupation
117
6.18
Preferred Occupation for Offspring
119
6.19
Requirements for Preferred Occupation
120
6.20
Necessity of Quota System for the Dalits
121
6.21
Reasons for the Need of Quota System
122
6.22
Areas that Need Quota System
123
6.23
Use and Misuse of Reservation
125
6.24
Basis for Quota/reservation
128
Chapter VII INTER-DALIT RELATIONSHIP AND TRADITIONAL
OCCUPATION
129-136
7.1
Inter-Group Relationship
129
7.2
Practice of Barter system (Bali System) Among Respondents
131
7.3
Manner of Client Towards Respondnets
132
7.4
Differences of Wages Between Occupational Skill and Other Skills 133
7.5
Other's Behaviour toward Dalits
135
Chapter VIII GENDER PERSPECTIVE IN TRADITIONAL OCCUPATION
137-157
8.1
Education Status of Respondents
137
8.2
Land Ownership
138
8.3
Gender and Occupation
139
8.4
Gender and Agricultural Works
140
8.5
Caste-Specific Occupations and Gender
141
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8.6
Services and Related Works
143
8.7
Working Days and TSTs
144
8.8
Gender and Occupation Easiness
145
8.9
Perception Towards Works of Men and Women
146
8.10
Suitability of Traditional Skills/Technologies by Gender
147
8.11
Easy Availability of Work associated with TSTs by Gender
148
8.12
Gender Based Differences of wages
149
8.13
The Necessity of Trainings and Education
150
8.14
Types of Training Required for Dalits Women
151
8.15
Status of Dalit Women in Study Area
153
8.16
Recommended Measures for Upliftment of Dalit Women
154
8.17
Socio-economic Changes affecting the Status of Dalit Women
155
Chapter IX
9.1
DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 158-168
DISCUSSION
158
9.1.1 Study Population
159
9.1.2 Knowledge of Traditional Skill and Technology
159
9.1.3 Attitude toward Change and Continuity to Traditional Occupation 160
9.1.4 Gender Perspective and Traditional occupation
161
9.1.5 Inter Generational Attitude toward Occupation
162
9.1.6 Lack of Inclusion of All Dalit Community
163
9.2
CONCLUSIONS
163
9.3
RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE STUDY
164
References
169
Appendics
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LIST OF TABLES
Table No.
Description
Page No.
2.1
Organic Interpretation of Caste System
16
2. 2
Share of Hill Dalits in Kaski
19
2. 3
Social Exclusion / Inclusion of Dalits
35
3. 1
Sampling Frame of Study Population
47
3. 2
Interview Date of Research Clusters
53
4.1
Location of Study Clusters and Number of Respondents
57
4.2
Distribution of Respondent by Caste and Sex
58
4.3
Types of Family by Sub-Caste
59
4.4
Distribution of Respondent by Sub-Caste and Gender
60
4.5
Relation of the Respondents with the Household Head
60
4. 6
Distribution of Respondents by Age
61
4.7
Agriculture and Related Work
62
4.8
Traditional occupation and Related Work
63
4.9
Services and Related Work
64
4.10
Occupational Distribution of the Family Members
65
4.11
Marital Status of the Respondents
66
4.12
Distribution of Family Member by Caste
66
4.13
Age of the Family Members by Gender
67
4.14
Educational Attainment of Respondents by Caste
69
4.15
Educational Level of the Respondents by Gender
71
4.16
Ownership of Agricultural land by Caste
72
4.17
State of Food Sufficiency by Caste
73
4.18
Animal Husbandry by Caste
74
4.19
Selling of Animal and Animal Production by Caste
74
4.20
Ownership of Home by Sub-Caste Group
75
4.21
Type of House among the Study Population
76
4.22
Occupational Distribution of Household Heads
76
4.23
Main sources of Income of the Household Head
79
4.24
Monthly Income of Family by Gender of Household Head
80
5.1
Traditional Occupational Skills among the Study Population
83
5.2
Knowledge of Traditional Skill and Technology by Respondents
85
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5.3
Traditional Occupations Performed by the Respondents
86
5.4
Known Traditional Occupation
88
5.5
Reasons for being Happy of Learning the Traditional Skills
90
5.6
Occupational Expertise on the Caste Base Occupation
91
5.7
Occupational Skills Learned from
92
5.8
Age at Learning Traditional Skills
93
5.9
Utility of Traditional Skill in Day to Day Work
94
6.1
Main Occupations by Generations
99
6.2
Grand-father’s Main Occupations by Sub-Caste Groups
101
6.3
Father’s Main Occupation by Sub-caste Groups
103
6.4
Respondents’ Main Occupations by Sub-caste Groups
104
6.5
Need of Giving Continuity to the TSTs
106
6.6
Reasons for Giving Continuity to TSTs
107
6.7
Necessity of Transferring TSTs to New Generation
108
6.8
Occupation in the List of Disappearing Stage
109
6.9
Occupation Needed to be Conserved
110
6.10
Views on Change in the TSTs
112
6.11
Respondents View for Continuity to Present Occupation
113
6.12
Reasons for Continuation to the Present Occupation
114
6.13
Reasons for Discontinuing the Present Occupation
115
6.14
Preferred New Occupations
116
6.15
Advise Your Offspring to be in the Same Occupation
118
6.16
Preferred Occupations of Offspring
119
6.17
Requirements for Preferred Occupation Mention for Children
120
6.18
Necessity of Quota System for Dalits
121
6.19
Reasons for the Need of Quota System
123
6.20
Areas that Need Quota System
124
6.21
Use and Misuse of Reservation
125
6.22
Base for Quota/Reservation
126
7.1
Caste Groups and Ethnic Groups in close Relationship
130
7.2
Following Barter System (Bali System)
131
7.3
Behaviours of Client
132
7.4
Differences of Wages between Occupational Skill and Other Skills 134
7.5
Other's Behaviour toward Dalits
135
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8.1
Educational Status of the Respondents
137
8.2
Land Ownership by Gender
138
8.3
Knowledge on TST
139
8.4
Agriculture and Related Work by Gender
141
8.5
Caste Specific Occupations by Gender
142
8.6
Services and Related Non-Traditional Work by Gender
143
8.7
Total Working Day of Year Related with TST by Gender
144
8.8
Occupational Easiness by Gender
145
8.9
Work Importance of the Gender
146
8.10
Suitability of Traditional TST by Gender
147
8.11
Easy Availability of Work Based on the TST by Gender
148
8.12
Work Reward Difference by Gender
149
8.13
Gender and Necessity of Training and Education
151
8.14
Types of Training Required for Women
152
8.15
Respondents View for the Condition of Dalit Women
153
8.16
Recommended Measures for Upliftment of Dalit Women
154
8.17
Socio-economic Changes affecting the Status of Dalit Women
156
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LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure No.
Description
Page No.
1.1
Dalit Population of Kaski Districtd
3
1.2.
Social Exlusion
9
2.1
Hindu Caste System
15
2.2
Nepal’s Caste Hierarchy
16
2.3
Population of Hill Dalit in Nepal
18
2.4
Aspects of Exclusion
34
2.5
Conceptual Frame (A)
44
2.6
Conceptual Frame (B)
45
3.1
Study Area
48
4.1
Composition of Respondents by Age
62
4.2
Occupational Distribution of the Family Members
65
4.3
Distribution of Respondent by Religion
68
4.4
Educational Status of Respondent by Caste
70
4.5
Ownership of Agricultural land by Caste
72
4.6
State of Food Sufficiency by Caste
73
4.7
Main sources of Income of the Household Head
80
4.8
Main sources of Income by Caste
81
5.1
Ancestral Traditional Occupation of the Respondents
84
5.2
Knowledge about traditional skills and Technology
85
5.3
Respondents’ Knowledge on TST
87
5.4
Known Traditional Skills and Technologies
89
5.5
Happiness on Learning TST
89
5.6
Acquired the Traditional Skills From
93
6.1
Main Occupations by Generations
100
6.2
Occupations of the Grand-father
102
6.3
Occupation of the Father
103
6.4
Occupation of the Respondents by Sub-caste
105
6.5
Need of Giving Continuity to the TSTs
107
6.6
Reasons for Continuing TSTs
108
6.7
Necessity of Transferring TSTs to New Generation
109
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6.8
List of the Occupation that are Getting Disapear
110
6.9
Occupation that Need to Conserve
111
6.10
Different View for the Conservation of the TSTs
112
6.11
Respondents Views towards Traditional Giving Continuity to TSTs
114
6.12
Causes for the Continuation for the TSTs
115
6.13
Causes for Discontinuing the Present Occupation
116
6.14
New Preferred Occupation by the Respondents
117
6.15
Advise Your Offspring to be in the Same Occupation
118
6.16
Preferred Occupations of Offspring
120
6.17
Requirements for Preferred Occupation
121
6.18
Necessity of Quota System for Dalits
122
6.19
Cause for the Need of Quota System
123
6.20
Sectors that Need Quota System
124
6.21
Usefulness of Quota System
126
6.22
Base for Quota/Reservation
127
7.1
Study Population and Relationship with Other Caste Group
131
7.2
Bali System Practice by Dalit Sub-caste Groups
132
7.3
Manner of Clients
133
7.4
Difference in Wage Traditional Skills and Other Skill
134
7.5
Behaviours of Other Caste upon the Dalits
136
8.1
Ownership of Land by Gender
139
8.2
Knowledge of Traditional Skill and Technology by Gender
140
8.3
Gender and Working Days in a Year
145
8.4
Occupational Easiness by Gender
146
8.5
Occupational Importance by Gender
147
8.6
TST and Suitability by Gender
148
8.7
Easy Availability of Work Based on the TST by Gender
149
8.8
Gender and Wage Difference
150
8.9
Gender and the Need of Training for TST
151
8.10
Respondents View for the Condition of Dalit Women
154
8.11
Ways for the Upliftment of the Women
155
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1
Prelude:
According to the constitution of Nepal (1990) and the interim constitution (2007)
every citizen of Nepal deserves equal right in Nepalese society. However in practice,
owing to the deep-rooted traditions and customs, there exists discrimination and
inequality among and between the various strata of people. Some of the strata are
known as so called 'mainstream strata' and heavily exercise civic, economic and
political power of state and governance on their own. On the other hand, some of the
strata are oppressed, suppressed and exploited by their own countrymen and
'mainstream strata'. These oppressed strata of people are marginalized and excluded in
the development process of Nepalese society. Out of such exploited, excluded and
oppressed strata, Hill Dalit of Nepal is a major marginalized group of Nepalese
society. The Hill Dalit constitutes approximately 7 percent of total inhabitants of
Nepal. Unless and until the inclusion of these marginalized and excluded strata in
development and decision making process is not insured, the goal of national
integration will remain unattainable.
It is widely recognized fact that economic change can play decisive role to change the
structure of a society, a community or a group. Dalit is no exception in this
connection. Market economy has penetrated each and every corner of our society.
This has brought up different level of social and economic changes. In this process,
traditional occupations and social relationships are changing rapidly. Some empirical
evidences approve this fact (Parajuli 1999 and 2005) vividly. In this connection, it is
very enviable to investigate the nature and pattern of such overwhelming change.
Without understanding these changes, it is not viable to develop realistic framework
that aims at mainstreaming and uplifting the Dalit population in Nepal. Hence
proposed study tries to include the agenda of excluded and disadvantaged group
through relevant research initiative. It is expected that the research on 'Coninuity and
Change in Traditional skills and Technologies Among Hill Dalit of Nepal: A Study
Based on Kami, Damai and Sarki of Kaski District will effectively contribute to
further policy debate on national integration and social harmony of Nepalese society.
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20
Background of Study:
Nepal is a country, which exhibits ethnic and cultural mosaic. Nepalese society from
the thousands of years has been successful in dawing the various religions, culture,
ethnic and linguistic constituents, together which sought shelter here at various
periods of the history. It is difficult to find such elsewhere, a country as small in
territory like Nepal with such diversity of people and culture. It is a cultural mosaic
inhabited by an amazingly diverse array of caste, religion, language, ethnicity and so
on. Undoubtedly, Nepal is pluralistic and multicultural society. In the census of 1991
and 2001, 60 and 103 caste/ethnic diversities have been recorded respectively. Out of
which Hill Dalits of Nepal form one of the distinct groups of people. They are largely
known as Kami, Damai and Sarki. At community and village level, these people are
recognized as Biswokarma, Kami, Sunar, Lohar, Tamata, Chunara, Aodh, Darjii,
Damai, Pariyar, Hudke, Dholi, Sarki, Mijar, Charmakar, Nepali and so on. These Hill
Dalits are scattered throughout high and mid-hill region. However, the numbers of hill
Dalits are concentrated in the Far West, Mid West and Western regions of Nepal.
According to the census of 2001 Kami, Damai and Sarki constitute 895954, 390305
and 318989 respectively out of the total population of Nepal. Census of 2001 reveals
that out of 75 districts of Nepal, 28 districts from Western Nepal represent Dalit
Population either 3rd or 4th larger group. Districts like Surkhet, Baglung, Deilekh,
Jajarkot, Rolpa, Kaski, Pyuthan, Achham, Doti, Dadeldhura, etc. have larger cluster
of Hill Dalit of Nepal. Within these 15 districts one can find almost 40 percent of Hill
Dalit, (CBS 2002).
For this study Kaski district has been taken as study area as it is one of the most
identical districts inhabited by major occupational group of Dalit populations (i.e.
Kami, Damai and Sarki) in Nepal. Total population of Hill Dalit in Kaski is 50,518
(CBS 2001) out of which Kami, Damai and Sarki constitute 26278, 15116 and 9124
respectively. Evidences show that Kami is the 4th largest group in terms of population
density of Kaski District where as the largest cluster of Damai population was also
recorded in Kaski during the census of 2001.
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Figure 1.1. Dalit Population of Kaski
30000
26,278
20000
15116
15000
Dalit
Population of Dalit
25000
9124
10000
5000
0
Kami
Damai
Sarki
Major Hill Dalit of Kaski
An activity of expenditure of energy that produces service and product of value to
other people is an occupation or work, (Fox and Harse 1940). The idea of occupation
also implies a set of social relationship, (Hall, 1945). Change in occupational structure
and occupational mobility has been analyzed as a significant element in the process of
social and economic change. These changes have greater implications in interventions
regarding mainstreaming of a marginalized group of a society. The rational of this
study relies on this fact through the study on Continuity and Change in Traditional
Skills and Technologies among Hill Dalits of Nepal.
1.3
The Goals:
The overall goal of the study is to explore the effective measure (s) for the inclusion
of Dalit in society and to analyze the nature and pattern of occupational change
among Hill Dalit of Kaski with reference to social inclusion – exclusion discourse.
The specific objectives are as follows:

to develop an inventory of male and female skill technologies of Hill Dalit.

to measure the gender specific perspective of Dalit artisan groups toward their
occupational skills.

to assess the continuity and change pattern of occupational shift among the
Dalits.
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
to assess the educational and/or skill training needed for Dalits

to evaluate the women's status in changing Dalit society.

to suggest policy alternatives to inclusion/exclusion discourse on occupational
mobility of Dalits.
1.4
Output of Study
On the whole, this study will provide pertinent empirical data which consists of
crucial policy implications regarding the issues of social and economic inclusion of
Hill Dalit of Nepal. Likewise, this study will play imperative role to bridge the gap in
the theoretical understanding of the Dalit issues in Nepal .The study is expected to
produce some specific outcomes on the issue of interest.

Continuity and changes in traditional skills and technologies of the Dalits
have been recorded.

Data on current status of occupation of Dalit population have been
revealed.

Gender specific information on Dalit issues will be furnished

A viable framework has been developed to understand changing pattern of
Dalit economy and society in Nepal.

An approach or plan for economic and social integration of Dalit have
been derived
1.5
The Problem
Various studies show that Hill Dalits of Nepal have the smallest or marginal
landholding. They are economically deprived, socially oppressed and politically
excluded in the development process,(Parajuli, 2005).
Traditionally Hill Dalit
worked as artisan, mason, carpenter, painter, builder, labor, tailor, tiller, musician,
iron-worker, shoe maker and mender, producing and manufacturing different types of
goods from metal, wood, lather and forth. But now a days owing to the growth of
economic-commercial-industrial
activities,
development
intervention
and
urbanization, a sizable number of Hill Dalit are shifting their primary source of
livelihood into service, business, sales, skill and non skilled labor (domestic and
foreign) as well. With respect to the Dalit of Nepal, various authors, researchers and
social reformers have expressed their concern through their writings. But the
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empirical studies on occupational mobility, preference, satisfaction, and Dalit
perceptions towards their own skill technologies are still lacking. Hence, following
key research questions has been addressed through this research:

What are the most effective measures for inclusion of Hill Dalit in society?

What is the major source of livelihood among Hill Dalits of Nepal?

What are the major Skill technologies among the Hill Dalits of Nepal?

What occupations and technologies are still sustained in the sway of change?

What are gender specific perspectives of Dalit artisans toward their
occupational skills?

What are the factors that fostered shift in their traditional occupations?

What role does traditional skill technology play in the livelihood and daily
life of Dalit?
Beside these, following are some other additional research questions of this study:

What is the situation of social exclusion/inclusion issues of Dalits in village
level?

Among the Hill Dalits, in which group does the tempo of occupational change
is faster?

What are the effects of occupational mobility in inter-caste relationship
(especially with 'high caste' groups)?
1.6

How the traditional skill technologies are utilized and preserved?

How could Hill Dalits be included in modern forms of occupations?

What are Dalits' perceptions towards positive discrimination (reservation)?

What are the educational and /or skill training needs of Dalits?
Perspectives on Social Exclusion/Inclusion Discourse:
Social inclusion and exclusion is one of the main lense of present study, therefore,
literature related with the concept of 'inclusion and exclusion' have been reviewed
hereafter. Attempts have been made to explore and analyze the nature and pattern of
occupational change among Hill Dalit of Kaski district with reference to social
inclusion – exclusion discourse. Social exclusion could be translated as the UN nondiscrimination clause that is defined by the Human Rights Commission to mean “any
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distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference which is based on any ground such as
race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin,
property, birth or other status, and which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or
impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by all persons, on an equal footing
of all rights and freedoms.” This definition is grounded in law and applicable in the
vast majority of states. Therefore, it was argued that a human right-based approach
should be the means to tackle social exclusion.
1.6.1

Social Exclusion
It is the result of a pattern of acts to exclude certain individuals or groups on
the part of those that have power;

It is the process by which certain groups are left out in decision-making
processes;

It is the act of suppressing the aspirations of certain groups, denying them to
legitimate expectations guaranteed to the majority;

It is perpetuated by both formal and informal institutions;

It is an underlying cause of poverty;

It entails the absence of social roles and ties, where individuals are subject to
society’s ‘arbitrariness’ without means to make their voices heard;

describes a state where group(s) of individuals – defined by their social
identity- have consistently inferior opportunities – economic, social and/or
political;

the platform on which the marginalized (especially youth) groom hate and
violence as a mode of participation in society;

It can be disaggregated into economic, social and political components, which
while inter-related, can be applied differently (e.g. groups may be
economically strong but suffer discrimination in the public or private spheres);

It systematically incapacitates people, damaging their confidence and
depriving them of basic and human rights, services and opportunities.
The Dalits in Nepal have been discriminated and excluded by the state directly and
indirectly for ages upto now. Untouchability practices have been quite prevalent in the
country and the state has till date taken no effective measures to restrict such
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practices. The Nepal government, despite its ratifications to various international
conventions, has failed drastically in emancipating the millions of Dalits. For
instance, the Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination (CERD) on Nepal dated 12th March, 2004 (CERD/C/64/CO/5) made
various recommendations for elimination of all forms of caste-based discriminations
of the untouchable Dalits of Nepal. It recommended to the Nepal Government to
implement special measures to advance and protect the persons subjected to
discrimination, to undo under-representation of the disadvantaged groups in
governmental bodies, legislative bodies and the judiciary. However, the reality
remains that the Dalits not only experience incessant discrimination and subjugation
but also have been getting less adequate representation in the legislative, executive,
judiciary, local bodies and other services under the Nepali Government, (D’souza,
2006).
After the glorious people’s movement in April 2006, agenda of social inclusion has
been strongly raised by all segments of the society. Indeed the goal of the people’s
movement was to ensure “absolute or substantial democracy” in the country. The
absolute democracy does mean the whole edifice of socio-economic and political
democracy but also the overall inclusion of all people without any discrimination. In
the real sense, socio-economic democracy could be obtained only after achieving
complete respect for social inclusion. Social inclusion as mentioned above means a
feeling of ownership through enhancing the access to all organs of the state machinery
and state resources.
In the discourse about having absolute democracy, the political parties have agreed to
go for the new constitution through Constituent Assembly. It is the first time in the
history of Nepalese constitutionalism that government, to some extent, encouraged
participation of people through some groups and urged people and civil society for the
submission of their agendum while formulating the Nepal Interim Constitution 2007.
Janjaties, women, Madhesis, and Dalits were also represented in this process, which is
truly a significant progress. Eventhough the representation of these groups in the
interim constitution building process was not high and genuine; however it was the
first positive initiative of the state to encourage the participation of these groups in
this noble process, (Tamrakar, 2007).
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Even very low, as it was, representation of these groups has directly contributed to
include some positive regulations as well. Major issues included in the interim
constitution 2007 respecting social inclusion (particularly for Dalits) are:

All castes, creeds, religions and ethnicities have been widely recognized while
defining the nation.

Some socio- economic rights have been recognized. Prohibiting the
untouchability, right to employment and social security, social justice,
women’s rights and labor rights are acknowledged as the fundamental rights.
The constitution has paved the way for the constitutional guarantee for the
adherence to these rights, which are closely related to social inclusion.

An inclusive, democratic and progressive restructuring of the state will be
carried out eliminating its existing form of centralized and unitary structure in
order to address the problems related to women, Dalits, indigenous people,
Madhesis, oppressed and minority communities, and other disadvantaged
groups by abolishing class, caste, language, sex, culture, religion and regional
discriminations. A provision has been included as a directive principle under
this constitution to form a separate commission.

Regarding other excluded groups, the Interim Constituition has stated that in
the executive committees at all levels; there should be the provision for
including members from neglected and suppressed groups including the
women and Dalits, (ibid).
Thus, in Nepal, excluded groups namely Dalits (also known as untouchables)
continue to be deprived of social, economic and political opportunities despite being
equally treated by constitution and laws. They progress slowly relative to others,
contributing to increased inequality. The Dalits’ traditional occupations attract low
pay and low status. Such a situation of exclusion is supposed to be responsible for the
drastic change in the occupational situation of Dalits. The caste nexus in occupation is
found to be discontinued or in the mode of extinction due to social exclusion.
The working definition of social exclusion of Dalits can be stated as: “Social
exclusion is a process and a state that prevents Dalits from full participation in
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social, economic and political life and from asserting their rights. It derives from
exclusionary relationships based on power”.
Exclusion from the
Economy:
Restricted access to
labor markets, factors of
production such as land
or tools and from a wide
range of livelihood
opportunities
Social Relations &
Power
EXCLUSION/SOCIAL
EXCLUSION
Exclusion from
Social participation:
Restricted access to
infrastructure, services
and amenities, social
services, social security
and protection, public
safety, social cohesion
Organizations and
Institutions
Exclusion from
Politics: Restricted
access to organization,
consultation, decisionmaking and the rights
and responsibilities of
citizenship
Fig.1.2 Social Exclusion
Source: Adopted and modified from DFID Social Inclusion Review.
How the definition relates to different spheres of development activity is illustrated in
figure above. Exclusion/social exclusion from full participation in economic life is
shown in the top circle, which depicts exclusion from labor markets, employment and
enterprise opportunities and a wide range of livelihood strategies. For example,
Dalits are not employed in hotels, restaurants and even other production industries. If
people know that there are Dalit employees (workers), they hesitate to have food,
drinks and other services too. If Dalits want to be employed in labor market, they
either have to keep their castes secret or they have to disguise themselves as if they
are of high castes. This was reflected by Durga Bahadur Sunar (56) in a consultation
meeting in Pokhara and stated that 'when he was staying at a hotel in Butwal during
his visit to India. He was asked his caste by the hotel owner (Thakali) and he
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responded as 'Gharti' then hotel owner (Thakali) reacted as ' Damai- Kami Sakiya baki
jati Gharti' (Damai Kami disappeared and remaining are all became Gharti).
Similarly, people hesitate to purchase goods (particularly cooked materials, and
liquid) from the shops of Dalits. Even in many cases, the milk and diary products are
not accepted by diary industries even in this modern era.
The left bottom circle represents those aspects that denote exclusion of Dalits from
full participation in social life. They include exclusion from access to infrastructure
and services, social security and protection, public safety and social cohesion. For
example, Dalits are not permitted to enter to the houses of so-called upper caste
people. They caste people sprinkle water in their body dipped with gold when they
touch the Dalits incidently. Dalits are restricted to enter temples and participate in
many religious ceremonies even being the devotees of same religion also. Dalits are
restricted to fill water from public taps and water sources. Dalit children are kept in
separate seats in schools. They are not free to attain the buffet parties even.
The right bottom circle depicts exclusion from political life through restricted access
to organization, decision-making and the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. For
example, there are very limited political positions occupied by Dalits in Nepal. Even
in the village politics also, Dalits are excluded. They are not participating in local
level social welfare organizations. If, they are found to be involved by chance, they
are not given any decisive roles. News could be heard about exclusion of Dalits from
participating in Community Forest User Groups also. There are several Dalits in
Nepal who are deprived from getting the citizenship certificate. The box in the middle
depicts the axes of exclusion, the dynamics of which operate through social relations
and social, political and economic institutions based on power.
‘Social exclusion reinforces inequalities in power and wealth’ and noted evidence that
inequality negatively impacts the investment, productivity, innovation and risk taking
capacity that underpins long-term growth. In Nepal, for example, social exclusion
means keeping Dalits and Janajatis (almost 50% of the total population) out of
mainstream development (not using their skills and capabilities- wasting productive
potentials). Such high level of inequality can also lesson the impact of economic
growth on poverty reduction, (Beall et.al, 2005). Moreover, not addressing exclusion
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can exacerbate and/or ignite conflict and instability, setting back prosperity and
leading to loss of life (such as during the Maoist “people’s war” in Nepal).
Nepal has made progress in raising living standards over the last fifty years,
particularly since 1990, yet the country’s Human Development Index remains among
the lowest in the rank in the world. Development outcomes have varied inequitably,
manifesting themselves in gender, caste, ethnic and geographic disparities. Women,
Dalits, indigenous people, people with disabilities, children and senior citizens
continue to face discrimination, subordination and exclusion in the socio-cultural,
economic and political arenas. It is within this context that the report explores various
means of empowering Nepal’s weak, marginalized and alienated groups so as to make
present power structures far more inclusive, to alleviate poverty and to reduce the risk
of violent civil strife. Furthermore, the report explores how the values, priorities and
agency of citizens at the grassroots level can be moved to the centre of nationwide
development efforts and thereby strengthen the social fabric of the country as a whole,
(NHDR 2004, cited by Renner et. al. 2007).
The concepts of social exclusion and inequality are closely linked. Unequal societies
in which certain groups are discriminated against can lead to exclusion. Likewise,
social exclusion gears up inequality. Unlike vertical inequalities, which focus on
individuals, horizontal inequalities concern inequalities between groups, as does the
social
exclusion.
Both
horizontal
inequalities
and
social
exclusion
are
multidimensional, encompassing social, economic and political forms of exclusion.
However, horizontal inequalities are not always severe enough to lead to a situation
defined as social exclusion. Policies and initiatives to reduce horizontal inequalities
and social exclusion can be quite similar, both take a multidimensional approach and
generally target groups rather than individuals, (GSDRC, 2006).
But as Pradhan (2006) urged the need to rethink and problematise the relationships
between social exclusion and inclusion and move away from a simple binary
opposition. To say that the Dalits are excluded and thus have to be included without
adding further qualifications, may be politically correct and useful for research and
project grants, but it does not really help us understand the complexities of the
relationships between exclusion and inclusion.
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We also need to look at everyday forms of exclusion and inclusion, and different
forms of exclusion and inclusion in our villages; processes, mechanisms and
institutions of exclusions may differ according to locality. There is a dearth of
discussion on whether and how development processes themselves may exacerbate
social disadvantage and exclusion (ibid).
The social exclusion discourse in Nepal, for example, largely stemmed from a
widespread recognition of the high levels of inequality throughout the nation. In
Nepal, debates on poverty reduction are increasingly focused on inequality, providing
entry points for social exclusion to be addressed. Basically, a country like Nepal
where there are castes nexus in occupations, people must be included in main stream
of the nation for proper development. By excluding various groups of people the
recent concept of formation of "New Nepal" may not complete.
1.7
Strategic Significance
Inclusion of Dalit has become an integral and indispensable part of the social,
political and developmental agenda of Nepal. It has created a need to make out the
problem and processes of Dalit people and society. Occupational structure is one of
the most crucial facets of these processes. Owing to this fact, this proposed study aims
at crystallizing the issues so as to derive a conclusive framework to address the
problem in realistic way. Inclusion issue cannot be comprehensive without addressing
the economic structure and its social and cultural manifestations.
1.8
Relevance to society
In Nepal, empirical studies on occupational issues of Dalits are still lacking in both
quality and quantity. There emerged various policy issues regarding Dalit economy,
like:
reservation,
positive
discrimination,
etc.,
in
both
government
and
nongovernmental level. Hence, it is prerequisite to furnish adequate information,
which is based on empirical evidences. The conclusion of the study is based on the
information collected in Kaski district of the western region. So, the findings and
recommendations can be applicable at least to develop regional level Dalit issues. It
is desirable to understand their perspective on occupational mobility that has made the
subject of change. These kinds of studies can guide appropriate policy and
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interventions in this area. In academia, this study will add up the existing rare
literature on occupational mobility in particular and caste issues in general. It is
expected that it will stir the academic interest in this area.
1.9
Ethical Aspects of Research
Ethical consideration is an important part of social science research. Therefore, the
key researcher and research team are fully aware about the ethical aspects of present
study. The research team has guaranted that there would be no harm to subject
(respondents) owing to their responses. The informants were informed about the
objective(s) of research, funding agency and potential use of the data collected.
Participation as respondents was voluntary; therefore informants’ consents were
maintained compulsorily. Anonymity and confidentiality of responses were
maintained unless respondents themselves voluntarily wave it. The contributions of
sponsors, staff, field workers and respondents have been acknowledged properly. In
spite of this, before launching the project a press meeting was held with journalists to
switch research initiative as a public agenda for civil society. After completion of
final draft, another consultation meeting has been organized in study site to share the
major findings of current research report. The research team further ensured that
there would not be any use/misuse of any natural resources to cause adverse affects
upon environment and natural resources. Hence the research team guaranteed the
protection of environment too.
1.10
Maintenance of Gender Equality
The research team was aware about the gender sensitive information related with skill
technologies of Hill Dalit of Kaski. According to the proposed sampling frame, 540
households were proposed as sample size, thus the number of respondents were 540
out of which half of the respondents were from different gender group (every
alternative household had represented 1 masculine and 1 feminine respondents). Thus
there were 270 male and 270 female respondents respectively. For this reason it was
expected that female would respond regarding female skill technologies and vice
versa. Similarly, research team itself reflects its inclusive nature in terms of
caste/ethnicity and gender.
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CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2.1
History and Traditional Skill Context
Dalits are those groups of Hindu people who are kept at the lowest rank of the caste
hierarchy. The four fold hierarchy of Hindu society comprises of Brahmins at the top,
then Kshetris, Vaishyas and the Shudras at the bottom. Dalits are considered as
belonging to Shudra Varna. The word "Dalit" was used for the first time by "Simon
Commission" in 1927 in British India to refer to the group of people of Shudra Varna
whose touch was not accepted. In Nepal, this word was used by Dalit activists and
organizations from 2024 B. S. The literal meaning of Dalit is "oppressed", "exploited"
or "subjugated" which is devised as they are oppressed by the higher caste. National
Dalit Commission has defined the term as "the community known as so called
untouchables (Pani Nachalne ra Chhoichhoti Halnu Parne) by Hindu Varnashram
System and the Civil Code 1910 B.S., discriminated in the society and excluded from
social, economic, political, educational and religious life and also from the national
mainstream are Dalit people". The Old Legal Code, 1854, defined the group as Pani
Nachalne Chhoi Chhito Halnu Parne, meaning those groups from whom water is not
accepted and whose touch requires sprinkling of holy water to purify them. National
Dalit Commission has listed twenty two Dalit castes living in Nepal. Out of these
twenty-two castes, only five castes: Gandharwa, Damai, Sarki, Badi and
Vishwokarma are found inhabiting in hill regions and are termed as Hill Dalits.
Regmi (1971:23) notes that in the hill region of Nepal occupational castes were
generally limited to tailors, leatherworkers, blacksmith, goldsmith (Damai, Sarki,
Kami, Sunar) etc. But the number of occupational caste group in Nepalese Terai is
larger along with dairymen, gardener, washermen, oilmen, carpenter, traders,
shopkeepers, etc.
The figure below shows the caste operational system wherein, these three analytically
separable principles of caste system operate not so much through individuals as
through units based on kinship. Therefore, in changing context among migrants of
urban area, caste system does not operate fully.
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Jati
Birth Status, group exclusion or
inclusion or rules governing to
marriage or contact which
maintains distinctions of caste
Caste
System
Hierarchy
The Principle of order &
rank according to status
Interdependence
The division of labor which
is closely tied to hierarchy &
separation
Figure 2.1: Hindu Caste System
The characteristics of interdependence among different castes through patron-client
relations, providing series and goods and receiving means of subsistence in return,
have weakened considerably but still visible in different forms.
In relation to authority Nepalese Dalit fall under what Olin Wright calls the obey class
category whom according to Manusmriti were supposed to be one of the socially
outcaste groups of people, and who, (a) were produced by the relationship of pure and
mixed caste, (b) had lost their status on account of neglect of sacred rites, (c) were
excluded from the community for some reasons, (d) were slaves and their
descendants, and (e) were excluded from the community of four Varnas, along with
their descendants, (Keltkar, 1979).
In institutional terms in the case of Nepalese Dalit, the state made rules for do's and
don'ts in different time periods, the economic institutions allocated to Dalits a little
land than what they needed to grow food for their self-sufficiency, the symbolic
institutions restricted Dalits from getting access to traditional "knowledge" and
provided a continued surveillance against their practice, and legal/repressive
institutions maintained the caste rules set by the state authorities.
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Table 2.1: Organic Interpretation of Caste
Caste
Color
Organic
Traditional Occupation
Function of part
Division
Brahman
White
Priest / Pundit
Head
Knowledge
Kshatriya
Red
The Warrior / Ruler
Arm
Protection
Vaishya
Yellow
Business/Producer
Belly
Supply/production
Shudra
Black
Labor/Service Provider
Feet
Infrastructure
Dalits or untouchables are the one of the groups of people within Hindu caste system
who’s social, economic, health status and political condition is lower as compared to
other groups in Nepal. The lowest position of Dalits in the caste hierarchy has
resulted in the poverty, powerlessness and social exclusion. Such conditions of Dalits
seem to have resulted due to the deliberate oppression and exploitation of the society
and the state based on Hindu orthodoxy.
The multifaceted social system of Nepal based on caste, which is believed to be
historically engineered by the orthodox higher caste Hindus, is still in vigor even in
the 21st century despite of many efforts by the social reformers, parliament's
declaration of 4th Jestha, 2063 B.S. and notwithstanding implementation of various
laws and amendments to abolish the caste hierarchies.
The Superiors
The Warriors
The Businessmen
The Workers or Labors
Figure 2.2: Nepal's Caste Hierarchy
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The Hindu religion has divided people into four different groups called Varna such as
Brahman (the superior), Kshatriya (the warrior), Vaishya (the businessmen), and
Shudra (the physical worker/labor). Most of the people belonging to Shudra category
are called untouchables. The origination of this concept is supposed to have sprung
approximately in 1200 BC according to one of the Hindu scriptures, Rig Beda. There
has not been any evidence of existence of caste prior to that period. Later on, the
division into groups developed on the basis of their work. This division was based
upon organic interpretation of a society. According to this interpretation the Sudra
(Dalit) are fundamental pillar, Vaishyas are provider, Kshatriyas are protector and
Brahmins are designer of a society. In the very beginning there was also a provision
for Sudra to become a Brahmin by his intelligence and wisdom. Initially the caste of
an individual was not based upon his/her birth. No Hindu scriptures indicate the
existence of the group system before the inception of Rig Beda.
The Dalit category refers to artesian or occupational caste among the Hindu. The term
Dalit (oppressed) is used as an alternative to traditional ones with pejorative
connotation for the lowerst caste hierarchy considered as 'untouchable' (acchut).
Moreover, they are socially ostracized, economically deprived, and politically
excluded, is the making of caste discrimination, (Gurung, 2003).
A Dalit, historically, could not enter into a high caste home. Whereas others would be
received as honored guests, next to the God in respect, they were supposed to stay out
of the home, no matter as it is shivering cold or boiling hot outside. Besides, no one of
the higher caste persons would sit on the same mat, bench, or plank with them.
Touching a Dalit was a taboo in the past. If somebody from a high caste mistakenly
touched a Dalit, he or she had to take a holy bath or sprinkle gold dipped water over
(chhoichhito) themselves. Yet, despite these taboos and ways of separating the castes,
there were times when some Dalit castes might be considered good luck. For
example, a Damai was considered the best person to see at the time of departure. The
next best person was Sarki but a Kami was never accepted in that way. One could
argue perhaps that Damai sews clothes and plays musical instrument such as Panchai
Baja during rituals and Sarki makes and mends shoes, leather strap for ploughing,
head strap for carrying and all these things are inseparable at the time of someone's
departure. Kamis, on the other hand, make and repair agricultural implements,
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constructs tools for Masons and Carpenters, and metalwares or metal utensils, etc.,
whatever the reason he was considered as the worst person to see at the time of
departure. High caste people believed that the glance of a Kami always brought evil to
their work, (Shrestha, 1993).
Historically, Nepali society holds deep roots in the Hindu caste system with hierarchy
of different groups of people within the system. Dalits or untouchables are one of the
groups of people within this Hindu caste whose social, economic, health status and
political conditions are lowest compared to other groups in Nepal, (NDSR, 2002).
Dalits are, thus, traditionally lower caste people who are regarded as "untouchable,"
and are discriminated socially, economically, and politically. Ninety percent of them
live below the poverty line and have little or no land. In Mid and Far West of Nepal,
the Dalit population is proportionally the highest, where they form 30% of the
population in many districts, and caste discrimination is in extreme there as well.
895954
Population (in lakhs) =>
1,000,000
800,000
600,000
390305
318989
400,000
200,000
0
Kami
Damai
Sarki
Dalit Castes =>
Fig. 2.3: Population of Hill Dalits in Nepal
Source: Based on CBS (2002)
In the census of 1991 and 2001, 60 and 103 caste/ethnic diversities have been
recorded respectively in Nepal. Out of which Hill Dalit of Nepal is one of the distinct
groups of people. They are largely known as Kami, Damai and Sarki. At community
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and village level, these people are recognized as Biswokarma, Kami, Sunar, Lohar,
Tamata, Chunara, Aodh, Darjii, Damai, Pariyar, Hudke, Dholi, Sarki, Mijar,
Charmakar, Nepali and so on. These Hill Dalits are scattered throughout high and
mid-hill region. However, the numbers of Hill Dalits are concentrated in the Far
West, Mid West and Western regions of Nepal. According to the census of 2001
Kami, Damai and Sarki constitute 895,954, 390,305 and 318,989 respectively out of
the total population of Nepal. Census of 2001 reveals that out of 75 districts of Nepal,
28 districts from Western Nepal represent Dalit Population either in the 3rd or 4th
larger group.
Districts like Surkhet, Baglung, Dailekh, Jajarkot, Rolpa, Kaski,
Pyuthan, Achham, Doti, Dadeldhura, etc. have larger clusters of Hill Dalits of Nepal.
Within these 15 districts, we can find almost 40 percent of Hill Dalits, (CBS 2002).
Table 2.2: Share of Hill Dalits in Kaski
Hill Dalits
Total in Nepal
Total in Kaski
Population
Percentage
Kami
895,954
26,278
2.93
Damai
390,305
15,116
3.87
Sarki
318,989
9124
2.86
Source: Based on CBS Report (2001)
Kaski is one of the largest districts in terms of Damai population of Nepal and Kami
are the fourth largest group of Kaski, whereas Sarki are also in significant rank in the
district. Most of these people are engaged in traditional skills and technologies for
their livelihood. Till date these group of people are marginalized from the mainstream
of public sphere i.e. economy, politics and society of district and nation. To include
these marginalized Dalits in the mainstream of the district and national level a policy
revision is required, therefore, the study on continuity and change in traditional skill
and technology among Hill Dalits of Nepal will help to develop and design some
policies for inclusion of Dalit in the mainstream of the nation.
Kamis are blacksmiths, who along with their traditional caste occupation of making
and repairing iron tools, also practice agriculture. Within the Kami group, there a
highly professional group called Sunar (gold or silver-smith) who makes and repairs
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gold or silver (Jelleweries). Historically, they were economically dependent on their
clients through the traditional Indian Jajmani system such as Bali. This system exists
in many parts of Nepal even today. Theses days, some Kami males and females are
relatively better educated than other Dalit groups and work as professors, engineers,
doctors or employed in various Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) and
corporations such as banks, etc. (NDSR: 2002).
The Damais or tailors practice their traditional occupation of tailoring along with
agriculture. But they are less engaged in agriculture because of their saleable
profession such as tailoring in the market. In addition, they play musical instruments
in various social occasions and ritual of their clients. Like the Kami, they also provide
their services to clients in the traditional Jajmani or Bali, (ibid).
The third largest Dalit group, Sarkis are traditional cobblers whose occupation is the
leatherwork, such as hiding the skin of dead animals, making the leather goods such
as shoes, bags and mending, etc. along with their traditional occupation of leather
work, they also practice agriculture. A number of Sarki families are also engaged in
the Haliya system where the male member of the family becomes Hali (ploughman)
and other members support agriculture activities of the family of high caste people,
including the Indigenous Nationalities, (ibid).
2.2
The Issue of Skill and Technology Use
Technology is the use or application of organized knowledge to achieve practical
solutions to problems such as turning resources into the material goods and services
that a society needs. Technology, a part of material culture, is an important
component of culture. Thus, the technology in its broad meaning connotes the
practical arts. These arts range from hunting, fishing, gathering to agriculture, animal
husbandry, and mining through manufacturing, construction, transportation, provision
of food, power, heat, light, etc. to means of communication, medicine and military
technology. Technologies are bodies of skills, knowledge, and procedure for making,
using, and doing useful things (Merril, 1964).
In the studies of technology, social relationships concern the wide variety of social
effects linked to technology by its influence on the kinds and amount of goods and
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services which can be provided for the support of wide variety of human activities and
processes and purposes. Here the focus is on the role of technology in production. The
social and other conditions directly influence technology. In Nepal, the transformation
and change of tradition and technologies of Dalits is also going through the same
manner.
Technologies are important for not only they affect social life but also because they
constitute a major body of cultural phenomenon in their own right. These phenomena
pose numerous problems whose study may shed light on wide range of issues in the
social sciences.
Viewed in broad perspective, the practical arts align themselves with many other sets
of traditions and custom which are pre-eminently cultural in the sense that they
exhibit historically specified origin, development and distribution. In this respect, they
differ from those aspects of social organization which frequently exhibit similar forms
of historically unrelated societies. Therefore, pre-history, history, and ethnography are
especially important in understanding the course of human technology over space and
time, (Merril, 1964).
2.3
Paradigm Shift or Continuity and Change in Dalit Occupation
In laymen terms, 'Paradigm Shift' is a popular, or perhaps, not so popular shift or
transformation of the way we humans perceive events, people, environment, and life
altogether. It can be a national or international shift, and could have dramatic effects whether positive or negative - on the way we live our lives today and in the future. A
paradigm shift occurs when a significant change happens - usually from one
fundamental view to a different view. In most cases, some type of major discontinuity
occurs as well.
Thomas Kuhn wrote about 'Paradigm Shift' during the early 1960s and explained how
"series of peaceful interludes punctuated by intellectually violent revolutions caused
one conceptual world view to be replaced by another view” (Kuhn, 1962, cited in:
Ritzer 1991).
Kuhn (1970) has argued that revolution in scientific knowledge comes about not
through the accumulation of data alone but through a change in the paradigm when
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the framework of explanation is altered or a new set of questions is posed. In this
context, we can locate Dalit writers as changing the paradigm and rising new
hypothesis about their existential and experimental realities through their writings,
(Kumar, 2005).
In today's society, we all have witnessed a major shift already. During the
counterculture era in (1960s-1970s), younger generations opposed authority and were
very much at odds with society's accepted belief systems and standards of living. In
the counterculture movement (fueled by the Vietnam War), social conservatives were
deemed "social repressionists." (L. Baily, 2005)
In lieu of recent times, however, a paradigm shift has been evolving. The enlightening
paradigm shift is being exploding into innovative ideas about religion, society,
occupation and spirituality and notwithstanding traditional ideologies.
Though the Nepalese society, which is based on the caste system, is often regarded as
a “closed society”, it is not altogether changeless. Within the framework of the caste
itself, some kind of mobility is observed. Lower castes have often tried to claim
higher status by imitating the life-styles of upper castes particularly of Brahmins and
Kshatriyas. To denote this type of mobility (process), Srinivas (1962) used the term
‘Sanskritization’ in India. The upper castes including Brahmins, on the contrary, have
started orienting their life-styles on the model of the Westerners. For such process, he
introduced the term ‘Westernization’.
In Nepalese society, traditionally, castes like Damai, used to play a number of
instruments for occasions such as marriage and rice feeding programmes of elite
upper caste people. However, with many villages now having television, radio and
even a local FM station, such accounts are declining gradually. The minstrels, Gaine,
used to play instruments like Sarangi but even the Gaine are declining in number,
(Wikipedia, 2007).
Economically, Dalits are the poorest of the poor, and most of them are landless. They
are still involving in Jajamani system or Balighare Pratha, which is the main way of
living for Dalits. This is a system, in which the Dalits have to serve the higher castes,
and in return, they get grains during harvest once in a year. Normally, they get very
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less paying as compared to their labor. Although, the system remains strong in most
of the villages, it seems almost disappeared in Pokhara. However, traditional
occupation of the Dalits still can be found in Pokhara. The occupations are declining
because of two main causes: it has been greatly affected by modernization, and; most
importantly, its low social prestige. Most Dalits discard their occupation, although it
has handsome earning even at the present time.
Changes in Nepal's state and social structure, along with the rise of mass media,
continue to impact the lives of Damai musicians and the music that they play. Since
their establishment in Nepal beginning around the 14th century, the Damai's social
status has become that of an untouchable occupational caste along with the
Gandharva (Gaine) musicians, the Badi (musicians), the Sarki (tanners) and the Kami
(blacksmiths). Though caste purity laws were removed from the Nepali legal system
in 1963, caste remains a significant part of social reality.
The demise of the patronage system, while in theory a step toward greater social
equality, has had a significant economic impact on the Damai. With their major
source of income from musical events removed, many Damai have adopted other
more lucrative professions. Some have become full-time tailors, leaving their villages
for Kathmandu or other larger cities. Others, especially those in Kathmandu, have
abandoned the Panchai Baja for the Band Baja. One reason for this may be that the
clarinet, trumpet snare and bass drum band receive more than twice the income of the
traditional ensemble. However, while this is true in the villages where bands must be
called from far away, the situation can sometimes be opposite in Kathmandu where
bands are plentiful. Several people in Kathmandu mentioned the expense of a Panchai
Baja as a deterrent from hiring this type of band for their functions, though they
preferred the sounds of Sahanai, Dolakhi and Damaha to the clarinet, trumpet, snare
and bass drums. Also, mass media, especially the national broadcasts: Radio Nepal
and Nepal Television, are contributing to the loss of regional variation as groups try to
please their audiences with the latest modern folk (Lok, Adhunik) hits and do not
compose as many of their own songs.
Anna Stirr (2007) says, “Changes for the better are occurring in Damai musical
society along with the rest of Nepal”. In the past fifteen years it has become
increasingly acceptable for women to sing and dance in public, and several Damai
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women have become well known as singers of Lok Geet (folk songs). Non-Damai or
partially-Damai musical groups have begun to adopt the sound of the Panchai Baja,
including it in the composed Lok Geet featured on Radio Nepal and in Nepal
Television music videos; thus, the musical practice is becoming less associated with
untouchability, and gaining status as a Nepali national genre. Thus, the social status of
the Damai as a group, and the popularity of the music that they play is affected by
many factors which vary according to location and individual situations. The
musicians, residents of central Nepal, take great pride in the music that they make and
hope to continue their traditions; it is their views of what constitutes the traditions that
vary (Stirr, 2007).
Seddon et al (2002) have clarified that the Jat ‘ Sarki’ commonly identified with
leather-working and this ranks very low in the caste system. Leather working has
virtually disappeared from villages and the most appropriated symbol of the
destruction of rural artisan work in Nepal might be rubber sandals which are
manufactured in Indian factories but sold throughout Nepal. However, it seems likely
that people are unfortunate enough to be born into families of Sarki caste in Nepal
who have always been expected to perform general out-door laboring task for more
powerful patron and their lather-working was only a relatively minor activity. In some
contrast to the continuing plight of the Sarki is the survival of barber as artisan in the
terai.
The decline of the village artisan is in progress in Nepal at different rates depending
on the particular occupation and location involved. The historical context of the
process is such that those most vulnerable to this change are least able to find new
opportunities outside wage laboring. The condition under which artisan production
takes place, production within the household working directly for a particular client,
are hardly conductive to resisting pressure either individually or to an even greater
extent collectively. But these same conditions plus possessions of even a tiny amount
of land mean that the household is unlikely to migrate completely, whilst elements of
protective patronage exit (ibid).
In Daniel Lerner’s words, “less developed societies acquire the characteristics that are
common to more developed societies". This process is called ‘Modernization’. Today
not only the upper class and middle class people including upper caste and interBK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11
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mediatory caste people are trying to orient their behavior, attitudes, beliefs and lifestyles towards those developed societies; but also the entire mass of people are
involved in this process, (Rao, 1990/2006).
People need the opportunity to participate fully in the life of their community if they
are to flourish and realize their potential. But certain groups in society are
systematically excluded from opportunities that are open to others because they are
discriminated against on the basis of their race, religion, gender, caste, age, disability,
or other social identity. Socially excluded people are often denied the opportunities
available to others to increase their income and escape from poverty by their own
efforts. So, eventhough the economy may grow and general income level may rise,
excluded people are likely to be left behind, and make up an increasing proportion of
those who remain in poverty. Poverty reduction policies often fail to reach them
unless they are specifically designed to do so, (DFID, 2005).
Urbanization is playing the role in changing the economic situation of marginalized
groups and Dalits. The monetization of economy has had brought Cobblers less
dependent to Priests. The traditional plough system was noticed to be declined and
Cobblers were found to be working outside the village for cash. This shift is because
of the improper distribution of resources to all racial people, (ibid). Many people are
frequently turned to migration towards urban areas as a solution of thier economic
crisis. For many members of tribal groups in Nepal, migration in the Gurkhas has/had
meant an amelioration of their economic situation, (Caplan, 1970).
Caplan (1972) has, thus, examined the shift in the economic and political links
between the two groups – high caste 'Priests' and untouchables 'Cobblers' -in the hills
of Western Nepal through national innovations like new methods of communication,
roads, airfields, radio telegraphs,educational facilities, New Legal Code (equal rights
to all citizens) ,etc. Traditionally, there was high dependency of Cobblers to Priests
for loans of grains and cash an in return; they used to give either lands or their
services as ploughman or agricultural laborers. In later time the relation between
these two groups is changed and the dependency of the Cobblers upon the Brahmins
has lessened considerably.
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Untouchables in Nepal, however, have traditionally only been able to migrate to seek
unskilled works in the cities of Northern India and most of their savings have been
used to replacing debts and making up grains deficit, not on improving their standard
of living. Only in a few instances development appears to bring opportunities to lowcaste people, and this usually when there is a demand for services which most others
are unwilling to perform.
According to the division of labor in the Hindu society, Dalits have to serve the
higher castes by various skillful and menial works. The work or service is not paid in
cash; it is paid in grain once a year especially during harvest time. This system is
called Jajamani system, or Bali Pratha. Within Dalits, a particular caste is allocated a
particular service. For instance, Bishwokarma have been servicing by repairing and
making ironware works and golden ornaments, Pariyar by sewing cloths, Sarki by
leather works, such as making and mending shoes, and Ghandharwa by singing
songs. And, within Bishwokarmas, Kamis are involving in iron works, Sunars in gold
works, Chunaras in making wooden vessels especially used for putting milk, curd and
ghee, and Tamatas for copper works. This shows that Dalits have artistic expertise
that is resulted from the specialization of their occupation. The fact that these
occupational castes (some prefer to say occupational caste to Dalit) are presented in
all the parts and among all the castes of the country is due to their essentiality.
Moreover, this occupation has created a deep and inseparable relationship between the
higher castes and Dalits. The frequent contact and interaction between these castes
have fostered the process of Sanskritization of Dalits.
Caplan's analysis, thus, concludes firstly, economic development can play role to
reallocation of resources by weakening of the ties of dependence of the lower-caste
upon higher-caste; secondly, universal adult suffrage, the demographic composition
of the village and, indeed, of the region surrounding a village is important to bring
change, thirdly, where low castes are in very small numbers, they are unlikely to be in
a position of to defy the higher caste nor is their support by aspiring leaders; and
Finally, the lower caste must receive some concrete support from external agencies. It
is not enough merely to introduce new laws and a new constitution: these have to be
enforced at the village level. Alternatively, the wider society has to provide other
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mechanisms which give members of lower castes some opportunities for mobility
outside the village such as government jobs, political parties or reform movements.
Madson (2007) has narrated in her news article, “Sundari and Mata: Two Damai Girls
Seeking Change in the Village” that the Damai caste traditionally work as tailors and
drummers in marriage ceremonies and other religious rituals. “The Damai think that
they are superior to the Kamis, the Kamis consider that they are superior to the Sarkis,
and the Sarkis think that they are further up in the caste hierarchy than Damai.
Everybody thinks that they are superior. If we don’t quit this kind of thinking among
ourselves, then how can we make the upper caste people treat us as their equals?”
Sundari, one of the Damai girls tried to tell all the women and men that they must
send their children to school. If the children are not educated, they won’t understand
why we have to change the way we live with the caste system. But the villagers tell
her: “well, who will then collect firewood or leaves for the buffaloes (Madson, 2007)
Dalits are now aware of the potential occupation-based trades such as haircutting,
tailoring, leather working, house wiring, and sewing machine repair. A number of
Dalit beneficiaries have already received skills training and small loans to initiate
self-employment (Helvetas 2007).
Shah (2004/2005) has analyzed how caste hierarchy is gradually getting disassociated
from Sanskritization1 and how many non-caste structures and institutions have
become its powerful agents leading to greater Sanskritization of the society as a whole
including Dalits and Adivasis. He has pointed out that in modern times certain new
developments
are pushing this
traditional process
further. He
highlights
untouchability laws as the agents, which have enabled at least Dalits to enter temples.
Also, the Dalits are being admitted in many sects and they are even claiming
themselves descent form figures like Valmiki and Eklavya. Further, with education,
new occupation and migration to urban centers, the Dalits are increasingly being
influenced and getting integration into wider system. Those who are influenced by
others are found changing their traditional skills and technologies and being
assimilated in new culture.
1
Sanskritization: The process of mobility of lower castes by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism to move in the
caste hierarchy in a generation or two. (Srinivas, 1962)
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While describing Indian society, Kumar (2005) argued that the Indian sociologists
have neglected Dalits and not performed any quantitative or qualitative analysis for
the process of exclusion and deprivation of Dalits in Indian society, in general, and
Hindus social order, in particular. They have failed to record the impact of social,
economic, and political exploitation on the Dalit communities. He further argued that
they have failed to evolve a strategy to measure the social exclusion of Dalits in
Indian society. So, he suggests evolving a comprehensive concept which can measure
the social exclusion of Dalits. For this he suggests 'Human Distress Index' (HDI)
which can include a number of structural and cultural elements of the lives of Dalits.
This type of concept can be applied in Nepalese society as well to uplift the Dalits of
Nepal.
As it has already been mentioned above that the traditional occupations based on
Jajamani system (a system in which the service is paid in grains once a year and the
service provider and receiver are normally permanent and hereditary) is the main way
of survival of the Dalits. Dalits used to get various necessities during festivals from
their patrons. The full dependence of Dalits on their patrons (high caste) and easy
fulfillment of their basic needs did not necessitate them buy land and do labor
themselves and save the earnings. The psychological dependency has been prevalent
among Dalits, although they are well-off, but in recent time, the paying in grains has
decreased significantly which does not suffice for their living. Hence, Dalits are
searching for alternative source of living, and have been converting Jajamani system
into cash system.
In case of Pokhara, traditional occupations seem to have been continuing, which is not
in Jajamani system, but in cash system. The patron-client relationships have been
almost disappeared. New sources of income have been still difficult for them because
of lack of education and good skills. Very few in number, may be less than five, have
joined government services. A significant number of Ghandharwa have been working
in Municipality office in low positions especially in collecting garbage and peon.
Similar number of them has also been involving in private schools as dance and song
teachers either in part time or in contract basis. Nepalis and the Kamis are the most
affected castes by their occupation. It is very hard to see Kamis working with iron in
Pokhara. However, few Sarkis are seen repairing and making shoes in small rooms.
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These two occupations have almost disappeared due to the importation of mechanized
tools and materials against which their low skill could not compete. Most flourishing
occupations among all are of Sunars, repairing and making ornaments. Most of the
Sunars are involving in such occupationand have earned a good amount of money.
Similarly tailoring is also flourishing in Pokhara. However, both of these occupations
have to face challenges from Indian materials and more skillful manpower from other
casts.
Nonetheless, the occupations are the symbol of low social prestige, which have
inextricably linked with the socio-economic and ritual status of Dalits. It is assumed
that the system of untouchability was emerged due to their occupations, which compel
them to be dirty and conduct dirtier works. Due to this fact, Dalit activists and leaders
are now trying to separate them from their occupation and break down the patronclient relationship. Moreover, the Dalits do not like to continue the occupations
themselves, if not for their generations due to its low social prestige although they get
handsome earning (Parajuli, 2007).
It is perceived that the rural and traditional patron-client relationship and attitude have
disappeared and shifted to another stronger patron: the state or the government.
Similarly the dependency of Dalits also has shifted to the state whose socialistic goals
and commitment to uplift Dalits have led to expect much. They have conceived that it
is only the state that can help them to better their life. At present, they are very
hopeful that Loktantra surely emancipates them from the age-long oppression,
discrimination and domination of caste system and hierarchy. As a result, political
power has been recognized as a major force to pressurize and lobby the government
and the parties, and for this reason Dalits have formed various caste associations and
are actively involving in Dalit wings of political parties. And, caste has been a crucial
variable in Nepalese politics. Political parties themselves have politicized the castes.
Caste and especially Dalit issues have been made central focus of all parties and have
promised to include the Dalits in every structure of state and their party. Hence, as a
consequence, Dalits are seeking political and economic power rather than ritual by
means of Sanskritization, (ibid).
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It is argued that socio-cultural prejudices prevalent in the country and economic
imperatives may be the factors leading the occupational caste groups in the hills of
Nepal to gradually abandon their traditional skills. Chhetri (1999) believes that the
education has very crucial role in eliminating the prejudices against caste and the
practices of untouchability among both the discriminators as well as the
discriminated. These assertions are supported by the following observations:
-
Younger generation is reluctant to carry on traditional occupation of their
family.
-
Caste-based discrimination does not exit in theory but is prevalent in practices.
-
Social and economic disparities within the occupational caste groups may
have widened the gaps among themselves.
Adhikari (1996) in a case study in central Nepal noted that members of the
occupational caste to be employed in traditional occupation had been declining. The
reason for declining involvement in traditional occupation were not only the difficulty
in obtaining charcoal from the forest but it was also because of easier availability of
tools produced from factories on a mass scale. But Sharma et al. (1994) in the context
of caste-based occupation found that a few living in or close to urban centers make a
direct living from their own traditional skill. They also arrive at the similar conclusion
that Kamis are hard hit by the availability of factory-produced farm implements,
Damais by the availability of readymade clothes and Sarkis by availability of cheapest
footwears. If these people so desired, perhaps they could be employed into the
factories which are rendering their services less used.
In the context of occupational continuity, Dube (2001:155) has described the
women's role. She explains that women's work contributes substantially to the
occupational continuity of a caste group. It is, of course, true that the growth of new
professions and open recruitment to occupations have been important aspects of social
change in any caste-based society.
The picture of inalienable unchanging links between traditional occupation and caste
was, in any case, vastly overdrawn. At the same time, there are significant continuities
in the link between caste and occupation. Agriculture – although now open to all
castes – still gives a distinct identity to a large number of castes of 'traditional'
cultivators. Equally, some other occupations remain the exclusive privilege of
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particular castes. A Brahman, for instance, still performs the function of Purohit
(priest), for upper and middle level castes. Among the artisan castes of goldsmiths,
blacksmiths, potters, and weavers, at least a few members of the groups are imparted
the necessary skills and make a living by the traditional craft. Finally, most ritually
polluting occupations – the curing and tanning of hides, removal of dead animals,
scavenging, and the activities of the barber, the washerman and the midwife – retain
their association with specific castes.
In the caste-linked occupations, the work of women, carried out as members of
households – the basic units of production and servicing – is the indispensable. It is
difficult for weavers and potters to carry on the complex processes of their craft
without continue help of the women and children of the household, who in turn have
well-defined tasks. Women can also take on aspects of men's work: it is not usual for
the women in potter's family to establish contracts with clients and go to the market to
assist with selling goods. Similarly, basket weaving is a joint activity. These
illustrations underscore the fact that occupational continuity depends in large measure
on women.
In the situations of change, women often have to take on duel responsibilities of
continuing caste-based occupations and maintaining the household. When men give
up their traditional occupation on account of its low ritual status or inadequate returns,
the entire burden of occupational work often falls on the shoulder of women. Many
men migrate to towns leaving behind their families. The women continue their
contribution in terms of services or craft, but for want of male help, they face the
choice of losing their clientele or coping with a doubled work burden. Thus, women's
contribution to occupational continuity is carried out within patrilineal limits and
under the impositions and control of caste.
In a study of scavenge women, Karlekar (1986) found that while men were
increasingly leaving the ritually 'defiling' occupation of their caste, women remained
in the same traditional field. These women had to support the males of the household
who were trying to acquire skills for entering new occupations or explore independent
sources of income. The men, even when unemployed, were loath to touch their
traditional work. Boys were being sent to school while girls joined their mothers at
work at an early age.
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50
Issues of Exclusion2/Inclusion3 and its Impact
Human society is complex owing to its inequalities based division, segment and
interdependence. Some of the segments of society are enjoing their power and known
as mainstream group where as some other are marganilized and deprived by their
counterparts. Therefore, the issues of social justice, equality, inclusion, exclusion are
some of the burning issues of contemporary society of Nepal. Exclusion is the
process through which a group is forced down at the edge of the society whereas
inclusion enhances the access of opportunites to the marganilized group. The
definition of social inclusion used by the World Bank (2002) is as follows: "Social
inclusion is the removal of institutional barriers and the enhancement of incentives to
increase the access of diverse individuals and groups to development opportunities".
Social inclusion seeks to bring about system-level institutional reform and policy
change to remove inequalities in the external environment. Social inclusion requires a
shift from an institutional environment that gives some individuals and groups more
opportunity to realize their agency than others to one where the political system and
the rule of law support equal agency for all, (Rao & Walton, 2004). Social inclusion
changes the opportunity structure within which individuals and groups seek to
exercise their agency. It requires change in incentives and also improved capacity
within state and community organizations to ensure that organizations can and will
respond equitably to the legitimate demands of all individuals, regardless of their
social identity. This process, as it leads to greater equality of agency, will bring about
sustainable prosperity for all through improved access to the assets and capabilities
required for achieving a secured livelihood and broad –based economic growth,
(DFID, 2006).
Social inclusion as a policy framework is also not without risk, the normative
tendencies inherent on social exclusion discourse are still present. However, a desire
2
Social exclusion is a set of processes, including within the labor market and the welfare system, by
which individuals, households, communities or even whole social groups are pushed towards or kept to
the margins of society. It encompasses not only material deprivation but also more broadly the denial
of opportunities to participate fully in social and civil life. (Democratic Dialogue 1995, emphasis
added)
3
The DFID/World Bank report defines social inclusion as "the removal of institutional barriers and
enhancement of incentives to increase the access of diverse individual and groups to development
opportunities" (DFID/World Bank 2005:5)
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for social inclusion could be interpreted, in a policy context, as an agenda to facilitate,
enrich and enhance individual and group capacity for at least three things:
opportunity, reciprocity and participation. These three concepts occur alongside the
concept of exclusion in much of the international policy debate. Investing in the
strengths and resources of people requires multifaceted policy approaches. There
needs to be policies that provide access to basic advantages in health, education,
housing and amenities. There needs to be policies that seek to protect people from
harm, and/or that help prevent people being exposed to difficult circumstances and
unnecessary risks. There also needs to be policies that enable people to seek new
opportunities and take advantage of available opportunities. Ideally, there needs to be
policy mechanisms for recognizing that investments and opportunities that are
valuable and accessible to some people are not relevant or accessible to otherss
(Peace, 1999).
De Haan (1998) summarized social exclusion as the opposite to social integration,
which reflects the perceived importance of being part of society and being integrated.
He especially describes the characters of social exclusion from development and
social policy perspectives. Social exclusion is a multi-dimensional concept and it
refers to exclusion (deprivation) in the economic, social and political spheres. It goes
beyond the analysis of resources allocation mechanisms, and includes power relations,
agency culture, and social identity. He further characterizes the social exclusion as it
can refer to a state or situation, but it often refers to processes and the mechanisms by
which people are excluded. The focus is on the institutions that enable and constrain
human interaction, (cited in Pradhan, 2006).
Nepal is characterized by massive poverty, immense cultural, linguistic, religious
diversity, with no single ethnic or caste group numerically in the majority, centuries
of political, economic, religious and cultural dominance by one small group subject to
a flood of development aid, and with only nascent democracy. It is thus is very
diverse economically, politically, socially, culturally, and legally than the Europe
where the concepts of social exclusion and inclusion originated in response to
especially the European problems. Although, there may never be consensus on the
definitions and theoretical methodological perspectives and paradigms we should use,
nevertheless it will be agreed that there is a need to modify and broaden the concepts
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to make them more useful for understanding and explaining social exclusion and
inclusion in Nepal, (Pradhan, 2006).
Figure 2.4: Aspects of Exclusion
Social
Exclusion
Economical
Political
Human Development Report (HDR) (2004) makes the following observations to
demolish some prevailing fallacies: (i) multi-cultural policies are a way to build
diverse and unified states; (ii) identity politics need to be managed so that they don't
turn violent; (iii) development process should involve wider participation for human
rights and value shifts; (iv) there is no evidence of relationship between cultural
diversity and development; and (v) 'clash of civilizations' concept exaggerates
differences between cultural groups and ignores similarities between them.
The social hierarchy prevalent in Nepal is a deviant model based on the concept of
core and peripherial. Hindus are 'core' and non-Hindu and lower-caste Hindus are
'peripherial'. The State alignment to Hindu ideology continues to perpetuate social
exclusion of millions of people attempt to explore the extent of inequality due to such
social discrimination. This type of ideology has/had contributed to significant level of
social inequality in Nepal. This ideology has resulted the 'Political Inequity',
Economic Deprivation', and 'Educational Inequality' in Nepal, (Gurung, 2006).
The Dalits, who constitute 12.8 percent (all Dalits) of the total population of Nepal,
have no representation in the higher echelons of power. The Dalits’ presence is
limited to very few nominated positions in the Upper House, which proves that the
Dalits are in the worst scenario case of their share in population vis-à-vis power,
(ibid).
Human Development Report (1998) indicates the life expectancy of Dalits as 50.3
year, which is in the sixth rank, whereas the average life expectancy of Nepali people
was recorded as 55 year. We can find strong evidence of convergence between social
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hierarchy and poverty level. The Hill Dalits have almost the highest proportion below
poverty line exceeding 65 percent such that Kami (68%), Damai (67%) and Sarki
(65%).
Social transformation is a slow process since the establishment itself is the beneficiary
of the prevailing system. In order to change the situation, "empowerment from below
needs to be supported by complementary efforts at the system level to make situation
and polices more inclusive. Recent emphasis on poverty reduction in Nepal's
development strategy is not a new idea as the very purpose of development in
economic advancement and social welfare of the people. What is Nobel is the late
realization of social exclusion as both an impediment to human development and also
the cause of insurgency. Social exclusion is said to occur when a group is excluded
"from rights of entitlements as a citizen, where rights include the social right to a
certain standard of living and to participation in society", (Gurung, 2006).
Gurung (2003a, p.8) has specified the 'Problem of Exclusion" and "Agenda for
Inclusion" for Dalits as follows:
Table2.3: Social Exclusion/Inclusion of Dalits
Problem of Exclusion
Agenda for Inclusion

Secular state
Economic: Poor literacy
Unemployment
Landlessness



Free education
Seat reservation
Alternative livelihood
Political :

Collegiate election
Social :
Caste discrimination
Poor representation
Source: Gurung (2003a, p.8)
Caste system in Nepal perpetuates untouchability that inhibits the right to equality of
Dalit. A secular Nepal or neutrality of the state towards religion would eliminate such
discrimination. One language policy is antagonistic to the cultural right of the
minority groups whose mother tongue is not Nepali. All languages of the country
should be given the national status with special measures to promote endangered
languages of the ethnic minorities. Most Dalits have low literacy rate due to the
language barrier of the former and abject poverty of the later. Backwarded ethnic
groups and Dalits should be prioritized in literacy and education programmes. The
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landless minority groups, because of the encroachments of their indigenous land by
other groups, should be provided alternative livelihood through targeted programmes.
There must be drastic change in the electoral system and provision for proportional
representation for Dalits and Janajati to avoid their exclusion in the politics. Hence, it
is essential to demolish cultural dominance of a particular group in order to establish
fundamental human rights for all under a multi-cultural democratic set-up, (ibid).
Bhattachan & Webster (2005) have concluded on poverty reduction that intensifying
armed conflict in Nepal and recent acceptance by both the national and international
community regarding the interconnection between poverty, conflict and indigenous
people have forced both the government and donors to address the issues of
exclusion/inclusion of different caste/ethnic, language, religious, regional and gender
groups, including indigenous peoples. However, in doing so, the preferred approach is
to lump indigenous peoples with Dalit, women and other "disadvantaged groups".
Inconsistent use of amorphous terminology, such as "disadvantaged groups,"
"disadvantaged community," "backwarded communities," "marginalized groups,"
"vulnerable groups," "minorities," "underprivileged groups," “downtrodden”,
“oppressed”, and "women, Dalits and tribal/ethnic groups/indigenous nationalities,
etc.," is ubiquitous. Such lumping together serves to further marginalize the specific
problems faced by indigenous people and perpetuates lack of conceptual clarity on
these issues, preventing the formulation of effective strategies to address their needs.
Ethnic minorities tend to have poorer living conditions, run a greater risk of social
exclusion and have a more vulnerable economy than those belonging to the major
ethnicity in nation.The explanations for this vary. Some argue that ethnic minorities
are worse off owing to differences in cognitive abilities and intelligence. Others
blame structural conditions such as inefficiency of labor markets or welfare policy.
Some claim that the differences between ethnic minorities and major groups can only
be explained by studying the mechanisms leading to durable inequality that
systematically affects certain groups of people. Eventhough there is a significant
relationship between ethnicity and different forms of social exclusion, and the
presence of cumulative exclusion, the most important variable to explain social
exclusion seems to be education. People with a low level of education are more often
excluded along all the dimensions studied here. Given the importance attached to
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poverty in the discussions of social exclusion, we could have expected poverty to
have a significant impact on all forms of exclusion too. The strength of the
relationship between income poverty and exclusion from different arenas seems to
vary, however, and poverty does not seem to be a dominant variable in explaining
either exclusion from civil/political participation or social isolation. This is true of the
ethnic minorities we have focused on and the titular groups alike, (Aadne & Tone,
2001).
2.5
Issues of Caste Inequality & Discrimination:
Racial discrimination has a different face in Nepal than it does in many other parts of
the world. Many groups suffer from marginalisation because of caste, ethnicity,
gender, age, religion and political opinion. Lower castes and minority ethnic groups
are disproportionately affected by widespread health problems aggravated by poverty
and lack of public health awareness. Children suffer very much in particular in this
regard. Commendably there is increased enrolment in schools, a slowly decreasing
child mortality rate, growing awareness of exploitation and trafficking and growth in
support services. Despite the anti-discrimination provisions contained in the 1990
Constitution, caste discrimination remains ingrained in Hindu-dominated Nepalese
society. Caste discrimination constitutes to be a form of racism in which people are
categorically relegated to subordinate social positions and are denied equal access to
social,
economic,
political
and
legal
resources.
Wealth
and
power
are
disproportionately distributed to favour higher castes, restricting social mobility and
the possibility of intergenerational change, because caste is based on lines of descent.
Cultural attitudes that perpetuate the caste system are inculcated at a young age in
Nepal and are often reinforced within the education system. Adults teach children to
maintain the stratified society and continual reinforcement of the system cement it
into an unquestionable reality. Caste discrimination is frequently present in
government-initiated development programmes, with many of the projects failing to
benefit the lower castes, (HRF, 2001).
World Bank (2004) in its "Social Development Notes" on findings of recent DFIDcommissioned study on social change in conflict-affected areas of Nepal notes no
caste-based discriminatory practices within the Maoist with some exceptions. Dalit
and non-Dalit Maoists eat and live together. The hierarchy within the Dalit caste
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system has also been discouraged. Those Dalits who have joined the Maoists are
treated equally to non-Dalit cadre. They are not denied entry to houses or temples,
have access to water sources, do not have to wash their own dishes, and are addressed
respectfully. The practice of untouchability appears to have decreased in public
places. This change, however, is limited to towns and small markets at road heads
only. The Maoists have argued that systematic exclusion and deprivation of
indigenous ethnic groups should be addressed as a primary issue in equitable national
development and integration. The Maoist platform includes indigenous ethnic groups’
right to self-determination, ethnic and regional autonomy, proportional representation,
equal language and cultural rights, elimination of caste-based domination, patriarchy
and untouchability.
HELVETAS Report determines that Dalits face deeply entrenched discrimination that
Hindu society has practiced since the 12th Century. They have been discriminated
against in their daily lives at water springs and taps, in employment, at schools, hotels,
restaurants, temples, and milk cooperatives (milk supplied by Dalits is refused).
Dalits themselves practice discrimination and label "untouchables" within their own
caste group, which has hindered Dalits’ participation in civil society, the political
system, and social and economic areas. Extreme poverty and caste and gender
exploitation are characteristics of western hill Dalits of Nepal. Report says, “many
Dalits are leather workers, sweepers, blacksmiths, tailors, and agricultural laborers
(Haruwa or Haliya)”. Most of them receive only “some food grains” in payment for
their works, and Haliya receive no payment as they work to pay off loans from
landowners – they are effectively bonded laborers of some sort. Most Dalits live
below the poverty line and have little or no land.
In the review of "Racist Inequality: Republican Universalism Put to the Test (2000)",
Le Saut (2006) mentions that the authors have analyzed racism as a social relationship
that afflicts the ensemble of French society, in the form of segregationist and
discriminatory processes that continually redefine the status of minority groups. But
there has nonetheless been a perceptible evolution in the dominant universal discourse
overt the past several years, manifested by the emergence of issues related to the
struggle against racist inequality and of ethnically based discrimination. Authors have
analyzed how the struggle against discrimination in 1998 became an important
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component of public policy in France. State created a 'Commission on Access to
Citizenship' at high level to study and combat discrimination. The new policy brought
about notable changes in the public debate from a discursive point of view. This type
of system can empower the marginalized group to come to the judicial system. This
can clearly express the recognition of injustice and participate them in the racialized
social relations. This concludes that action against economic and social inequality
resulting from discriminatory practices would be more efficacious if the
acknowledgement of ethnic diversity were to pave the way for reforms based on the
political and juridical recognition of cultural pluralism. In this context, the enactment
of multicultural public policies not directly conceived in order to deal with
discrimination and could turn out to be preliminary stage in the implementation of
policies specifically designed to counter racism.
Caste-based discrimination is referred to as discrimination on the basis of descent and
work because each caste is restricted to one kind of work, with the most demeaning,
menial, degrading and 'polluting' work done by Dalits. Typically, this work involves
the disposal of human excreta, or bodies of dead animals and corpses. Invariably, it is
the Dalit women who are forced by the men to do these jobs. The feudal nature of the
caste system also prevents Dalits from leaving their prescribed work. Many of them
are paid nothing at all. Others are given no money, but only a portion of grain or some
other payment in kind in return of their labour. This practice leaves them in complete
dependency on the upper castes that control and own the businesses and land. Castebased discrimination against Dalit women in India and Nepal is a matter requiring the
introduction and effective implementation of laws that will hold the perpetrators of
abuses responsible for their actions, and ensure adequate compensation for the
victims.
Dalits are discriminated against on the basis of caste and “untouchability.” They are
not only discriminated by the so-called higher caste people in the Hindu system, but
also by people within the same caste. Dalit women suffer much more than Dalit men.
Dalits are discriminated in the religious and cultural spheres. They are not allowed to
practice Hindu rituals, norms and values in the same manner as of upper casts. To
escape from this discrimination, they converted into Christianity. And, yet even
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within their Christian communities, only those belonging to higher castes can become
religious leaders or occupy key positions in the church, (Shrestha, 2003).
Dalits have been relegated to do caste-based work as black/goldsmith, tailors,
shoemakers and street cleaners,which are considered as low social status professions.
Poverty and lack of other means of livelihood force the Dalits to continue their
traditional occupations. Dalit women and children are also forced to work in the
households of their landlords. They do not get justifiable wage in return of their labor.
If they do not work for others, they work as a help of their husbands in the traditional
jobs of Dalits. Those working in Haliya Pratha (bonded labor) or Khala Pratha
(forced labor) are not even earning from their work. They may get food grains. Dalits
who are able to get a wage-earning job suffer from unfair wage system. They get
much less than their non-Dalit counterparts. Dalit women, on the other hand, get
lesser wage than Dalit men. Lack of modern technological skills and financial
resources prevent them from getting employed in new industries or trade in the
market. Dalits who change from traditional occupation to wage labor do not therefore
necessarily improve their economic conditions, (ibid).
Nepalese Dalits intelligentsias posit Marxist view of origin and evolution of caste
system that caste system is made to fulfill the interests of the higher castes to
monopolize resources and power of the state. Ahuti, a prominent Nepali Dalit
literature argues that caste system was originated during age of slavery and has base
on feudal Hindu religion that heavily exploits and oppresses the millions of people in
south Asia (Ahuti, 2004). Similarly, Indian Dalit leader Ambedkar defined caste as
close class. He argued that the caste system was not imposed on society by Brahmins,
instead it evolved because Brahmins were imitated by other social groups which also
opted for endogamy, (Jaffrelot, 2005). Ambedkar considered caste not only the
division of labor but also the division laborers and proposed the theory of ‘graded
inequality’.
Dalits remain at the bottom of Nepal's caste hierarchy. Even now, the government and
many development/aid organizations use euphemisms such as "occupational castes",
"backwarded classes", "marginalized", and "disadvantaged groups" instead of
referring to them as Dalits. The hesitation to use the term Dalits deflects attention
from the everyday reality of caste-based discrimination in Nepal (DFID 2006).
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2.6
59
Issues of Empowerment
Yadav (2004) in his article entitled “Madeshi: A Disadvantaged Social Group”
ensures that "in order to bring about national integration, balance and harmony are
two basic ingredients: no group of citizens should feel to have been deliberately
discriminated by the State and deprived of equal opportunities in national affairs".
There should be proper balance in the representation of various castes and ethnicity in
the administration and other agencies of the government to impart sense of equitable
participation. This requires a change in attitude to treat everyone on equal, flaxen and
equitable basis. A more harmonious attitude in the rulers to accommodate every
citizen of the country in nation-building is the prerequisite. Not only geographical but
also representational integration is essential. Equitable participation and equitable
sharing of benefits are central to this process.
Jha (2004) writes in his newsletter, “Efforts to Raise Dalit’s Share in Governance”
that the problem of the Dalits should be treated as a national problem and not the
problem of any specific community. Such problem could be resolved in an integrated
manner by focusing on their education, health, income, political participation and
other core issues. Massive awareness and advocacy programmes should be launched
to sensitize their problems. Pressure groups need to be formed to see that affirmative
action is taken and the anti-discriminatory laws are effectively enforced. The
leadership development training should be provided to the different groups of the
Dalits, particularly to the girls and women. Considering the miserable conditions of
the Dalit community, urgent attention needs to be paid by all the stakeholders,
including the Government, NGOs, INGOs, donors and multilateral institutions to
contribute significantly for their up-liftment. For their empowerment, he recommends
to organize Skill Development Programmes. He recommends traditional skills of the
Dalits in all such fields as making khukuris, utensils, ornaments, agricultural tools,
woodcarvings, shoes, basketry items, etc. need to be improved and utilized in the
larger interest of the nation for which Technical Training Institute could be
established in various parts of the country.
Mohanty (2003) speaks about the impact of development planning, particularly the
poverty alleviation programmes on Dalit community. Apart from highlighting a sound
theoretical backdrop including the occupational basis of the caste system, the
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traditional social status of the Dalits through ages, social movement taken place
during different periods of time, provision of ‘Protective Discrimination’ and
constitutional safeguards, etc. It focuses the changes on occupation, income,
expenditure, indebtedness, asset acquisition, food habit and dietary pattern etc.
Moreover, he also describes the political participation and awareness, family
planning, health status and treatment of diseases, ritual belief pattern, etc. Thus, in a
nutshell the work highlights the tradition, development process and the changes that
have taken place among a Dalit community.
According to Koirala (1996), schooling for almost all Dalits is equated with
employment, better employment, different employment, employment which yields a
higher income and better status in life. Dore (1976) was probably right when he
argued "education conditioned people to become employees". A study done in India,
(Goyal, 1981) supports this idea when his Harijan respondent, who was a primary
shcool graduate, aspired to "service what else" after schooling (i.e. not only to be an
employee but to be employed in the state sector). The Nepali Dalits, as Schudder and
Colson (1980) found in the Gwenbe society in Zambia, and Pradhan (1995) among
Ismaili Muslim women in Booni valley of Pakistan, were tempted to urban
employment because they saw their future more in town and in urban centers than
their home villages.
Dalits are illiterate because of deliberate denial of schooling to them. Reading and
writing was against their caste norms as they had to serve the high castes by their
various menial works. Education was the prerogative of higher caste only. Although
there is equal opportunity for education in recent decades, literacy rate has not been
increasing satisfactorily because of poverty. In case of Pokhara, it seems that Dalits
are not investing on education sufficiently although they have good opportunity and
can afford it easily. This shows that the age-old psychology that education does not
belong to Dalits is still strong among them,(Parajul 2007).
The pressure of declining artisan work finds its outlet in movement by younger
members of the household. The occupational mobility of children is restricted not
only by caste but also by limited access to education. Seddon et al (2002:109) write
that the majority of household of Kami, Damai, and Sarki of a rural village nearby
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Pokhara had spent nothing on education in the previous years of their survey and 10
percent of people had spent some money at all on the education of children under
fifteen up until 1974. The absence of formal education ensures that jobs in
administration, at even a minimal level, an effectively barred to"Low Caste" people
without any active discrimination in selection.
Dalits suffer from various caste based discriminations which seem still continue in
Nepal in spite of various laws against these. The discrimination on the basis of caste is
not only occurring from the high caste Hindus, but also from Janajatis and Buddhist.
Bhattachan (2000) has listed two hundred and five types of discriminations on the
basis of caste. For instance, denial of use of public amenities, social boycott, forced
labor, untouchability, etc. Use of public amenities such as water tap, well, school,
teashop, and forest have been difficult (banned) to them. Although they are Hindus,
they are not allowed to enter and worship in to the temple. Traditionally reading
religious books and chanting Mantras were banned to them. They do not have any
participation on any level the state. Overall, they are deprived of all the means and
resources of the state. In Pokhara, the untouchability is not seen in public places;
however it is seen in personal affairs such as in house. The discriminatory behavior of
high caste people toward Dalits can be easily traced, and, is decreasing slowly.
2.7
Conceptual Skeletions:
On the basis of reviewed literature and observation of study site following conceptual
skeletions has beend developed to the interpretation of study result.
Figure : 5 (Conceptual frame A) illustrates that the continuation of traditional skills
based occupations are deeply affected by changing environment, lack of resources,
difficulty to survive, rise of new opportunities, modern (western) education, social
and political awakening and high mobility of respective society.
Similarly,
underlying profit and respect, personal interest, support in livelihood, limited
population, sufficient resources and lack of mobility etc. limit the possibility of
change in existing traditional occupation of society and individuals. New traditional
skill technology groups are being emerged in society owing to the change in existing
caste system in society. The continuation of TST is still prevalent in case of tailoring,
playing music, utensil making, ornament making, shoes making, woodwork, and
ploughing whereas TST is found to be shifted towards agriculture, business, service,
skilled labor, and foreign services. Hence, the TST is still found in its continuation as
well as changing with time and space.
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Figure2.5: Concptual Frame (A)
Traditional Occupational Skill
Profit & Respect
Tailoring
Ornament
Shoe Making
Woodwork
Continuation of TST
Utensil
Making
Personal Desire (Interest)
Lack of Resources
Hard to Survive
Helpful in Livelihood
New Opportunity
Limited Population
Sufficient Resources
Lack of Mobility
Modern Education
High Mobility
Social/Political
Awakening
Agriculture
Shift in Modern Form of Occupation
Playing
Music
Change in Environment
Business
Service
Skilled
Labor
Foreign
Service
Ploughing
Change in Caste System
Emergence of New TST Group
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Figure 2.6: Concptual Frame (B)
CHANGE IN OCCUPATION
Poor Literacy
Closed Society
Limited
Occupational Choice
Industrialization
Traditional Skill & Technologies
(Traditional Occupation)
Modernization
Female
Male
High Inclusive
Opportunity
Discrimination
Exclusion in Public
Sphere of Society is high
Low Income
Modern form of
Occupation
Limited Mobility
Urbanization
Migration
Education
Competitive
Society
Figure 6 (conceptual frame B) illustrates that the timeline of occupational change above indicates the decreasing trend of traditional skill
and technologies, and increasing trend of adoption of modern form of occupation. The casue of decreasing trend of traditional
occupation is becasue of high exclusion in public sphere of society whereas the increasing trend of modern form of occupation is becasue
of high inclusive opportunity. The degree of traditional occupation is still high in case of female whereas the degree of modern form of
occupation is more in males. The major factors affecting the traditional occupation are low income, poor literacy, caste-based
discrimination, closed society, limited occupational choice, and limited mobility in society. Similarly, other fators affecting such change
are industrialization, modernization, urbanization, migration, education, and competitive society.
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CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES
This study has utilized descriptive methodology in the form of social survey. At the
first detail of the main elements of the methods used is given below:
3.1
Universe and Sample Plan
Universe of the study were the all Hill Dalits (only Kami, Damai and Sarki)
households within 43 Village Development Committees and 33 Wards (16 clusters) 4
of 2 Municipalities of Kaski district. It constitutes 9294 households and 50189
populations respectively. Multistage cluster sampling was used to select the elements
of the sample. At the first stage, clusters (i.e.VDCs and wards of 2 Municipalities)
were selected randomly by lottery method. Of the total 59, 18 clusters were selected
randomly as sample. It consisted of 31% of the total cluster. If selected clusters did
not have all three groups of Dalits, it was replaced by other cluster which was selected
randomly. Secondly, a sample frame was prepared enumerating the households in
selected clusters. Finally the enumerated households were selected using
disproportionate stratified random sampling. Thus Multistage, disproportionate
stratified sampling procedure was followed to select the respondents. The logic
behind to select sample disproportionately was to make crosscomparison between and
among the three stratas of population for convenience and significanace. Depending
on the size of population in the selected clusters, the size has been determined.
Following Krejecie and Morgan (1970), the sample size was determined at 5%
confidence interval from total households of Hill Dalits. Thus out of 1583 Dalit
households from selected clusters, 540 households were selected according to the
sampling frame given in Table 3.1. The universe was divided into three different
strata namely Kami, Damai and Sarki. Ninety male and ninety female individuals
were selected disproportionately as respondents. In each sampled household,
seniormost individual (one male and one female from alternative household of each
cluster) were included as informants. Population and household of sampling clusters
and proposed sample size from three different caste groups are shown in following
table.
4
18 Wards of Pokhara and 15 wards of Lekhnath Municipalities are merged and further divided into 16
clusters to select the sampling area
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Table 3.1: Sampling Frame of Study Population
VDC/Wards
(clusters)
A. Biswokarma (Kami)
Population
Households
Ghandruk
833
154
Proposed
Sample
Size
30
Hemja
389
72
30
15
15
30
Pumdi Bhumdi
800
148
30
15
15
30
Hamsapur
513
95
30
15
15
30
Bharatpokhari
1073
198
30
15
15
30
Pokhara 14/15
753
139
30
15
15
30
90
90
180
Total
VDC/Wards
(clusters)
4361
Population
807
180
B. Pariyar (Damai)
Households Proposed
Sample
Size
42
30
Proposed Respondents
of Sample Households
Female
Male
15
15
Proposed Respondents
of Sample Households
Female
Male
15
15
Total
Sample
Size
30
Total
Sample
Size
30
Kaskikot
230
Armala
320
59
30
15
15
30
Lamachour
228
42
30
15
15
30
Pokhara 3/4
804
148
34
17
17
34
Thumki
146
27
26
13
13
26
Lekhnath 5/6/7
340
63
30
15
15
30
Total
2068
382
VDC/Wards
Population
180
90
90
C. Nepali (Sarki)
Households Proposed Proposed Respondents
Sample of Sample Households
Size
Female
Male
65
30
15
15
180
Total
Sample
Size
30
Dhital
354
Lahachook
460
85
30
15
15
30
Nirmalpokhari
310
57
30
15
15
30
Pokhara 5/6
300
55
30
15
15
30
Bhachook
137
25
24
12
12
24
Mijuredanda
567
105
36
18
18
36
Total
2128
394
180
90
90
180
Total A,B,C
8557
1583
540
270
270
540
30 household were selected from each sampling cluster, in the case of Thumki and Bhachook
remaining households were selected from larger cluster i.e. Pokhara 3/4 and Mijuredanda
respectively
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Figure 3.1
STUDY AREA
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3.2
Nature and Source of Data:
Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected to investigate the continuity and
change in traditional skill technology among the study population. Primary and
secondary data have been used to meet the goal of research. Primary data was been
used as main source of analysis and secondary source of information was used in
interpretation and comparisons of the finding.
3.3
Tools and Techniques:
Despite the secondary source of information collected from various books, journals,
references and publication of CBS, World Bank, District Profiles, etc.; a series of
tools and techniques were used to collect primary data. Reconnaissance survey of
study area was made by the research team on November 2006 and consultation
meeting with Dalit activist was held on January 2007. On the basis of feedback
received from consultation meeting and reconnaissance survey interview schedule
(for household survey), key informants interview schedule and FGD checklist were
drafted.
3.3.1
Interview Schedule:
A structured interview schedule was prepared to collect the data which would sensibly
answer the questions raised in this study. The outcome of the study depends heavily
on the information collected through this method. The schedule consisted of mainly
structured and a few unstructured questions. It was expected that the schedule was
likely provide sufficient quantitative data needed for the research. The use of single
set of schedule for both male and female respondent was done. Female fieldworkers
were administered the schedule to interview female respondents and vice versa.
On the basis of research goal and feedback received from consultation meeting with
Dalit activists’, interview schedule for household survey was prepared. The draft tools
were administered in non-sample VDC and wards (Sarangkot VDC and Pokhara Sub
Metropolis ward 7) for piloting. After getting the result of piloting and feedback of
enumerator and expert, necessary modification was made in interview schedule.
Continuity & Changes in TST
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3.3.3 Key Informant Interview
Key-informants interview is one of the main tools of collecting qualitative
information with various key persons. Key informant interviews were conducted with
key informants from the different field such as senior artisans of respective
occupational castes, leaders and elderly persons of community both from Dalit and
non-Dalit. To record the traditional and indigenous technology and skills of Dalit, this
technique was used. Likewise other in-depth qualitative data were collected through
this technique. A checklist was prepared to guide the interview, which was pre-tested,
modified and finalized. All together 15 key informants were identified, out of which 9
were Dalit and 6 were non-Dalit; 8 were male and 7 females. Similarly 10 were from
rural part of the district and 5 were from urban neighborhood. The list of key
informants was prepared with help of fieldworkers and finalized by the meeting of
research team. Selection of the key informants was completely purposive but the list
of the key informants was finalized by a meeting of research team.
3.3.3
Focus Group Discussion
Focused group discussion was carried out in each sampled clusters (VDC/Ward) of
the district. In each cluster one separate FGD was carried out for respective Dalit
groups. Hence there were a total of 18 FGDs. A check list was prepared with relevant
topics. An experienced moderator and field supervisor had facilitated the discussions.
Tape recorder and note taking process were used as aid to the data collection. FGD
was supposed to be helpful in verifying and examining the data obtained from
interview schedule; and it discovered various qualitative data needed to attain the goal
of research. Data related with earlier traditional occupation among male and female,
inter Dalit perspective on their occupation, most favored and profitable occupations,
their desired towards education and training, cause of abandoning and continuing
traditional occupation, etc were equipped through focus group discussion in different
clusters. The research team was aware about the appropriate sharing of suitable
participations; therefore the team had worked out properly to choose the suitable
participants at FGD.
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Consultation Workshop
A series of consultation meeting and workshops were organized in different part of
the study sites. Representatives from local Dalit NGOs, Community Head, Right
Activists, Lawyers, VDCs Secretaries, DDC representatives, etc. were invited as
participants for consultation workshop. Suggestions and comments of the workshop
deemed helpful to triangulate the data. A consultation meeting with Dalit activists
was held recently at the office of Dalit NGO Federation, Pokhara and another
consultation meeting is supposed to be organized before printing out the final report.
3.3.5
Reconnaissance Survey and Research Strategies:
Reconnaissance Survey was accomplished during the October – November 2006 in
Dhiltal, Hamja, Nirmalpokhari, Kaskikot, Hamsapur and different wards of Pokhara
and Lekhnath municipalities. Reconnaissance survey was more useful to establish the
rapport between villagers/respondents and research team. After scouting tour of study
area, a consultation meeting was held at the regional office of Dalit NGO Federation,
Pokhara. FGD checklist and household interview schedule was drafted and
administered in Sarangkot VDC and Ward No 7 of Pokhara Sub-metropolis (with non
sample population) for pretest. During the reconnaissance survey, female from same
household could not respond appropriately infront of their male countepatrs hence
proportion of male and female respondents was made 1:1 in every alternative
household.
Th research team had finalized the research tools by incorporating the feedback
received from enumerators and experts. After finalization of tools, field work was
initiated by the end of March and was acompleshered by September 2007. After
completing the household survey, FGD and key informant interviews were conducted
as per time schedule mentioned in proposal. Before enterring into the field, an
extensive orientation program was organized for enumerators, supervisors and
research assistants. Interim assessment of field work was made for reliable
information and quality of data.
3.3.6
Pretest and Finalization of Research Tools and Trainig
The Draft of the research tools were administered in non-sample area (Sarangkot
Village Development Committee and Ward 7 of Pokhara Sub-metropolis) for pre-test.
Some of the data collected from piloting were tabulated and analyzed to compare with
the goal of the research. Several meetings and intensive discussion between
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enumerators, research assistants, field supervisors and documentation officer, and the
key researcher were held to incorporate the feedback of the pretest. After getting such
feedback related with research tools and research process, necessary modification was
made in research tools and research process. A final version of interview schedule,
checklist for focus group discussion and key informant interview was prepared. All
these tools were arranged in Nepali version to administer in the field. After finalizing
the research tools, an intensive orientation program was organized. The research team
including Assistant Researchers, Field Supervisors and Data Enumerators received a
two days training and orientation in the Department of Sociology/Anthropology at
Prithvi Narayan Campus, Pokhara (on May 2007) prior to heading for the field.
During the training and orientation program, participants were taught about the major
areas to be covered, reason for doing research,goals and objectives, research
methodology, tools and techniques, ethical issues, important and implication of the
study, sampled population and timeframe. Besides, after briefing the questionnaire,
the enumerators were also trained in the technique of rapport building in field and
were also informed some possible problems in fields and facilitation during
discussion.
3.3.7
Physical Preparation of Field Work:
A quality field-work is almost impossible without noteworthy preparation. Field
workers and research assistants were intellectually and psychologically prepared and
trained after a series of consultation-meetings and orientation program. Before
sending all the fieldworkers in the field, physical preparation was required hence
physical preparation was made. Research kit was prepared along with interview
schedules, diary, note books, pen, pencils, sharpeners, erasers, etc. Approximately 800
sets of interview schedule were copied. In addition to these, logistic accessories such
as back-packs, torch lights, umbrella, raincoats and junk foods were procured for field
workers.
3.4
Field Work for Data Collection:
Structured Interview Schedule was administered to collect household to level data
from the field. Overall 540 household from different 18 clusters from Kaski District
were completed according to the sampling frame mentioned in research design. Out of
which, hundred eighty (180) household from each group (Damai, Kami and Sarki)
were interviewed, within one group 90 were male respondents and remaining 90 were
female respondents.
Thus altogether there were 270 male and 270 female
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respondents. Female field researchers were administered to interview with women
respondents i.e. 50 percent households (270 hh) and vice versa. Fieldwork activities
ware initiated among Pariyar (Damai) from ward 3-4 of Pokhara followed by
Lamachour, Armala, Kaskikot, Lekhnath 6-8 and Thumki respectively. In the second
phase Biswokarma (Kami) households were interviewed, which was commenced from
Pumdi-Bhumdi followed by Hemja, Hamsapur, Pokhara, Bharatpokhari and finished
at the Ghandruk Village of Kaski. Similarly at the end Nepali (Sarki) household were
interviewed from Lahachok, Pokhara 5-6, Nirmalpokhari, Dhital, Bhachok and
Mijuredanda respectively. Out of 6 field workers, 4 were female and 2 were male;
and all of them were from Pariyar, Bishwokarma and Nepali family background.
Interviewed caste group, research site, date and number of interviewed households are
given below:
Table 3.2: Interview Date of Research Clusters
Caste Group
Pariyar
(Damai)
Bishwokarm
(Kami)
Nepali (Sarki)
Research Site /
Selected Cluster
Pokhara 3 and 4
Lamachaur
Armala
Kaskikot
Lekhanath 6, 7 and 8
Thumki
Pumdibhumdi
Hemja
Hamsapur
Pokhara 14 and 15
Bharatpokhari
Ghandruk
Lahachowk
Pokhara 5 and 6
NirmalPokhari
Dhital
Bhachowk
Mijuredanda
Grand Total
Field work date
1st week of June
,,
2nd week of June
,,
3rd week of June
4th week of June
Total
1st week of July
,,
2nd week of July
3rd week of July
,,
4th week of July
Total
1st week of August
,,
2nd week of August
Total
Interviewed
households
34
30
30
30
30
26
180
30
30
30
30
30
30
180
30
30
30
,,
30
3rd week of August 24
4th week of August 36
Total
(180 hh in each caste x 3)
180
540
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Supervision of Field:
Field workers (enumerators, research assistants) supervised in their activities during
their field work. For reliable information and quality data, interim assessment of field
work was carried out in the clusters of each caste group by senior member of the
research team. The Key Researcher, Documentation Officer and Research Assistant
were involved in supervision and monitoring of field work.
3.6
Checking, Scrutinizing and Tabulation of Field Data:
Field workers were requested to submit completed (filledup) interview schedule every
day at the Project Office. The collected informations were checked every evening and
necessary directions were given to enumerators for betterment. Filledup interview
schedules were checked thoroughly by the Research Assistant. Field data were
scrutinized, incomplete schedule and unfilled questions were examined and ensured
with the help of enumerators. Trained research assistant was employed in scrutinizing
of raw data.
After completion of field work, careful scrutinizing was made. All the information
obtained from the field (Interview Schedule) were reviewed, edited and coded before
entering on computer based tabulation. After examining the completed interview
schedule, all the data were coded as necessary. One of the trained Research Assistant
has entered the data by using SPSS 11.5 software. Almost all of the data obtained
from interview schedule were processed and produced by using various types of
tables. Qualitative data have been classified and analyzed descriptively.
3.7
Plans for Data Analysis and Report Writing
After completion of the fieldwork, collected information were checked, coded,
processed and put to the analysis. All the quantitative and quantifiable data obtained
from interview schedule were processed and analyzed using computer program SPSS
11.5. A couple of research assistants were trained in SPSS program. These trained
research assistants started data processing, coding, editing and entering work
immediately after collection of data.
Appropriate statistical tools and figures were used to make presentation and
interpretation
more comprehensive. Qualitative data were classified and analyzed
descriptively. Data and information obtained from focus group discussion (FGD) and
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key informants interview (KII) were transcribed, classified and illustrated manually.
Social inclusion perspective was followed to interpret the finding of the research on
the basis of reviewed literature. After preparing a draft report of the research, another
consultation meeting will be organized to incorporate the comments, suggestions and
critiques of intellectuals and stakeholders before publishing the final report.
3.8
Organization of Report
The present study report on “Continuity and Changes in Traditional Skills and
Technologies among Hill Dalits of Nepal”: ( a study based on Kami, Damai and Sarki
of Kaski District) is divided into nine chapters. Alltogether this report includes 9
chapters, preface and a couple of annexes. Chapter first deals about the interdoctory
part of research which deals about the study topic, background of the study, the goal,
perspective on social inclusion/exclusion discourses, strategic significance and ethical
aspects of the study. Chapter second deals with review of related literature which
helps to conceptualize the theoretical aspects of research and its link with the
proposed study. Third chapter is associated with research methodology that deals
about the universe and sample plan, nature and sources of data, tools and technique of
data collection, research strategy, pretest and preparation of field work, methods to
deal data and so on. Chapter four comprises about the study site and the
characteristics of respondents. Similarly, Chapter five and six are dedicated to Dalit
occupation and skill technology and contuinity and change in occupation respectively.
Inter- Dalit relationship and traditional occupation have been traced out in chapter
seven. Chapter eight attempts to trace out the gender perspective in traditional
occupation of Dalits. Chapter nine embodied with the whole finding, summary,
conclusion and recommendations of the study, which reflect the actual situation of
continuity and change in traditional occupation among Dalit of Kaski district.
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CHAPTER IV
STUDY SITE AND BACKGROUND OF THE RESPONDENTS
At the outset, it must be noted that the Nepali Dalits as a whole is not a homogeneous
group. Like other ethnic/caste group in Nepal, their population is equally divided and
their heterogeneity extends to language, religion and culture. There are three major
hill Dalits namely: Kami, Damai and Sarki. This study of hill Dalits (Kami, Damai
and Sarki) is concentrated in Kaski district which lies in the western hill of Nepal.
There are sixteen districts in the western development region. Out of them, two
district; Manang and Mustang are located in the mountain region and three districts;
Nawalparasi, Rupendehi and Kapilvastu lie in the Terai region. Between these two
mountain region in the north and Terai region in the south, there lies the remaining
eleven districts (Gorkha, Lamjung, Tanahun, Syangja, Kaski, Myagdi, Parbat,
Baglung, Gulmi, Palpa and Arghakhanchi) of the western region.
4.1
Description of the Study Site
Kaski is the study site of this study. It is one of the districts of Nepal situated in the
mid hill of Nepal. Geo-physically it is situated in between 83۠ 40' E - 84۠ 12' E and
28۠ 6' N -28 ۠ 36' N. it is situated from 450 meter to 7969 meter above the sea level.
This district is bordered by Lamjung in the east, Tanahun and Syangjain the south,
Parbat and Myagdi in the west and Manang in the north. It covers as area of 2017sq.
km. politically this district is divided into 43 Village Development Committees
(VDCs) and 2 municipalities (these two municipalities are divided into 33 (18+15)
wards). Pokhara is the district and regional headquarter of Kaski and the western
development region respectively. According to the census report (2001), the total
population of Kaski district is 380527, which is 1.64 percent of the national
population and 8.32 percent of the western region.
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lxxv
Sampled Cluster for the Study
From the 43 VDCS and 2 municipalities, 14 VDCs and 9 wards of 2 municipalities
were taken as clusters for the study. These areas were selected according the sampling
design mentioned in previous chapter. The table 4.1 describes it in more details.
Table 4.1: Location of Study Clusters and Number of Respondents
Location of Cluster
Frequency
Percent
Armala
30
5.6
Bhacowk
24
4.4
Bharatpokhari
30
5.6
Dhital
30
5.6
Ghandruk
30
5.6
Hamsapur
30
5.6
Hemja
30
5.6
Kaskikot
30
5.6
Lahachowk
30
5.6
Lamachaur
30
5.6
Lekhanath (Ward no. 5,6, and 7)
30
5.6
Mijure Danda
36
6.7
Nirmalpokhari
30
5.6
Pokhara (war no.14 and 15)
30
5.6
Pokhara (Ward no.3 and 4)
34
6.3
Pokhara (Ward no. 5 and 6)
30
5.6
Pumdhi Bhumdi
30
5.6
Thumki
26
4.8
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The 180 respondents of Bishowkarmas were taken from the following VDCs:
Bharatpokhari, Ghandruk, Hamsapur, Hemja, Pumdi Bhumdi, and ward no 14 and 15
of Pokhara sub-metropolitan city. In the same way the 180 respondents of Pariyar
were taken from the following VDCs: Kaskikot, Armala, Lamachaur, Thumki, ward
no 5, 6 and 7 of Lekhnath Municipality and ward no 3 and 4 of Pokhara sub-
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metropolitan city. Similarly for the Nepali the following VDCs were taken;
Bhachock, Dhital, Lahachowk, Nirmalpokhari, MijureDanda and the ward no 5 and 6
of Pokhara sub-metropolitan city were taken.
The table 4.1 above elaborate the allocation of study sample in the different areas here
5 VDCs (Ghandruk, Hemja, Pumdi Bhumdi, Hamsapur and Bharatpokhari) and one
cluster (two wards of Polkhara sub-metropolis no 14 and 15) were taken as the study
site for the Kamis, in the same way 4 VDCs (Kaskikot, Armala, Lamachaur and
Thumki) and two cluster( 1st cluster ward no 3 and 4 of Pokhara sub- metropolis and
2nd cluster the ward no 5, 6 and 7 of Lekhnath municipality) were taken as the study
site for the Damais and lastly
5 VDCs ( Dhital, Lahachowk, Nirmalpokhari,
Bhachowk and MijureDanda) and one cluster ( ward no 5 and 6 of Pokhara submetropolis ) was taken as the study site for Sarkies. Among these VDCs and ward
clusters of municipalities each VDC and ward clusters were considered as a unit to
select the respondents while the nine wards of two municipalities (Pokhara Submetropolitan city was also considered as a municipality) were divided into 4 clusters
(3 clusters in Pokhara and 1 cluster in Lekhnath) and each cluster was recognized as a
unit. The number of the respondents in a cluster ranged from 24 to 36.
4.2.2
Place of Origin
The table below illustrates the facts that the respondents were both, the native and the
migrated from other area. It is important in the context of Dalit population to find out
the belongingness to their origin. It helps the researcher know the fact about the social
condition and traditional skills among them. The fact about the respondents whether
they were indigenous or migrated has been illustrated in the table below.
Table 4. 2: Distribution of Respondents by Place of Origin
Place of Origin
Interviewed Sub-Caste Group*
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Indigenous
161
162
177
(89.4%)*
(90.0%)
(98.3%)
Migrated
19
18
3
(10.6%)
(10.0%)
(1.7%)
Total
180
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%) (100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
Total
500
(92.6%)
40
(7.4%)
540
(100.0%)
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The table 4.2 above explains that 92.6 (500) percent of the respondents were of native
origin and the percent of Nepali respondents were the highest among all the groups of
respondents in this issue. While, 7.4 (40) percent of the respondents were found to be
the migrated and the highest percent of 10.6 of the migrants was from the
Bishowkarma group followed by Pariyar being 10.0 percent.
4.2.3
Type of Family
Family size is another important variable which affects the pattern of occupational
mobility. It is also proposed to explore whether family size has any association with
occupational mobility rates. The specific questions raised for exploration were, that of
the effect of family size on the occupation mobility of the hill Dalits and, its impact
on gross as well as the upward occupational mobility rate. The fact collected from the
field survey about the type of family for the study population is depicted in the table
below.
Table 4. 3: Types of Family by Sub-Caste*
Types of family
Interviewed Sub-Caste Group
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Single
133
143
154
(73.9%)*
(79.4%)
(85.6%)
Joint
47
37
26
(26.1%)
(20.6%)
(14.4%)
Total
180
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
Total
430
(79.6%)
110
(20.4%)
540
(100.0%)
The table 4.3 above shows clearly that 79.6 percent of the respondents out of total
from the field survey had reported that they were living in the nuclear family. Like
other groups, joint family is changing into nuclear among the Dalits too. However,
there are some variations among the sub groups. Compared to other two groups, the
proportion of joint family is larger (26.1%) among the Bishwokarma group. It is
slightly smaller in other two groups.
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lxxviii
Demographic Composition of the Respondent
The previous table had already depicts the cluster and population size of the study.
Major three hill Dalits groups were taken as the study population. The table below
depicts the gender composition of the sample.
Table 4.4: Distribution of Respondent by Sub-Caste and Gender
Sub-Caste
Number of Respondents
Group
Men
Women
Bishowkarma
90
Nepali
Pariyar
Total
Total
Percent
90
180
33.3
90
90
180
33.3
90
90
180
33.3
270
270
540
100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table 4.4 above depicts that equal number (50%) of men and women (50%) were
selected in the sample in each Dalit groups. To incorporate the gender component,
equal proportion of men and women was selected in the sample. This was also applied
for the sub-caste groups of the Dalits. All three groups consist of one third of the total
sampled households.
Table 4.5:
Relation
Relation of the Respondents with the Household Head
Number of the Respondents
Percent
Self
284
52.6
Wife
194
35.9
Son
30
5.6
Daughter
12
2.2
Daughter in law
18
3.3
Grand son
1
.2
Sisters
1
.2
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table 4.5 above demonstrates that out of total informants of the study, 52.6 %
were the head of the family. In the same way, 35.9 % of the others were the wife of
the household head, while 5.5 % of them were the son of the household head.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxix
Remaining 3.3%, 2.2%, and 0.2% were the daughter-in-law, granddaughter and
grandson respectively. It shows that most of the informants were the household heads.
4. 1.4. Age and Occupational Distribution of the Respondent
It is important to find the age of the respondents to know the inter-generation
variations with regard to Dalit Skill Technology. This also explains how
representative is the sample in terms of age groups. The figure below explains the age
composition of the respondents.
Table 4. 6: Distribution of Respondents by Age
Age
Number of the Respondents
Percent
16-25
87
16.1
26-35
123
22.8
36-45
112
20.7
46-55
89
16.5
56-65
66
12.2
66-75
48
8.9
76-87
15
2.8
Total
540
100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table 4.6 above illustrates the facts that 22.8 (123) percent of the respondents
were from 26-35 years age groups. Similarly, 20.7 (112) respondents were from the
36-45 years groups. It had been followed by 16.5 (89) percent from the age groups of
46-55. Likewise, 16.1 (87) percent of respondents were from the 16-25 years group
and 8.9 (48) percent of the respondents were from 66-75 years group. A few 2.8 (15)
percent of the respondents were from the age group of 76-87. The table depicts that
wide sample was included all ranges of age groups. There were comparatively fewer
in older groups i.e. 66+ years. This is also partly because fewer older people were in
the households.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
Fig. 4.1:
Source: Field Survey 2007
lxxx
Composition of Respondents by Age
4. 1.5 Occupational Distribution of the Respondent
The occupations have been divided in to 3 categories namely agriculture related,
traditional skills related and service/trade/business. This has been further divided into
29 subcategories. Therefore, there are three tables dealing with these three broad
categories of occupation among the Dalits. Majority of the respondents from Nepali
were involve in agriculture and related works, almost 58 percent of Pariyar were
found to be engaged in traditional occupation and related works where as almost 44
percent of Biswokarma are found to be engaged in Service and related works.
Following table reflects the occupational structure of respondents of current study.
Table 4. 7: Agriculture and Related Work
Occupations
A.
Sub-Caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
45
23
78
146
Agriculture and Sewing
-
5
-
5
Agriculture and Masson/Carpenter
3
-
14
17
Agriculture and Blacksmith
5
-
-
5
Agriculture and Goldsmith
3
-
-
3
Agriculture and Bamboo work
-
-
3
3
Agriculture and Leather works
-
-
1
1
56
28
96
180
Agriculture
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxi
The table above states clearly that out of the total respondents, 180 were involved in
the agriculture related work. This is the second largest proportion among the three
occupational categories. In all three groups of the Dalits, most of the respondents are
involved in agriculture without their caste-specific occupation. It had been reported by
the 146 respondents. Out of it, 45 were of Bishowkarmas, 23 from Pariyar and 78
were from the Nepali caste groups. It is remarkable that a large proportion of
respondents from Nepali group are in agriculture compared to a small proportion of
Pariyar. The finding also suggests that Dalits are likely to leave caste specific
occupation even if they are involved in traditional agriculture. Most importantly, it
applies to all groups of the Dalits.
Table 4.8: Traditional occupation and Related Work
Occupations
Sub-Caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma Pariyar Nepali
Playing Musical Instrument
-
4
-
4
Sewing
-
77
1
78
Playing Musical Instrument and Sewing
-
22
-
22
Sewing and wage labour
-
1
-
1
Karmi and wage labour
4
-
3
7
Aaran Kaam and wage labour, Sikarmi,
5
-
-
5
-
3
4
17
-
3
Dakarmi
Goldsmith
3
Sikarmi and Dakarmi
13
Theki making
3
Aaranko kaam and Goldsmith
1
-
-
1
Theki making and Sikarmi, Karmi
3
-
-
3
Choya/Bambooko kaam and wage labour
1
-
16
17
Choya and Madal making
-
-
1
1
13
-
-
13
46
104
25
175
Aaranko kaam
Total
-
Source: Field Survey 2007
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxii
The smallest (175) number of the responsnets were involved in the traditional
occupation and related works. The data shows that sewing still has charm to offer
livelihood. Out of the total 175 who were in traditional occupation, most of them were
in sewing occupation. Obviously they are from the Pariyar, the tailor group. The
second largest (22) number of the respondents have reported as playing musical
instruments and sewing. They are also the Pariyars. Out of 180 Pariyar, 105 were
found continuing their caste-specific occupation. It is remarkable that fewer
Bishwokarma, the blacksmith and Nepali, the leather worker are in their traditional
occupations.
Table 4.9: Services and Related Work
Occupations
Sub-Caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Wage Labour
32
26
25
83
Trade and Business
1
-
5
6
Service (Government+ Private)
4
2
2
8
Foreign Employment
7
5
9
21
Pensioner
4
2
3
9
Unemployed
25
7
14
46
Industry
-
2
-
2
Students
5
4
1
10
78
48
59
185
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
It is worth to note here that the largest proportion of informants reported their
occupations which were not related to their caste specific occupation. This category of
occupation is largely a non-traditional occupation. Owing to their disadvantaged
situation, most (83) of the respondents were making their living through wage labour.
It is noteworthy that a remarkable number of them reported foreign employment as
their occupation. It is also remarkable that nominal number of them were in services.
They are also found of being involved in the trade and business, service relate to
private and government organizations and industrial works. The table indicates that
the Dalits are in less-rewarding occupations despite leaving their caste-specific
occupation.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxiii
4.2.5
4.2.6
Occupation of the Family Members
The table below tries to depict the occupational structure among the Dalits in sampled
households.
Table 4.10: Occupational Distribution of the Family Members
Occupations
Sub-Caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Agriculture and Related Work
189
96
172
457
Traditional occupation and Related
74
287
30
391
Services and Related Work
668
605
631
1904
Total
931
988
833
2752
Work
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table above shows the major occupational categories of occupation followed by
the members of the households. The details have been listed in the annex. Consistent
to the occupation of respondents Family members, most (69.2%) of the family
members occupation fell under the category of Service and related works and is
followed by the agricultural related works (16.6%) and least number were in the
traditional occupation.
Fig. 4.2: Occupational Distribution of the Family Members
Source: Field Survey 2007
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxiv
The demonstrated figure highlights the facts about the occupational distribution of the
family members, here it had been found that 69.2 (1904) percent of them had involved
in the service and its related works. While 16.6 (457) percent of them had adopted the
agricultural related occupation as the main source of living and 14.2 (391) percent of
the family members were found following the traditional occupation.
4.1.7
Marital Status of the Respondents
The marital status of the respondents shows the socio-economic status condition of an
area. The marital status of the respondents also shows the status of women’s condition
in the society. Before marriage a women depends on her father, after marriage on her
husband and in the old age on her sons. The facts about the marital status of the
respondents have been listed below.
Table 4.11: Marital Status of the Respondents
Marital Status
Number of the Respondents
Percent
Married
520
96.3
Unmarried
20
3.7
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table above illustrates the fact that 96.3 (520) percent of the respondents were
found to married while 3.7 (20) percent of the respondents were reported that they are
unmarried.
4.1.8
Distribution of Family Member by Caste
Similarly an attempt was made to illustrate the total family size in the study area. The
list of the family member in the study site is shown in following table.
Table 4.12: Distribution of Family Member by Caste
Caste Group
Frequency
Percent
Bishowkarma
1029
35.0
Pariyar
990
33.7
Nepali
921
31.3
2940
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxv
The study area comprise with 2940 total population which includes 1469 male and
1471 female of these three groups the collected data shows that the majority is of
Bishowkarmas which consist of 1029 is followed by the Pariyar 990 and the least is
of the Nepali groups with 921. Bishowkarmas (Kami) was the largest Dalits group in
Nepal in terms of population size, according to the 1991 census. In same way here too
the population of Bishowkarmas was found. Which reflects the family size of BK are
larger than the Pariyar and Nepali. But this is also partly because proportion of joint
family was larger among the Bishowkarma in comparison of other groups.
4.1.9
Age and Sex composition of the Study Population
Age structure refers to the breakdown of population into various age groups. Based on
the field survey 2007, the age structure of Dalitss shows a heavy concentration in
early ages. The table below shows the facts about the sex and age composition of the
family member of the study population.
Table 4.13: Age of the Family Members by Gender*
Age
Gender
Total
Men
Women
0-15
503
516
1019
(34.2%)*
(35.1%)
(34.7%)
16-59
861
842
1703
(58.6%)
(57.2%)
(57.9%)
60 and above
105
113
218
(7.1%)
(7.7%)
(7.4%)
Total
1469
1471
2940
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
Dalits aged less than 15 years constituted 34.7 percent of the total population, which
is considerably lower than the national average i.e. 43 percent. The population
between 16- 59 years of age is even higher among the hill Dalits, this eventually
indicates that the high proportion of young dependents. The old age dependent
population is smaller i.e., just 7.4 percent. The proportion of men (49.96%) is slightly
lower than women (50.03%). This pattern is normal if one compares this figure with
the national male/female ratio pattern.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
4.3
lxxxvi
Religious Affiliation of the Respondents
Nepali society holds deep roots in the Hindu religion based caste system, with
hierarchy of different groups of people within the system. Dalits or untouchables are
one of the groups of people within this caste system whose social, economic, health
status and political conditions are lowest compared to other groups in Nepal. There is
also a trend of religious conversion to avoid discriminatory hierarchy created by caste
system based on orthodox Hinduism. In this connection, the religious affiliation of
respondents has been analyzed.
Fig. 4.3 Distribution of Respondent by Religion
Source: Field Survey 2007
The figure 4 .1 above demonstrates that a few have diverted toward the new religion.
However, this doesn’t seem remarkable. So, the data states that still the majority of
the respondents were the follower of Hinduism.
When the respondents were
interviewed about their attachment towards the religion they had reported in the
following ways majority of them had reported that they have hilly belief in the
religious activity and some of them had reported that they have not shown much
interest in the question and all this incident shows that gradually the people of Nepal
had converting their religion to other than the Hinduism. Though the percentage is too
low but the rate may get accelerate if the social condition remains the same for the
Dalits.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxvii
4.2.1 Educational Attainment
Koirala (1994:51) very well discusses the educational status of Dalits in Nepal.
According to him “The Dalits in Nepal never had a written tradition”. In the past, the
schooling system was based on the Varnasharam model during the Vedic and postvedic periods as well. There was deliberate denial of schooling to Sudras, especially
“Pani Chalne” and “Pani Nachalne”group in the vernasharam system of education
because of their prescribed duty “service to people of other caste”.
The 1991 census shows that the educational attainment of Dalits was considerably
lower. This is almost half of the national average. The educational attainment is one
of the main aspects to consider about the condition of traditional skills. The table
given below shows the educational condition of the respondent by caste.
Table 4.14: Educational Attainment of Respondents by Caste*
Educational
levels
Illiterate
Interviewed Sub-Caste
Pariyar
Bishowkarma
Nepali
46
70
104
(25.6%)*
(38.9%)
(57.8%)
Literate
44
43
38
(24.4%)
(23.9%)
(21.1%)
Under primary
27
11
10
(15.0%)
(6.1%)
(5.6%)
Primary Passed
26
26
5
(14.4%)
(14.4%)
(2.8%)
Lower
19
16
1
Secondary
(10.6%)
(8.9%)
(0.6%)
S.L.C Passed
4
3
2
(2.2%)
(1.7%)
(1.1%)
Intermediate
6
3
4
Passed
(3.3%)
(1.7%)
(2.2%)
Bachelor
1
1
0
Passed
(0.6%)
(0.6%)
(0.0%)
Total
180
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
*Figure in the parenthesis is percentage based on caste group.
Total
220
(40.7%)
125
(23.1%)
48
(8.9%)
68
(12.6%)
40
(7.4%)
15
(2.8%)
9
(1.7%)
2
(0.4%)
540
(100.0%)
Source: Field Survey 2007.
On the basis of above table 4.13, the information on both literacy and educational
attainment clearly indicates that the future prospects of the Dalits population in terms
of skilled or educated manpower is still in doubt. Significantly large proportion
(40.7%) of Dalit population was found illiterate. The proportion is critically high
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxviii
(57.8%) among the Nepali group. The second largest population is normal literate.
Other few (12.6%) have completed primary level only. Very few have completed
higher level education. The percentage of literate population is high among the
Pariyars. It is also because many of them were from urban area and have better
exposure to education in comparison of others. In order to bring Dalits into the
mainstream educational level the government has to pay heavy attention to these
groups to provide opportunities and thereby uplift their status.
Fig. 4.4 Educational Status of Respondent by Caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
The figure above demonstrates the facts that the Pariyar sub caste groups were more
in number of the literates while greater number of illiterates was from the Nepali sub
caste groups.
4.2.2
Educational Status of the Respondent by Gender
With regard to above mentioned table, the following table depicts the educational
status of the respondents interviewed in the survey.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
lxxxix
Table 4. 15 : Educational Level of the Respondents by Gender*
Educational level
Gender of the respondents
Total
Men
Literate
50
(18.5%)
Illiterate
101
(37.4%)
Under primary level
29
(10.7%)
Primary level passed
37
(13.7%)
Lower secondary level passed
24
(8.9%)
Secondary level passed
9
(3.3%)
S. L. C. Passed
6
(2.2%)
Intermediate level passed
12
(4.4%)
Bachelor level passed
2
(0.7%)
Total
270
(100.0%
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
Women
75
(27.8%)
119
(44.1%)
19
(7.0%)
31
(11.5%)
16
(5.9%)
6
(2.2%)
3
(1.1%)
1
(0.4%)
0
(0.0%)
270
(100.0%)
125
(23.1%)
220
(40.7%)
48
(8.9%)
68
(12.6%)
40
(7.4%)
15
(2.8%)
9
(1.7%)
13
(2.4%)
2
(.4%)
540
(100.0%)
Consistent to the educational status of household members, large proportion (40.7%)
of the respondents were found illiterate. This is larger (44.1%) among the women
respondents. It is highly remarkable that very few had completed secondary level
(2.8%) education. Obviously, there is nominal number in higher education group. In
sum, the educational status of respondents is very low.
4.3
Economic Condition
Economic aspect has great implications in the other spheres of social lives. Dalits’
lower social status has been perpetuated by their low economic status. The vicious
circle of poverty has paralyzed .the process of upliftment of Dalits in Nepal. Similar
to other agrarian societies, poverty is commonly associated with the access to means
of production such as landholding in Nepal. Skewed distribution of land has
contributed inequality in the Nepalese society. This has direct effect on the income of
the household and thereby other socio-economic status.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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xc
4.3.1 Land Ownership and Food Sufficiency
It is recognized fact that most of the Dalits in Nepal are landless. Even if they have
some land, the size of the holding is too small to support their livelihood. The table
4.16 below shows the agricultural land by the respondent.
Table 4. 16: Ownership of Agricultural land by Caste*
Ownership of
Interviewed Sub-Caste Group
Agricultural land
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Yes
94
63
(52.2%)
(35.0%)
No
86
117
(47.8%)
(65.0%)
Total
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
114
(63.3%)
66
(36.7%)
180
(100.0%)
Total
271
50.2%
269
49.8%
540
100.0%
The demonstrated figure depicts that 50.2 percent of the respondents have some area
of agricultural land. But other half (49.8%) were land less. There is some inter group
variations. The proportion of households holding land is larger in Nepali groups
(63.3%) while fewer Pariyar households own land (35%). It is also because many
Pariyars in the sample were from urban area and engaged in non-agricultural
occupations.
Fig. 4.5 Ownership of Agricultural land by Caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
4.3.2
xci
Food Sufficiency
Though, half of the interviewed respondents reported they hold some land, the
landholding size is very small in most of the cases. This is also illustrated by the
following table on food sufficiency.
Table 4.17: State of Food Sufficiency by Caste
Food sufficiency
Interviewed Caste
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Sufficient for 10 to 12 Months
14
9
14
(14.9%)*
(12.3%)
(12.3%)
Sufficient for 7 to 9 Months
5
4
18
(5.3%)
(6.4%)
(15.8%)
Sufficient for 4 to 6 Months
28
20
32
(29.8%)
(31.8%)
(28.1%)
Sufficient for 1 to 3 Months
47
30
50
(50.0%)
(47.6%)
(43.8%)
Total
94
63
114
(100.0%)
(100.0%) (100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
Total
37
(13.6%)
27
(10.0%)
80
(29.5%)
127
(46.9%)
271
(100.0%)
It is clear from the table above that very few (13.6%) of Dalit households are able to
produce grains from their own field that support them for whole year. For most of
them (46.9%), the produced grain suffice only for 1-3 month(s). This clearly indicates
that land-holding is small among the Dalits.
Fig. 4.6 State of Food Sufficiency by Caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
4.3.3
xcii
Animal Husbandry by Caste
Animal husbandry is the integral part of the agriculture in rural economy. It has been
one of the main sources of earnings among the different group of people in Nepal.
This is no exception to the Dalits.
Table 4. 18: Animal Husbandry by Caste*
Animal Husbandry
Interviewed Caste
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Yes
131
103
142
(72.8%)*
(57.2%)
(78.9%)
No
49
77
38
(27.2%)
(42.8%)
(21.1%)
Total
180
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are percentage based on caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
Total
376
(69.6%)
164
(30.4%)
540
(100.0%)
Out of the total respondents, 69 percent reported that they keep the animal. Most of
the respondents from Bishowkarma and Nepali reported that they keep animal. It is
surprising that more than one fourth (30%) of them don’t keep animals and the
proportion is higher (42.8%) among the Pariyars.
4.3.4
Purpose of Keeping animal
Though animal husbandry is common to agrarian communities in Nepal, it is still in
non-commercial form. The table below illustrates similar fact.
Table 4.19: Selling of Animal and Animal Production by Caste*
Selling of animal and animal
production
Yes
Interviewed Caste
Bishowkarma Pariyar
Nepali
12
22
15
(9.2%)*
(21.4%)
(10.6%)
No
119
81
127
(90.8%)
(78.6%)
(89.4%)
Total
131
103
142
(100.0%)
(100.0%) (100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
Total
49
(13.0%)
327
(87.0%)
376
(100.0%)
The table above shows that most (87%) of the respondent reported that they do not
rear the animal for selling rather it was for the self consumption. Only few (13%)
have been rearing for the selling of animal and products. This shows animal
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
xciii
husbandry has no great implication in the transformation of Dalits economy. This is
typical feature of the subsistence agriculture in most of the groups of Nepal.
4.3.5
Ownership of House
In the Nepali society, the type and the size of the household indicates poverty or
prosperity of the family. It has symbolic value too. The other interesting fact is that
almost all people living more than a year in the rural areas own a house for shelter
through the quality and type of house differs from one household to another.
Table 4.20: Ownership of Home by Sub-Caste Group*
Sub-Caste Group
Ownership of House
Owned House
House Rented In
Sheltered in others Home
Total
Total
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
173
(96.1%)*
156
(86.7%)
176
(97.8%)
505
(93.5%)
3
(1.7%)
20
(11.1%)
3
(1.7%)
26
(4.8%)
4
(2.2%)
1
(0.6%)
9
(1.7%)
180
(100.0%)
540
(100.0%)
4
(2.2%)
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on caste group
Source: Field Survey 2007
Most (93.5%) of the respondent reported that they owned their own house for the
shelter. Only a few don’t have their own home and most of them are from Pariyar
group. Of the total, 13.3 percent of the respondent from Pariyar group reported the
house they have been living are not their own. It is partly because they have to render
the services in the town areas
4.3.6
Type of House
Given the low economic profile of the Dalits, it is not hard to guess that their housing
quality is not good. The table below illustrates same about the type of house they
owned and the material been used for the construction of the house.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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xciv
Table 4.21: Type of House among the Study Population
Type of House
Frequency
Percent
Block wall and Tin roof
50
9.9
Concrete (RCC)
16
3.2
Hut
4
0.8
Stone wall and Tin roof
259
51.3
Stone wall and Straw roof
119
23.5
Stone wall and slate roof
57
11.3
505
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The above data clearly indicate that most (51.3%) of the respondents have the houses
made up of cement stone wall and Tin roofs which is an ordinary type of house in
rural areas of western hill. And it is followed by the stone, soil and tin roofs (23.5%).
In other words, Dalits are poorer than other groups while considering the type of
houses.
4.3.7 Occupational Distribution of Household Head
In the Dalit communities, agriculture and caste base occupations used to be found as
the main occupations. But this has been changing gradually. While dealing with the
occupation of the respondents, we have already outlined a picture of occupation
structure of the Dalits. The following table depicts similar finding.
Table 4.22: Occupational Distribution of Household Heads*
Occupations of Household Head
Sub-Caste Group
Total
A. Agriculture and Related Works Bishowkarma Pariyar Nepali
Agriculture
31
17
41
89
(22.5%)
(65.4%) (61.2%) (64.5%)
Agriculture and PMI
4
4
(15.4%)
(2.9%)
Agriculture and sewing
5
5
(19.2%)
(3.9%)
Agriculture, Karmi, Dakarmi and
4
19
23
Sikarmi
(8.9%)
(28.4%) (16.7%)
Agriculture and Aaranko Kaam
4
4
(8.9%)
(2.9%)
Agriculture and Goldsmith
2
2
(4.5%)
(1.5%)
Agriculture and Theki making
4
4
(8.9%)
(2.9%)
Agriculture and Choya/Bamboo
7
7
making
(10.5%) (5.1%)
Total
45
26
67
138
100.0%
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
B. Traditional Occupations and
Related Works
xcv
Bishowkarma Pariyar
Nepali
Playing musical Instrument
-
5
(4.8%)
-
5
(2.4%)
Sewing
-
76
(72.4%)
-
76
(36.2%)
Playing Musical Instrument and
Sewing
-
22
(20.9%)
-
22
(10.5%)
Sewing and Wage Labour
-
2
(1.9%)
-
2
(1.0%)
Karmi, and Wage labour
10
(14.5%)
-
9
(25.0%)
19
(9.1%)
Aaranko Kaam and wage labour,
sikarmi, dakarmi
4
(5.8%)
-
-
4
(1.9%)
Goldsmith
7
(10.2%)
-
-
7
(3.3%)
Sikarmi and Dakarmi
24
(34.8%)
-
Theki making
3
(4.4%)
-
-
3
(1.4%)
Aranko kaam and Goldsmith
2
(2.9%)
-
-
2
(1.0%)
Theki making and sikarmi, Karmi
1
(1.5%)
-
-
1
(0.5%)
Choya/Bambooko kaam and wage
labour
1
(1.5%)
-
16
(44.4%)
17
(8.1%)
Choya and madal making
-
-
1
(2.8%)
1
(0.5%)
Leather work and wage labour
-
-
2
(5.6%)
2
(1.0%)
17
(24.6%)
-
-
17
(8.1%)
Aaranko Kaam
Total
69
100.0%
8
32
(22.2%) (15.2%)
105
36
100.0% 100.0%
210
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xcvi
Occupations of Household Head
C. Service and Related Works
Wage labour
Sub-Caste Group
Total
Bishowkarma Pariyar Nepali
22
18
28
68
(33.3%)
(36.7%) (36.4%) (35.4%)
Trade and Business
4
4
(5.2%) (2.1%)
Service (Government+private)
3
5
6
14
(4.6%)
(10.2%) (7.8%) (7.3%)
Foreign Employment
37
25
39
101
(56.1%)
(51.0%) (59.5%) (52.6%)
Pensioner
3
3
(4.6%)
(1.6%)
Unemployment
1
1
(1.5%)
(0.5%)
Industry
1
1
(2.0%)
(0.5%)
Total
66
49
77
192
100.0%
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Total of A, B and C
180
180
180
540
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on household head
Source: Field Survey 2007
Form the above table 4.22 we can say that there is diversification in occupation in that
the household heads are involved in more than one occupation. Compared to
respondents, larger proportion of household heads are in traditional occupations. It
had been reported that 38.9 (210) percent of the household heads were still involved
in it, while 35.6 (192) percent of the respondents were found to be engaged in the
service related profession. Similarly, 25.6 (138) percent of the respondents were also
been in the agricultural related works. Consistent to the findings from occupational
structure of the respondents, Pariyar, the tailor group has been continuing their
traditional occupation. But very few household head from Nepali group are in their
traditional occupation. In sum, it can be said that there is occupational sift undergoing
in Dalit society. But there are remarkable inter-group variations.
4.3.8
Main Source of Household Income
Historically, Dalits have been practicing their traditional skills and selling it to their
clients to make a living. But it has been already clear from the previous table that
there is significant change in the occupation over the time. Household heads were
found involved in agriculture, foreign employment, agriculture, Sewing clothes, Wage
labour, and playing musical instruments.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
Table 4.23:
xcvii
Main Sources of Income of the Household Head*.
Interviewed Caste
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
113
81
122
(62.8%)*
(45.0%)
(67.8%)
Wage labour
45
26
35
(25.0%)
(14.4%)
(19.4%)
Service (govt.)
2
4
3
(1.1%)
(2.2%)
(1.7%)
Service (private)
0
3
8
(0.0%)
(1.7%)
(4.4%)
Business/Trade
0
2
2
(0.0%)
(1.1%)
(1.1%)
Foreign Employment
18
22
8
(10.0%)
(12.2%)
(4.4%)
Caste occupation
2
42
0
(1.1%)
(23.3%)
(0.0%)
Other
0
0
2
(0.0%)
(0.0%)
(1.1%)
Total
180
180
180
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
* Figures in parenthesis are Percentage based on household head
Source: Field Survey 2007
Income Sources
Agriculture
Total
316
(58.5%)
106
(19.6%)
9
(1.7%)
11
(2.0%)
4
(0.7%)
48
(8.9%)
44
(8.1%)
2
(0.4%)
540
(100.0%)
The table 4.23 above depicts clearly that most (58.5%) of the respondents reported
agriculture and its related work as the main sources of income for them. As in the case
of occupation, larger proportion (67.8%) of respondent household of Nepali group
depends on it while the proportion is smallest (45%) in the case of Pariyar group.
Likewise, 19.6 percent of the respondents had marked that wage labour as the main
source of their family income. One fourth of households of Bishowkarma rely on it. It
is remarkable fact that there are very few households (8.1%) depended on traditional
occupation as the main income source. Most of these households are of Pariyar. Of
the total 180 respondents from Pariyar group, almost one fourth (23.3%) of them
reported traditional occupation as their main income source which is quite negligible
in the case of Bishowkarma and Nepali.
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Continuity & Changes in TST
xcviii
Fig. 4.7 Main Sources of Income of the Household Head
Source: Field Survey 2007
4.3.9
Monthly Income
It is always difficult to collect precise data on income in the study conducted among
rural population. There is high chance of biases and in many cases respondents don’t
have good estimation of their income. Despite this difficulty it is also worth to have
the data on income of the households. Therefore, an effort has been made to record
the income of the households.
Table 4.24 Monthly Income of Family by Gender of Household Head*
Income (NRs)
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Up to 1500
63
35.0*
27
15.0
75
41.7
165
30.6
1501- 5000
57
31.7
69
38.3
42
23.3
168
31.1
5001- 10,000
32
17.8
48
26.7
35
19.4
115
21.3
10,001- 15,000
15
8.3
26
14.4
12
6.7
53
9.8
15,001- 20,000
12
6.7
5
2.8
10
5.6
27
5.0
20,001+
1
.6
5
2.8
6
3.3
12
2.2
Total
180
100.0
180 100.0 180 100.0 540 100.0
* Percentage are based on sub-caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
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xcix
Almost one third (30.6%) of the household head income up to NRS 1500 which is
quite low. Compared to other groups, percentage of Nepali group is larger (41.7%).
Nearly Same proportions (31.1%) of others income ranging from NRS 1501 to 5000.
Most of them households in this category are from Pariyar group. The monthly
income of the households clearly indicates their low economic status and life chances.
There were few households which has income more than NRS 10000. Most of the
high earning families are from urban areas. In sum, poor economic status of Dalits is
reflected in their monthly household income.
Fig. 4.8: Main sources of Income by Caste
Source: Field Survey 2007
This chapter tried to analyze the basic socio-economic status of the study area. Very
few households selected were the migrants. Most families were found nuclear. Most
of the household depended largely on subsistence agriculture despite the small
landholding and grain deficiency. Caste specific occupation is gradually disappearing
but still retained among the Pariyars. Despite shifting from caste specific occupations
to other occupations, most of the household could not escape form the dire poverty.
Obviously, educational status is also very poor in that almost half of the population is
illiterate. Not surprisingly, the findings have shown poor socioeconomic status of the
Dalits in the study area. Given this background, the chapter-V describes Dalits
traditional occupational technology. The current chapter also contextualizes the
change and continuity in Dalits’ traditional occupation dealt in chapter-VI.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
c
CHAPTER V
DALIT’S OCCUPATIONAL SKILL TECHNOLOGY
Various studies have explained that, the various services of Dalits are supplied in the
context of an ongoing relationship between a client and craftsman or a system also
known as patron-client relationship. In context to caste base occupation, situational
analysis of Dalits in Nepal 2002 states that, ‘the caste base occupation was the major
means of livelihood for the Dalits population up to couple of years ago, it has been
gradually disappearing over the years primarily due to three reasons: i) they
themselves think that their occupation has lower social prestige and demeaning
socially; ii) many young educated Dalits boys and girls do not like to follow their
father’s foot steps, and iii) they are finding difficulty in competing with the open
market which supplying various types of similar goods depending upon the needs of
the customers’. Owing to all these above facts the present research tried to find out the
skill of occupational groups still exist in the society. Therefore, in this section we will
discuss about the knowledge of traditional occupation and the knowledge of skill by
the respondents.
5.1
Inventory Occupation of the Family Members
An attempt is made to illustrate and develop an inventory of Dalit Occupations
invented in Kaski District. The study found that there is multiplicity of occupation
among the respondents. Therefore at a same time one family, one individual and one
sub-caste group is engaged in more than one occupation. Table below tries to explain
about the occupations found among the Biswokarma, Pariyar and Nepali respectively.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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ci
Table 5 .1: Traditional Occupational Skills among the Study Population
Varieties of TOS in Respective SubCaste Group
Aaranko kaam (iron work at hearth)
Agriculture tools (Nara) manufacturing
Bamboo work
Both Skill of Sikarmi and Dakarmi
Coloring and mending skin ware
Dakarmai (mason)
Doko (basket) Weaving
Goldsmith (ornament manufacturing)
Katuwali (Messenger work)
Korko Weaving
Leather collection and processing
Madal (tom-tom) making
Manufacturing and mending Shoe
Manufacturing Bags
Manufacturing Dhiki and Jato
Manufacturing Plough and Yoke
Mending Bages and Skin items
Mending Musical Instruments
Mending Sewing Machine
Piercing nose and ear
Playing Musical Instrument
Preparing coal for hearth
Presence in rituals/fair & festivals
Producing Damlo, Namlo and Dorei
Production of Agriculture Tools
Production of household utensils
Production of Musical Instruments
Sewing Gents ware
Sewing Kids ware
Sewing Ladies ware
Sewing Traditional Dress materials
Sikarmi (wood carpenter)
Skilled Agriculture work (ploughman)
Skilled Labour (karmi) in Barter
Tailoring & Sewing
Theki Carving
Thunse, Dalo and Soli Weaving
Source: Field survey 2007
Sub-Caste Group
Biswokarma
Pariyar Nepali
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
cii
The table above illustrates clearly that there are a sizeable number of skills followed
among the Dalit. It has been found that out of 37 traditional occupational skills 15 are
common among the Dalit of Kaski. And remaining 22 skills are related only single
sub-caste group. The facts reveal that there are 6 skills related with Biswokarma, 7
skills related with Nepali and 9 skills related with Pariyar respectively. But here it is
still no clear demarcation of the traditional occupation followed by the respondents.
5.13
Ancestral Traditional Occupation
Though the caste-base occupation is gradually declining, this is one of the major
means of livelihood for many Dalits even today. The study has shown that the
ancestral traditional occupations of the study are highly influenced by the caste based
functional division of the occupation. The field survey shows that there were 11
traditional occupations of the hill Dalits. It is clearer from the figure 5.1 below, that
shows the ancestral traditional occupation of the respondents.
Fig. 5.1 Ancestral Traditional Occupation of the Respondents
Source: Field survey 2007
The figure 5.1 above demonstrates the facts about the ancestral occupation of the
respondents. Out of the total respondents, 32.6 percents of the respondents reported
their ancestral traditional occupation was leather/shoes making, in the same way, 20
percent of the respondents had reported that their caste based occupation is sewing.
Likewise, 14.1 percent of the respondents stated that its aaranko kaam, similarly, 12.6
percent of them had reported that it was sewing and playing musical instruments as
their ancestral traditional occupation. In the same way it is reported by 12.5 percent of
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
ciii
the respondents as their traditions occupation as others that encompassed Sikarmi,
Ddakarmi, wage labour, Theki Carving and Choya basket weaving, etc.
5.3
Household Members Knowledge on TST
Out of the surveyed 540 households, numbers of member of 294 (54.4%) of the
households had no member who knows the ancestral traditional occupation. It shows
most of the Dalit households have no one who have acquired their traditional
occupational skills. In Nepali group, vast majority of the members does not know the
skill which is reverse in the case of Pariyar group in which very few (15.6%)
households doesn’t have members without knowledge on traditional occupation. In
sum, transfer of traditional occupational skill is very limited among the Nepali and
high among the Pariyars.
Table 5.2 Knowledge of Traditional Skill and Technology by Respondents
Category
Bishowkarma
N
Nobody Knows
101
At least one knows
79
Total
180
Source: Field survey 2007
%
56.1
43.9
100
Pariyar
N
28
152
180
Nepali
%
15.6
84.6
100.2
N
165
15
180
%
91.7
8.4
100.1
Total
N
294
246
540
%
54.4
45.7
100.1
The collected data has been presented in the figure below to make more clear view
about the knowledge of traditional skill and technology.
Fig. 5.2: Knowledge about traditional skills and Technology
Source: Field survey 2007
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Continuity & Changes in TST
civ
The figure above states clearly that the Pariyar sub caste were in majority to know the
TST, while the least known was from the Nepali sub caste groups.
5.4
Traditional Occupation followed by the Respondents
It has been already explained that the respondents follow different occupation related
to caste base. The major traditional occupations adopted in the study area are listed in
the table below.
Table 5.3: Traditional Occupations Performed by the Respondents
Listed Traditional Occupations
 Katuwali

Katuwal Pathi Uthani

Mela–Parma

Preparing and mending musical instruments

Playing musical instruments

Playing Panchai Baja

Tailoring and dressmaking
(i) Sewing by machine
(ii) Tailoring of Modern dress materials
(iii) Tailoring of Traditional dress materials
(iv) Sewing by hand
(v) Mending clothes

Preparing leather sack (thaili) for treasury (traditional)

Preparing Bassa for smoking (traditional)

Plough up in cultivable land

Agriculture related works

Fishing at river

Singing and dancing in wedding

Preparing copper utensils & pots

Preparing silver utensils and ornaments

Manufacturing Madal, Temko and Damaha (with wood & skin)

Manufacturing of Musical Instruments (with wood and metal)
Source: Field survey 2007
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Continuity & Changes in TST
cv
The table above is the list of the traditional occupation followed by the respondents in
the study area. The specification in one is not found. The respondents had adopted
more than one occupation for their living. The list also shows that Dalits have
performed a wide range of traditional occupational activities.
5.5
Respondents’ Knowledge on TST
It has been recognized that traditional skills of the Dalits are disappearing. The study
tries to explore the fact whether this statement is correct. The following figure
illustrates it.
Fig.5.3: Respondents’ Knowledge on TST
Source: Field survey 2007
Out of the total 540 respondents, only one third (33.9%) reported that they knew the
traditional skill/technologies while majority (66.1%) of the others didn’t know the
skill and technologies related to the traditional occupations. This clearly indicates that
most of the Dalits are leaving their traditional occupation. This has been supported by
the data on household members’ knowledge on TST mentioned above. Consistent to
this finding, very few (6.1%) respondents from Nepali group reported that they have
the knowledge on TST while large majority (77.2%) respondents from Pariyar group
reported that they have knowledge on TST. It substantiates the findings that transfer
of TST is very limited among the Nepali and high among the Pariyars. This is also
because Pariyars still have market for their TST while Neplai has already lost their
market due to easy availability of factory made leather goods.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
5.6
cvi
Known Traditional Skill and Technology
As depicted in the table above very few respondents reported that they have
knowledge on TST. This indicates that most of the known occupations belong to
Pariyar group. In this context, most of the Pariyar group had reported that they know
the TST. The table below illustrates what types of TSTs are possessed by the
informants.
Table 5.4: Known Traditional Occupation
Known Skills
Sewing
Number
Percentage
122
66.7*
Playing musical instrument
51
27.9
Aranko kaam (iron works)
29
15.8
Leathor works
12
6.6
Karmi
1
.5
Goldsmith
7
3.8
Dakarmi
2
1.1
Sikarmi
5
2.7
Theki making
4
2.2
Percentages are based on multiple responses of 183 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
The table depicts that the most known Dalit TST is sewing. Of the total respondents
who reported that they know about TSTs, two third (66.7%) of them reported sewing
as known TST followed by playing musical instruments which was reported by one
fourth (27.9%) of them. It is quite obvious that both of these TST belong to Pariyar
group. A few (15.8%) reported iron work. These informants are from Bishwokarma
group. TST like leather works is traditionally tied to Nepali and it was reported by
very few. In sum, it can be said that TSTs of Pariyar group is still prevalent but others
are getting eroded or not being transferred. The similar facts have been demonstrated
in the figure below.
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cvii
Fig. 5.4: Known Traditional Skills and Technologies
Source: Field survey 2007
5.7
Attitude towards Learning Traditional Skill
Because of fewer rewards in the traditional occupation, the attitude toward the related
skills is affected. The figure below shows happiness on learning the traditional skill.
Fig.5.5: Happiness on Learning TST
Source: Field Survey 2007
Most (88%) of those who have learnt traditional occupational skills reported that they
were happy with their knowledge on the skills. Only few (8.7%) were found not
happy with the traditional skills they have learnt. There is some level of inter-group
variations. Virtually all (92.4%) respondents from Pariyar group showed happiness
on learning the TST while remarkable percentages (22.0 and 27.3) of respondents
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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cviii
from Bishowkarma and Nepali were not happy. This is indicative of the fact that they
might not continue themselves and or transfer the TST to their offspring. Low prestige
and economic returns and unavailability of works were attributed to the unhappiness.
The reasons for happiness have been explained in the following table.
5.8
Reasons for Happiness
The table below depicts the reasons explained by the informants for their happiness
on having knowledge on TST.
Table 5.5: Reasons for being Happy of Learning the Traditional Skills
Category
Number
Percentage
Source of livelihood/Income
142
88.2
Easiness
40
24.8
Self-independence
10
6.2
Own occupation
9
5.6
Others (low investment)
8
4.9
Percentages are based on multiple responses of 161 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
Most (88.2%) of the informants, who stated that they are happy to have knowledge on
TST, reported that they are happy because their skills are their source of livelihood.
Another important reason was the easiness in the applications of the TST. Of the total,
almost one quarter (24.8%) reported it. They felt their skills easier than others. Some
took them as pride and said they are happy because these are their own traditional
skills.
5.9
Expertness in the Traditional Occupation
The survey had explored the state of expertise of the respondent in their traditional
occupation. Even when it had been stated that the person had knowledge on the skills,
he/she might not be well skilled to utilize it for livelihood and most importantly to
transfer it to new generation.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
cix
Table 5.6: Occupational Expertise on the Caste Base Occupation
TST
Basic
Skill level
Moderate
Karmi
N
0
%
0.0
N
1
%
100.0
Dakarmi
1
50.0
1
50.0
Sikarmi
2
40.0
3
Theki Making
Total
High
N
%
0.0
N
1
%
100.0
0.0
2
100.0
60.0
0.0
5
100.0
4
100.0
0.0
4
100.0
Sewing
33
27.0
57
46.7
32
26.2
122
100.0
Playing Musical Instrument
13
37.1
18
51.4
4
11.4
35
100.0
Aaran Ko Kaam (iron work)
7
46.7
8
53.3
0.0
15
100.0
Leather Work
4
33.3
8
66.7
0.0
12
100.0
4
57.1
3
42.9
7
100.0
104
51.2
39
19.2
203
100.0
Goldsmith
Total
60
29.6
Percentages are based on TST
Source: Field survey 2007
It has been found that one individual have expertise on more than one skill. Most
(51.2%) of the respondents reported they had basic level of skills on their known TST.
Fewer (19.2%) had high level of skill on their known skills. There were very few
skills in which the Dalits have retained high level of expertise. Except sewing,
playing musical instrument and gold works, there were very few who reported they
have high level of expertise in their traditional skills. Sewing is the only traditional
skills in which many Dalits have maintained good level of skill. Besides sewing,
respondents have good level of skills on playing musical instrument. It is remarkable
that both of these skills belong to only one group-Pariyar. Remarkably there are a
very few respondents who have maintained two of the main Dalits skills such as iron
work and leather works. This clearly indicates most of the traditional skills of Dalit
are getting eroded.
Therefore, we can assume from the above data that the interest towards the traditional
occupation is getting low. Most of the people had lost the knowledge about the karmi,
Dakarmi, Sikarmi, Theki making and leather related works. The main factors reported
were the low economic and social value of the work. The modern commodities
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
cx
produce by the industries has been replacing the handmade traditional goods with
high price.
5.10
Source of Learned Occupational Skill
Being a patriarchal society, occupational skills are generally transferred by fathers to
sons. In some cases, mother transfer to their daughters. The table below shows the
inheritance pattern of knowledge on traditional skills.
Table 5.7: Occupational Skills Learned from
Member/Institution
Frequency
Percent
Father
56
30.6
Own self at Family
36
19.7
Both father and mother
22
12.0
Mother
19
10.4
Brother/brother-in law
15
8.2
Other
15
8.2
Husband
9
4.9
Training institute
5
2.7
Mother-in law
4
2.2
Father-in law
2
1.1
183
100.0
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
From the above table 5.7, it is clear that the majority of the respondents (30.6%) who
knew the skill and arts of traditional occupation had learnt it from their father at
different age group and period of time. In the same way, 19.7 percent of the
respondents did not mention the source from where they had learned the skill rather
they reported that they learnt them on their own. Whereas, 12 percent of the
respondents reported that they had learned from both father and mother in the family.
But, just 10.4 percent of the respondents had stated that they learn the traditional skill
from their mother. Similarly, 8.2 percent each of the respondents had reported that
they had learn the skill from brother/ brother-in- law and the relatives of the family
members. And 4.9 percent of the respondents had reported that the traditional skill
had been learnt from husband. And in the process of modernizing the traditional skill,
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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some of the institutions are found to be giving traditional skills in that 2.7 percent had
reported that they learnt TSTs from training institutes. Some of the respondents (i.e.
2.2 percent) also reported that they had learnt TST from their mother-in-law. So we
can say that there are many sources in the society from where the person learns the
skill related to the traditional occupation. But father is mainly responsible to transfer
the skills and in other cases, they also acquire the skills on their own.
Fig. 5. 6 : Acquired the Traditional Skills From
Source: Field survey 2007
5.11
Age at Learning Traditional Skills
Since traditional skills are largely acquired in household, it can be expected that the
skills are learnt in early ages (i.e. young age) and is the part of family socialization.
The table below explains it more.
Table 5.8: Age at Learning Traditional Skills
Age (year)
Bishowkarma
N
Up to 9
2
10-19
33
20-29
4
30-39
1
40-49
1
Total
41
Source: Field survey 2007
Pariyar
%
N
4.9
80.5
9.8
2.4
2.4
100.0
3
99
28
0
1
131
%
2.3
75.6
21.4
0.0
0.8
100.0
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
0
0.0
5
2.7
10 90.9 142 77.6
1
9.1 33 18.0
0
0.0
1
0.5
0
0.0
2
1.1
11 100.0 183 100.0
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Most of the informants reported to have learnt their skills in 10-19 years. It shows that
skills are transferred at young age. Compared to other two groups, the proportion of
informants who learnt traditional skill in between 10-20 year age is high among the
Nepali. However, the number is too small to make strong conclusion. In sum,
virtually all Dalits learn the skills between 10 to 29 years.
5.12
Utility of Occupation Skills in Daily Life
To an extent, continuity and change in the traditional occupational skills also depend
on the attitude of the respective occupational groups toward these occupational skills.
If the occupational skills are not useful, it can get eroded over the time. In this
connection, following table illustrate how Dalits perceive their traditional
occupational skills.
Table 5.9: Utility of Traditional Skill in Day to Day Work
Utility
Frequency
Percent
Highly Useful
128
23.7
Useful
79
14.6
Little Useful
189
35.0
Don’t Know
144
26.7
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
The table depicts that attitude of Dalits toward their occupational skills are somehow
of mixed type. Almost one fourth (23.7%) rated it as highly useful. But more than one
third of others (35%) believed that it was little useful in their day to day works or
subsistence. Other remarkable proportion (26.7%) had no idea about it. If we merge
the respondent who reported the skills as highly useful and useful, it accounts for 38.3
percent of the total. These respondents can be taken as the people having positive
attitude toward their traditional skills. Therefore, it can be said that most of the Dalits
no longer believe that their traditional skills are useful in their day to day works and
thereby survival.
To conclude the chapter, we can mark that the traditional occupational skills of the
Dalits were in the verge of extinction. The young generations were gradually reluctant
to follow the caste based occupational skills. It is also found that the Pariyar subBK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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cxiii
caste groups were more involved in the traditional skills. They had learned the skills
from different sources. And the occupation of the Pariyar groups high demand in the
market, while the caste based occupation of the Damai and Kamis were getting
disappear, it is due the rapid industrialization and low emphasis to the native good by
the customers. And these communities were unable to cope with the demands of the
market and in the stage of getting disappear. The Dalits were not specified to the
specific occupation and found of having knowledge of more than one occupational
skill. So the skill manpower in relation to the caste based occupation reducing from
the society. in relation to the usefulness of the traditional art the respondents have
different attitudes as maximum of them had reported that it is of little in use. Very few
had market that it is useful. The one who has the knowledge of the traditional
occupation had learn at the age of 10-19 years of the age and most of them had learn
from their fathers. As modern kinds of occupations are replacing the traditional
occupation pattern in Pokhara, the socio-economic background of the respondents
determines the change of occupation; the selections of occupation is being governed
by modern value rather than by traditional value and migrated people are more
occupationally mobile in comparison to residents.
We can further state that agriculture related work and labour were considered as lower
status and least income earning occupation, business service and miscellaneous
occupation were considered as high status more income earning occupation is loosing
its attraction and non agricultural occupations are gaining popularity in respect to
status and income in urban societies. Occupation is a good index of position and
achievement in present society. Previously traditional occupations were available in
the basis of caste and family as an ascribed as an achieved status of an occupation
holder.
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CHAPTER – VI
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN OCCUPATION
This section deals with the main goal of the study, continuity and change in the
traditional occupation of hill Dalits of Western Nepal. The overwhelmingly agrarian
Nepali society is still stratified by in caste based system. The so called low caste
groups (collectively known as Dalits) are still in deprived and excluded situation.
Traditionally, they have been maintaining their livelihood through the specified caste
based occupations. However, the society is under strong sway of change. Various
socio-political and economic changes have brought different levels of change in the
Nepali society. In this process, caste system and occupational structure based on this
traditional caste system has been affected significantly. Despite some changes in the
traditional structure, the condition of the Dalits has not improved. Without
understanding the pattern and nature of such change, it is difficult to bring a planned
and desirable change in the low socio-economic profile of the Dalit groups. The study
is, therefore, examined the trend of occupational mobility, preference of occupation,
involvement in traditional occupation, reason for continuing traditional occupation
and reason for the preference of new occupations.
6.2
Traditional Occupation of the Dalits
The research had focused mainly on three major hill Dalit groups found in the western
development region: Kami (Blacksmith or Iron workers), Damai (Tailors and
Musicians), and Sarki (Cobblers or Leather workers). In the subsequent sub head the
research team had tried to illustrate the facts about the caste-based occupation. The
facts about the traditional skill were discovered from the narration of the FGDs and
key informant interview too.
a).
Kamis
This is one of the largest Dalits group in Nepal in terms of population size. According
to the CBS record 2001, they are distributed throughout the nation. The condensed
report of the 55 participants of FGD and 20 key informants, the team concluded that;
Kami are blacksmiths, who are along with their traditional caste occupation of making
and repairing iron tools, also practice agriculture. Within the Kami group there are
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more professional groups called Sunar (Goldsmith or silversmith) who make and
repair gold or silver ornaments. Historically, they were economically dependent on
their clients for livelihood and used to provide their services to their clients for the
Jajmani system such as Bali. This system is also practiced by the respondents in the
study area. These days, some of the Kamis males and females are relatively better
educated than other Dalit groups and were reported by the FGDS participants been
involve in different organizations in different level of post.
b).
Pariyars/Damais
This is the second largest Dalit group in population size reported by the CBS 2001.
They are also distributed throughout the nation. The Damis or the tailors practice their
traditional caste occupation of tailoring along with agriculture. It is reported by the
FGD participants that they are less engaged in agriculture because of their saleable
profession such as tailoring in the market. In addition, they play musical instruments
in various social and ritual occasions of their clients. Like Kamis they also provide
their services to clients in the traditional Jajamani or Balighare system on an annual
contract. Furthermore the key informants had narrated that the Damais were also
engage in the profession of Katuwali and sewing traditional garments such as choli,
daura-surbal, thaili, etc. Very few of them had reported of being involved in the
governmental and non-governmental service too.
c).
Nepali/Sarkis
This is the third largest Dalits group reported by the CBS 2001. Report had also
mentioned that they are more concentrated to the west of Kathmandu. Traditionally,
Sarkis are cobblers whose occupation is the leatherworks, such as hiding the skin of
dead animals and making the leather goods such as shoe, bags etc. along with their
traditional occupation they also practices the agriculture. The research team also drew
the fact that they use the leather of the dead animal and make “Nairo” to join plough
with yoke while using bullocks. But there are few who are engaged in the traditional
occupations.
From the above narration of the participants from different FGDs and KII it can be
clear that the occupational caste were involved in many different occupation for social
development process. But the situation has changed and they had also reported that
most of the Dalits were deprived from quality education. Due to the lack proper
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education to the Dalits, it is found that the traditional occupation is getting disappear
from the social history. The respondents of the study site also stated that to preserve
and promote the traditional occupation there must make some reform in the prevailing
system. As they reported that there must be abolishment of the system call Bali
system and untouchables practice and formulate proper law that provide wage for
their works. The team reported that the profession related to the Sakris or Nepali
leather works is almost in the stage to be collapse.
6.2
Intergenerational Occupation Mobility
In the agricultural country, the caste-based occupation is the major means of
livelihood to the backward and unprivileged groups of people especially the Dalits
population couples of years ago, it has been gradually disappearing over the years
primarily due to three reasons; i) they themselves think that their occupation has
lower social prestige and demeaning socially, ii) many young educated Dalits boys
and girls do not like to follow their father’s foot-step. The participants of FGD had
mentioned that the caste based occupations are not prestigious. These occupations
make them socially low position and psychologically make them humiliation. They
also had reported that the income earned from the traditional art is not able to meet the
family requirement, due to this they are compelled to shift from the traditional
occupation. The trend of occupation mobility in the two generation has been
illustrated in the table below. It should be explained here that almost one third of the
respondents could not report their grand-fathers occupation which should be taken
into account while analyzing the data. This can have significant effects on the
findings. Therefore, the following tables exclude those who did not report and the
percentages are calculated accordingly so as to make the data comparable between
groups.
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Table 6.1: Main Occupations by Generations
Generations
Occupations
Respondent
Father
Grand Father
Number Percentage Number Percentage Number Percentage
Caste-
153
28.3
specific
(Traditional)
Agriculture
145
26.9
Non-
141
26.1
traditional
Agriculture
30
26
62.9
233
66.8
57
10.8
40
11.5
74
14.0
31
8.9
47
8.9
34
9.7
18
3.4
11
3.2
5.6
+ Traditional
Traditional +
332
4.8
Non
Traditional
Others
45
8.3
0
(housewife)
Total
0
0.0
540
100
528
100
0.0
349
100
Source: Field survey 2007
Of the total respondents, just over one fourth (28.3%) of them reported that their main
occupation was caste-specific traditional occupations whereas almost two third
(62.9%) of them that their fathers’ main occupation was caste-specific traditional
occupations. Significantly large percentage (66.8%) of respondents reported that their
grand fathers’ main occupations were cast-specific. There is only few (11.5%) who
reported that their grand-fathers’ main occupation was agriculture whereas it
accounted for 10.8 percent and 26.9 percent in the case of father and respondent
respectively. It shows that agriculture was increasingly adopted in fathers’ generation.
Similar trend is found in the case of non-traditional occupations. Of the total, nontraditional occupations were reported by one fourth (26.1) of the respondents as their
main occupation whereas it was 14 percent and 8.9 in the case main occupation of
respondents’ fathers and grand-fathers.
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There is clear trend that Dalits have left their caste specific occupations and
increasingly adopted agriculture and non-traditional occupations (e.g. wage labour,
foreign employment, etc.) across generations. It also shows that there will be fewer in
traditional occupations in the generation of respondent’s offspring. It can also be said
that there is not as big difference between the main occupations of generation of
grand-father and father as it is with the generation of respondents and fathers.
Fig. 6.1: Main Occupations by Generations
Source: Field survey 2007
6.3
Grand-father’s Main Occupation
It is quite possible that there is inter-group variation in terms of occupational mobility
across generation. Therefore, an attempt has been made to analyze the variations, if
any. The following table depicts the variations of occupations in the grand-fathers’
generation.
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Table 6.2: Grand-father’s Main Occupations by Sub-Caste Groups
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma Pariyar
Nepali
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
Caste-specific
89
75.4
89
85.6
55
43.3
233 66.8
Agriculture
12
10.2
7
6.7
21
16.5
40
11.5
Nontraditional
13
11.0
4
3.8
14
11.0
31
8.9
Agriculture + Caste-
4
3.4
4
3.8
26
20.5
34
9.7
0
0.0
0
0.0
11
8.7
11
3.2
118
100.0
104 100.0 127 100.0 349 100.0
%
specific
Caste-specific +
Nontraditional
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
In grandfathers’ generation, the variations between groups are as significant as it was
in the case of fathers’ generation in that fewer respondents from Nepali group
reported that their grandfathers’ main occupation was caste-specific. Only 43.3
percent reported so. But there are others from this group who reported that agriculture
and caste-specific occupations were followed simultaneously by their grand fathers.
But more than three-fourth of the total respondents in both Bishwokarma and Pariyar
groups reported that their grand fathers’ main occupations were caste-specific. It
accounts for 75.4 and 85.6 percent for Bishwokarma and Priayar respectively. The
data also indicates that occupational shift occurred much earlier among the Nepali
groups in comparison of Bishowkarma and Pariyar.
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Fig. 6.2: Occupations of the Grand-father
Source: Field survey 2007
6.4
Father’s Main Occupation
The variation can also exist in the occupation of generation of fathers. The following
table depicts these variations of occupations in the generation of respondents’ father.
Table 6.3: Father’s Main Occupation by Sub-caste Groups
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Bishowkarma
Caste-specific
Pariyar
N
%
N
137
76.1 146
Total
Nepali
%
N
%
N
%
81.1
49
27.2 332
61.5
Agriculture
12
6.7
7
3.9
38
21.1
57
10.6
Nontraditional
15
8.3
13
7.2
46
25.6
74
13.7
Agriculture + Caste-
11
6.1
7
3.9
29
16.1
47
8.7
1
.6
1
.6
16
8.9
18
3.3
4
2.2
6
3.3
2
1.1
12
2.2
specific
Caste-specific + Non
Traditional
Don't know
Total
180
100.0 180 100.0 180 100.0 540 100.0
Source: Field survey 2007
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The table above shows that, as presumed, there are significant variations between
groups. It is quite remarkable that comparatively fewer (27.2%) from Nepali group
reported that their father’s main occupation was caste-specific occupations. But vast
majority of the respondents from Bishwokarma and Pariyar groups reported that their
fathers’ main occupations were caste-specific. It accounted for 76.1 and 81.1 percents
for Bishowkarma and Pariayar respectively. In the same vein, Agriculture was
reported by very few of the respondents from Bishowkarma and Pariyar but there are
remarkable percentage (21.1%) from the Nepali group. More or less similar variation
is found in the case of nontraditional occupations too. It can be said that there is
similarities between Bishowkarma and Pariyar in that largest majority of the
respondents’ fathers had caste-specific occupations as their main occupation. But in
the Nepali groups, very few had caste-specific occupations as main occupation in
fathers’ generation.
Fig. 6.3: Occupation of the Father
Source: Field survey 2007
6.5
Respondents' Main Occupations
The main occupations of respondents have been analyzed already in previous chapter
in terms of Dalit Skill technology. This is repeated here to see the variations across
generations Mobility of occupations.
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Table 6.4: Respondents’ Main Occupations by Sub-caste Groups
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma Pariyar
Nepali
N
N
%
N
%
%
N
%
Caste-specific
42
23.3 103
57.2
8
4.4 153
28.3
Agriculture
45
25.0
22
12.2
78
43.3 145
26.9
Nontraditional
52
28.9
44
24.4
45
25.0 141
26.1
9
5.0
5
2.8
16
8.9
30
5.6
7
3.9
1
.6
18
10.0
26
4.8
25
13.9
5
2.8
15
8.3
45
8.3
Agriculture + Castespecific
Caste-specific +
Nontraditional
Others (housewife)
Total
118
100.0
104 100.0 127 100.0 349 100.0
Source: Field survey 2007
There are very few (4.4%) from Nepali group reported that their main occupation are
caste-specific occupations. There were significant variations between groups.
Majority (57.2%) of the respondents from Pariyar groups reported that their main
occupations are caste-specific. In the same vein, agriculture was reported by one
fourth (25%) of the respondents from Bishowkarma while there were remarkably
more percentage (43.3%) from the Nepali group. But there were very few (12.2%)
among the Pariyars. There is no significant variation in the case of nontraditional
occupations in that around one-fourth of the respondents from all the three groups
reported their occupation as non-traditional. It is clear from the table above that castespecific occupations are still prevalent among the Pariyar and to an extent
Bishowkarma but it is almost absent among the Nepali groups.
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Fig. 6.4: Occupation of the Respondents by Sub-caste
Source: Field survey 2007
6.6
Description of Main Occupational Skills across Generations
To elaborate the occupations analyzed above, it is necessary to describe the main
skills associated with these occupations. This is based on the qualitative information
provided by the respondents. Skills of making Theki (wooden utensil) have declined
significantly across generation and almost absent in respondents’ generation. It is due
to the increasing use of the industrial made goods and decline of the market. The skill
transfer has been impeded by this fact and number of people who have this skill had
reduced significantly. The traditional skills of Nepali group, leather works are at the
verge of extinction. Caste specific work of Bishowkaram especially, iron work had
persisted across the generation of grandfathers to fathers but declined significantly in
respondents’ generation.
Similarly, gold workers were gradually shifted to new
occupation. The only occupational skill that largely persisted across generations is
sewing. Even in the generation of respondents, significant proportions of them have
continued this for their subsistence. There is some increase in the skilled works like
mason and carpentry from grandfather to father. The data also indicates that later
generations were reluctant to the traditional works. Between the two generation of
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cxxiv
grandfather and father, the non-traditional service related works including foreign
employment, the proportion has increased significantly which is quite natural.
6.7
Necessity of Giving Continuity to the TSTs
From the previous tables, we have found that there are fewer Dalits who are currently
applying their traditional skill technology for their subsistence. In this connection, it
has been tried to understand whether or not they think that their TSTs should be
continued. The table below explains it.
Occupations
Table 6.5: Need of Giving Continuity to the TSTs
Sub-caste Groups
Bishowkarma
N
%
Pariyar
Total
Nepali
N
%
N
%
N
%
Yes
119
66.1
159
88.3
120
66.7
398
73.7
No
32
17.8
8
4.4
34
18.9
74
13.7
Don't know
29
16.1
13
7.2
26
14.4
68
12.6
Total
180
100.0
180
100.0
180
100.0
540
100.0
Source: Field survey 2007
It is remarkable that almost three-fourth (73.3%) of the Dalits reported that their TSTs
should be continued or preserved despite the fact that few of them have been applying
it in their day-to-day lives. It indicates that they don’t want to let their TSTs vanish
over time. There are some intra-group variations in this opinion. Vast majority of
respondents from Pariyar group reported it while there are relatively fewer (two third)
from the Bishowkarma and Nepali group. The variation is also linked to the finding
that large proportion of the respondents from Pariyar group has been involved in
traditional occupation while there are fewer from Bishowkarma and very few from
Nepali group.
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Fig. 6.5: Need of Giving Continuity to the TSTs
Source: Field survey 2007
6.8
Causes of Giving Continuity to TSTs
Though the study has found that fewer Dalits have been following traditional
occupations, many of them reported their TSTs should be continued. There are
various reasons behind this unlikely and seemingly inconsistent response. The table
below depicts it.
Table 6.6: Reasons for Giving Continuity to TSTs
Reasons
Frequency Percentage
Traditionally known skill
220
55.3
Easiness
142
35.7
Source of income/employment
97
24.4
Our identity
32
8.0
Little investment
5
1.3
There is no any alternative
5
1.3
Source: Field survey 2007
Of the total respondents, 55.3 percent reported that they want their TSTs to be
continued because it is their traditionally known skills. One third of them thought it is
easier skill. Others one-fourth (24.4%) reported that the TSTs should be perpetuated
because these are the sources of living for them. Some of them also think these skills
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cxxvi
associated with their identity. Low investment and lack of alternatives were also
reported rational behind the continuation of the TSTs. The data shows that opinions of
continuing TSTs are influenced largely by the emotional attachment of the
respondents to their traditional skills.
Fig. 6.6: Reasons for Continuing TSTs
Source: Field survey 2007
6.9
Necessity of Transferring Traditional Skills / Technology to New
Generation
The continuity and change in the traditional skills and occupation of the Dalits are
also, to an extent, affected by the fact whether or not the parents wish their offspring
to learn the skills and adopt the occupations. The following table depicts the
perception of Dalits toward it.
Table 6.7: Necessity of Transferring TSTs to New Generation
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Bishowkarma
N
%
Total
Pariyar
N
%
Nepali
N
%
N
%
Yes
94
52.2
142
78.9
54
30.0
290
73.7
No
86
47.8
38
21.1
126
70.0
250
13.7
180
100.0
180
100.0
180
100.0
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
It clear from the table above that Dalits are not reluctant to transfer the
skills/technology to new generation. Of the total respondents, almost three-fourth
(73.7%) of the respondents wished that new generation learn the skills. It seems
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inconsistent to the findings that very few of the respondents are involved in the
traditional occupations but they wish that new generation learn the traditional skills. It
shows that they want to preserve the skills. However, there is significant variation
among the three groups. In Nepali group, less than one third (30%) respondents
reported that the TSTs should be transferred to new generation whereas vast majority
(78.9%) of the respondents from Pairyar groups reported same. In the case of
Bishwokarma, half (52.2%) of them reported it should be transferred. The data shows
that Pariyars are more interested in transferring their TSTs but not the Nepalis.
Fig. 6.7: Necessity of Transferring TSTs to New Generation
Source: Field survey 2007
6.10
Traditional Skills in the Disappearing Stage
The study has shown that some of the traditional occupations of Dalits are rapidly
disappearing. Here is the list of some of the traditional occupations mentioned by the
respondents that they think are getting disappeared.
Table 6.8: Occupation in the List of Disappearing Stage
Occupations
Frequency
Percentage
Making Theki
280
51.9
Formatting Skin
193
35.7
Making Musical Instrument
101
18.7
Jewelry skills
17
3.1
Iron work skills
8
1.5
Source: Field survey 2007
The table 6.8 above illustrates that most of the respondents believe that skills of
making wooden utensil (Theki) in the top of the list of disappearing skills. Of the
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total, 51.9 percent reported that this skill is disappearing. Similarly, over one third of
them (35.7%) reported that skills of formatting animal skin are gradually disappearing
among the occupational caste groups. A few of them (18.7%) reported that skills of
making musical instruments are also at the verge of extinction. Skills associated with
Jwelery and iron works were also reported to be in the disappearing skills’ list.
Fig. 6.8: List of the Occupation that are Getting Disappear
Source: Field survey 2007
6.11
Traditinal Skills Needed to be Conserved
Though Dalits have left their traditional occupations, they want their skills to be
preserved for its own sake. The respondents had reported some of the skills to be
conserved. The reported skills are depicted in the following table below.
Table 6.9: Occupation Needed to be Conserved
Occupations
Frequency
Percentage
Making Theki
257
47.6
Formatting Skin
193
35.7
Making Musical Instrument
97
18.0
Sewing
26
4.8
Jwelery making
22
4.1
Iron skills
15
2.8
Wood Carving
3
0.6
All Occupation of Dalit
2
0.4
Source: Field survey 2007
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On the list of disappearing skills, Theki maki was placed on the top. In the same vein,
this skill is on the top of the list of conservation too. Most (47.6%) of the respondents
reported that this skills should be preserved.
Similarly, one third (35.7) of the
respondents had reported that skin formatting skills should be conserved. Making
musical instrument was reported by 18 percent of the respondents. Some of them
were wary of conserving even sewing skills which is in fact is the most prevailing
skill of the Dalits. Skills associated with jewelry, iron work, wood carving was also
reported to be preserved.
Fig. 6.9: Occupation that Need to Conserve
Source: Field survey 2007
6.12
Views on Change in the TSTs
Though Dalits wish to preserve their skills, it does not necessarily mean that they
want it to keep in the Museum. In fact, modification and adaptation may help to
conserve the Dalit skills. Lack of modification and adaptation in the TSTs is one of
the main factors for decline in the TSTs of the Dalits. The following table depicts
respondents view on this.
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Table 6.10: Views on Change in the TSTs
Responses
Sub-caste Groups
Total
Bishowkarma Pariyar
Nepali
N
N
%
Should be preserved as they are
31
Should be changed according to
146
N
17.2
%
22
81.1 158
12.2
%
6
87.8 170
3.3
N
%
59
10.9
94.4 474
87.8
time
Don't know
3
Total
180
1.7
0
.0
4
2.2
7
1.3
100.0 180 100.0 180 100.0 540 100.0
Source: Field survey 2007
Vast majority of the respondents reported that Dalit TSTs should be modified
according to time or need. Of the total, 87.8 percent had this opinion. Almost all (94.4
%) from Nepali group had this opinion. Only few (10.9%) stated that these should be
preserved as they area. There were relatively more respondents from Bishowkarma
group and very few from Nepali group who had this opinion.
Fig. 6.10: Different View for the Conservation of the TSTs
Source: Field survey 2007
6.13
Views for Giving Continuity to the Present Occupation
It has been found that similar view was given toward continuation of respondents’
current occupation regardless of their varied occupations. The table below illustrates
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the views of 517 respondents who responded about the giving continuity to the
present occupation.
Table 6.11: Respondents' View for Continuity to Present Occupation
Occupations
Reponses
Yes
N
Caste-specific
Total
No
%
N
Don't know
%
N
%
N
%
127
84.7
14
9.3
9
6.0
150
100.0
Agriculture
99
72.8
33
24.3
4
2.9
136
100.0
Nontraditional
80
59.3
35
25.9
20
14.8
135
100.0
25
83.3
1
3.3
4
13.3
30
100.0
16
61.5
4
15.4
6
23.1
26
100.0
27
67.5
9
22.5
4
10.0
40
100.0
374
72.3
96
18.6
47
9.1
517
100.0
Agriculture +
Traditional
Traditional + Non
Traditional
Others
(housewife)
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
Out of the total respondents, most (72.3%) of the respondents had stated to give
continuity to the present occupation. As shown in the following table, this is also
because it is hard for them to find any better occupation in future and shows their
pessimism toward future. Interestingly, the largest percentage (84.7%) was from the
groups who had been adopting traditional (caste-specific) occupations and
respondents from Non-traditional occupation group had the percentage of (59.3%).
The non-traditional category consists of the respondents who are mostly the wage
labour. Though they have shifted to non-traditional occupation, Dalits do not have
the many options and simply resort to less-rewarding occupation like wage labour.
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Fig. 6.11: Respondents Views towards Traditional Giving Continuity to TSTs
Source: Field survey 2007
6.14
Reasons for Continuation to the Present Occupation
Dalits have been continuing their traditional occupations largely because of lack of
other alternative. However, there are different reasons reported for continuation to the
present occupation. The following table depicts them.
Table 6.12: Reasons for Continuation to the Present Occupation
Reasons
Frequency
Percentage
We don't know other skills
155
41.4
Easiness
105
28.1
Source of income/livelihood
142
38.0
Low investment
24
6.4
Little effort
16
4.3
It is our own traditional skills
14
3.7
Get satisfaction
10
2.7
Specialization
8
2.1
Others (prestigious, no resource, permanent)
16
4.2
Multiple responses based on 374 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
The table above illustrates that 41.4 percent of the total respondents explained that
they did not know other skill and were compelled to be bound with the present
occupation. In the same way, 28.1 percent of the respondents had reported that the
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occupation which they are engaged at present is easy to continue. About one third
(38%) of the respondents had reported they continue it because it is the source of
livelihood or income. Responses like low investment, need of little effort, prestigious
work were also reported causes for the continuation. It is worth to note here that only
very few (3.7%) of the Dalits felt proud of their traditional occupations and wanted to
continue them for this cause.
Fig. 6. 12: Causes for the Continuation for the TSTs
Source: Field survey 2007
6.15
Reasons for Discontinuing the Present Occupation
Some of the respondents have given their response against the idea of continuing their
present occupations. The following table depicts the reasons given for the
discontinuation of the occupations.
Table 6.13: Reasons for Discontinuing the Present Occupation
Reasons
Frequency
Percentage
Hard and painful work
49
51.0
Low income
46
47.9
Unemployment/underemployment
31
32.3
Other
10
10.4
9
9.4
Low social status
Multiple responses based on 96 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
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From the above table we can draw the idea that difficulties in the work are the main
causes of discontinuation of the occupation. Out of the total who reported they
wanted to discontinue, 51 percent of the respondents reported this cause. In the same
way 47.9 (46) percent of the respondents had reported low income as the cause for
discontinuation. Other one third had reported underemployment as the cause in that
they remain unemployed for months in their current job. Low social prestige is also
the factor fostering the idea of discontinuing the present occupation.
Fig. 6.13: Causes for Discontinuing the Present Occupation
Source: Field survey 2007
6.16
Preferred New Occupations
The table below depicts the new occupations reported by the respondents who had
said that they want to change their current occupations.
Table 6.14: Preferred New Occupations
Preferred Occupation
Frequency
Percent
Sewing
31
32.3
Business/trade
25
26.0
Foreign employment
18
18.8
Teaching (service)
6
6.3
Service
5
5.2
Agriculture
4
4.2
No response/don’t know
24
25.0
Percentages are based on multiple responses of 96 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
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It is quite interesting that one third of the respondents reported that they would prefer
sewing, the traditional skill of Pariyar. In the same way 26 percent of the respondent
had reported that they wish to run their own business so that they can lift their
economic status. But other, 18.8 percent of them had marked they like to go abroad
for the foreign employment to make them economically sound and meet the
requirements of family. Similarly, few of others wished to join service sector
including teaching. In sum, the occupational preference of the respondents seems
mixed but it also suggests that their choices are limited.
Fig. 6. 14: New Preferred Occupation by the Respondents
Source: Field survey 2007
6.17 Respondents’ Veiw on Advising Offsprings to Adopt the Same Occupation
Though majority of the respondents reported that they will continue their present
occupation, their perception might be different toward their offspring continuing the
present occupation. Following table depicts the information given by 374 respondents
who had reported that they would continue their occupation.
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Table 6.15: Advise Your Offspring to be in the Same Occupation
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Bishowkarma
N
%
Total
Pariyar
N
%
Nepali
N
%
N
%
Yes
35
28.9
73
58.9
17
13.2
125
33.4
No
47
38.8
34
27.4
58
45.0
139
37.2
Don't know
39
32.2
17
13.7
54
41.9
110
29.4
Total
121
100.0
124
100.0
129
100.0
374
100.0
Source: Field survey 2007
The table above state clearly shows that only one third (33.4%) of the respondent
would advise or wish their children to continue their occupations but slightly larger
percentage (37.2%) of the respondents reported that they would not. Other 29 percent
of them were still unclear whether they had to transfer the occupation to children or
not. There is significant variation among the three groups. Very few (13.2%)
respondent from Nepali group reported that they would advise to continue whereas
remarkably higher proportion (58.9%) of the respondents from Pariyar group
reported that they would advise to continue.
Fig. 6. 15: Advise Your Offspring to be in the Same Occupation
Source: Field survey 2007
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6.18
cxxxvii
Preferred Occupation for Offspring
It is now clear from the previous tables that Dalits have limited choices of
occupations specially the most-rewarding ones. However, they may wish to have their
children following some specific occupation. There was a query on the types of
occupations Dalits prefer for their children. The table below depicts it.
Table 6.16: Preferred Occupations of Offspring
Reasons
Frequency
Percentage
Government job
315
58.3
Teaching
179
33.1
Technical job
55
10.2
Foreign employment
45
8.3
Trade/Business
35
6.5
Sewing (traditional)
16
3.0
Multiple responses based on 540 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
The table above reflects the facts that most of the Dalit parents wished their children
to be in white colour jobs. The reported reasons are the convenience, better earning,
better future and higher social prestige associated with the jobs. Out of the total
respondents, majority (58.3%) had reported that they would like to see their children
to be engaged in government services (bureaucracy). Likewise one third of others
33.1 percent of them had reported that they would like to see their children in the
teaching profession. Similarly, 10.2 percent of them had reported that they like to see
their children as technicians. Other 8.3 percent of them wished to send their children
in foreign employment. It is remarkable that they did not talk about NGO jobs. This is
also because many of the respondents are familiar with government job and others
might have taken government and NGO as identical.
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Fig. 6.16: Preferred Occupations of Offspring
Source: Field survey 2007
6.19
Requirements for Preferred Occupation
In fact, it is very hard for the Dalits parents to realize their dream of seeing their
offspring in the white colour and most rewarding jobs because of their current socioeconomic status. For this it is inevitable and urgent to provide them appropriate
environment. Therefore, they were asked about the basic requirements for the job
they mentioned for their children. They had reported different requirements for it,
which is explained in the table below.
Table 6.17:
Requirements for Preferred Occupation Mention for Children
Requirements
Frequency
Percentage
Higher education
407
75.7
Reservation/quota
125
23.2
Technical trainings
57
10.6
Scholarship
41
7.6
Both education and reservation
11
2.0
Multiple responses based on 538 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
Most of them 75.7 (407) percent of the respondents reported that higher education is
essential for the occupation mentioned above. It provides knowledge and skills
required for the job. It is worth to note that only 23.2 of the respondents reported that
quota system is essential for the job they mentioned. Other 10.6 percent of the
respondents had marked the need of technical training to get the job easily. Other few
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(7.6%) of the respondents also reported that scholarship is essential which is also
related with availability of education opportunities. The table shows that respondents
have given higher priority to education rather than any other factors.
Fig. 6.17: Requirements for Preferred Occupation
Source: Field survey 2007
6.20
Necessity of Quota System for the Dalits
The respondents of the field survey had marked that there is the need of quota system
for the progress of the Dalits. To find out the proportion of the respondents who
supports the quota system, a question was asked whether or not they think quota
system necessary. The table below depicts it.
Table 6.18: Necessity of Quota System for Dalits
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Bishowkarma
N
Highly necessary
Total
Pariyar
%
Nepali
N
%
N
%
N
%
159
88.3
152
84.4
169
93.9
480
88.9
Necessary
5
2.8
8
4.4
2
1.1
15
2.8
Not necessary
1
.6
1
.6
1
.6
3
.6
15
8.3
19
10.6
8
4.4
42
7.8
180
100.0
180
100.0
180
100.0
540
100.0
Don't know
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
The table above illustrates the facts that virtually all of the respondents think that
quota system is needed. Of the total, only few (0.6%) reported that they are not in
favor of quota and their number is quite insignificant for analysis. The largest
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cxl
percentage (88.9%) reported that quota system is highly necessary and other few
(2.8%) thought it is necessary. It shows that the Dalits are in favour of quota system.
It is worth to note here that in the previous table, larger percentage of the respondents
reported education should be provided to the Dalits for their upliftment.
Comparatively fewer have reported quota or reservation. It indicates that they feel the
need of quota but give emphasis to education. This is quite reasonable in that without
education quota system can be less useful to them.
Fig. 6.18: Necessity of Quota System for Dalits
Source: Field survey 2007
6.21
Reasons for the Need of Quota System
It is now clear that respondents have clear view that reservation is necessary for the
Dalits. The respondents were also asked about why they think reservation is important
for the Dalits. The table below depicts the reasons explained by them.
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Table 6.19: Reasons for the Need of Quota System
Reasons
Frequency
Percentage
For equal opportunity
184
37.1
Due to their backwardness
136
27.5
Due to their poor economic situation
115
23.2
For upliftment
73
14.7
For rights
11
2.2
Multiple responses based on 495 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
The data in the table give clear indication that Dalits feel they don’t have equal
opportunities. Of the total respondents, more than one third (37.1%) reported that
Dalits need quota because they are in unequal situation and society/state should
provide them equal opportunities in the area of education and job s. Similarly,
27.5(136) percent of the respondents had stated that they are backward and they need
special attention for their mainstreaming in development. Others few (23.2%)
reported similar opinion that their economic situation is not good. In fact all of the
responses indicate that Dalits are in difficult social and economic situations and
therefore they need a positive discrimination from state/society.
Fig. 6.19: Cause for the Need of Quota System
Source: Field survey 2007
6.22
Areas that Need Quota System
It is clear from the above data that the quota system is thought to be essential for the
upliftment of the Dalits. The respondents were also asked about the areas where the
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cxlii
system is extremely essential. The reported facts about the areas for the
reservation are listed below.
Table 6.20: Areas that Need Quota System
Areas
Frequency
Percentage
Education
306
61.8
Employment
250
50.5
Political leadership
10
2.0
All three
151
30.5
Multiple responses based on 495 cases
Source: Field survey 2007
From the table above it is clear that the respondent think reservation is essential in
multiple sectors. Almost two third (61.8%) of the respondents reported that
reservation is necessary in education. It indicates that they don’t feel they have easy
access to education. It also suggests that they have given more emphasis to education
opportunities. Of the total, half of the (50.5%) respondents reported that quota system
is needed in the employment. Very few (2%) respondents reported the need of quota
system in the field of political realm. Rest of the 30.5 percent said that the reservation
is essential in all three areas, education, employment and politics.
The lower
emphasis on political reservation is also due to their low realization of the importance
of political decision making.
Fig. 6.20: Sectors that Need Quota System
Source: Field survey 2007
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cxliii
Use and Misuse of Reservation
Mainly after the political change in 1990, the issue of reservation was taken seriously
by the state. Such discrimination or reservation was supposed to uplift the status Dalit
people. But there is huge skepticism about the proper use of reservation. Therefore,
an attempt was made to explore the perceptions of the Dalits toward the provision of
positive discrimination based on caste. Opinions expressed by the respondents have
been illustrated in the table below.
Table 6.21: Use and Misuse of Reservation
Occupations
Sub-caste Groups
Bishowkarma
N
%
Total
Pariyar
N
Nepali
%
N
%
N
%
Abused
99
55.0
86
47.8
119
66.1
304
56.3
Don't know
77
42.8
73
40.6
58
32.2
208
38.5
4
2.2
21
11.7
3
1.7
28
5.2
180
100.0
180
100.0
180
100.0
540
100.0
Used appropriately
Total
Source: Field survey 2007
It is quite remarkable and a matter of concern that many Dalits think that the
mechanism of reservation has been abused. Of the total, 56.3 percent reported that it
is misused or abused. Only few (5.2%) reported it has been used properly. On the
other hand, over one third (38.5%) of the respondents showed ignorance toward this.
It is interesting that largest proportion of respondent from Nepali group were critical
in that two third (66.1%) of them opined that reservation has been misused. This
shows that they are more dissatisfied with the current practice of positive
discrimination.
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Fig. 6.21: Usefulness of Quota System
Source: Field survey 2007
6.24 Basis for Quota/reservation
There are various criteria of positive discrimination. In this connection, the
respondents were asked about the criteria that should be given importance to
implement quota or reservation. The table below shows the multiple choice answers
of the respondents.
Table 6.22: Base for Quota/Reservation
Base
Frequency
Percentage
Economic condition
319
59.1
Caste/Ethnicity
256
47.4
Geographical area
25
4.6
Gender
18
3.3
All of the above
35
6.5
Don't know
15
2.8
540 valid cases
Source: Field survey 2007
Significantly large percentage (59.1%) of the respondents reported that economic
condition of a person/family should be the basis for quota. Almost half of them also
opined that caste/ethnicity should be the base/standard. Geographical area and gender
were reported by few of the respondents. Some of others believed all of the four
criteria should be considered for the positive discrimination. It can be said that
economic status and caste status were taken as the main criteria for quota provision
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which is quite natural because these factors are more tangible areas of exclusion and
deprivation for them. Gender and geographical dimensions were reported by few.
This may be due to lack of familiarity about these factors.
Fig. 6.22: Base for Quota/Reservation
Source: Field survey 2007
To sum up the chapter we can say that the traditional skills and technologies are
almost in a verge of extinction. The income presently earned by the respondent
performing different occupation besides the traditional one is an undeniable
significant component of the village economy. Majority of the household of the
respondents in the study site could not satisfy their needs by adopting traditional
occupation. So, they are compelled to choose the alternative occupation for the
fulfillment of their needs. The respondents have no complete food security in the
sense of access to the nutritious food and their living standard is also very low.
Traditional occupation alone cannot meet the modern requirements. Tradition and
ancient skills for the work is insufficient to meet the determined minimum level of
food and clothing needs. Increasing wide gap between the people in the name of caste
or caste base occupation is up to great extent responsible for the reluctance of
traditional occupation. Though the goods have higher demand but in low price from
the consumer. That is only possible when it is produced in massive rate like
industries. So another factor behind the disappearance of traditional occupation is
because of wide use of the modern industrial goods. The mechanization has replaced
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cxlvi
the traditional arts and skills. So it is clearly seen that some important policies for the
modernization of Dalit skills and traditional occupation is very essential. Increasing
mass poverty can only be eliminated only when the society is free from 'Brahminism'.
And provide equal access of opportunity to all.
Besides these there most be the
proper availability of raw materials and easy access of market for the produced goods.
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CHAPTER VII
INTER-DALIT RELATIONSHIP AND TRADITIONAL OCCUPATION
The first and foremost need of the time is to conduct a baseline survey with nationally
representatives’ sample to identify the Dalits problems and issues. Also, the national
census and all national and local level surveys and studies by government and nongovernmental level are to be made mandatory to collect disaggregated information by
caste. The serious constraint for the Dalit empowerment is the prevailing caste base
discrimination. And next to it another serious problem is within the Dalits lack of
solidarity among them. There is serious cultural gap and understanding between hill
Dalits in terms of proper representation in politics and economic share. The problem
is serious as the policy for the Dalit uplift should be targeted not only in the capacity
building among various Dalits groups but also solidarity among them.
7.6
Inter-Group Relationship
As a matter of fact, in Nepal laws have declared caste discrimination a social crime,
but those who would implement those laws policies, administrators and judgespractice caste untouchability themselves. Additionally, a deeply ingrained sense of
inferiority within Dalits has been difficult to eradicate. Among themselves, Dalits’
practice untouchability, argue, and fracture their own solidarity.
The proverb that says that the people in glass houses should not throw stone on the
glass of other's house is relevant in context to the Dalit issues because despite crisis
against discrimination practices, it still exists among and between Dalits. Since the
Dalits official codification during the Rana regime, the Kamis and Sarkis boast of
their higher status caste, claiming that the other Dalits as lowers caste within the
Dalits. These groups refuse food handled by caste groups considered lower than the
Damais. Likewise the Damais considered lower themselves higher than the other
Dalit groups in the areas.
The survey report and the narration of the FGDs participants stated that inter-caste
marriage is often difficult among the Dalits caste groups. So, the Dalits themselves
have stated that we must bring radical change within their own communities by
eradicating all kinds of caste discrimination, only than we can hope for the changes in
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cxlviii
the social context. Dalit problem is a problem inherent in the state system, requiring
radical change. To end Dalit caste discrimination, Hindu caste organization system
must be thoroughly understood and completely destroy if it gives the discriminatory
influence to the people. The government has not been able to be inclusive for all Dalit
communities. It failed to generate interest, enthusiasm, organization and a desire for
Dalits to do something for their own cause.
Table 7.1: Caste Groups and Ethnic Groups in close Relationship
Category
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Brahmin
53
91.4
107
94.7
27
100.0
187
94.4
Chhetri
34
58.6
71
62.8
25
92.6
130
65.7
Gurung
21
36.2
44
38.9
7
25.9
72
36.4
Magar
4
6.9
18
15.9
2
7.4
24
12.1
Newar
2
3.4
18
15.9
2
7.4
24
12.1
Multiple responses
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table depicts that in most case Brahmins are in close interaction with the Dalits.
Of the total respondents who reported that they have close relationship with the other
groups of people, 94.9 percent mentioned that their relation with the Brahmins. This
applies to all of the three sub-groups of Dalits. Similarly, two third (66%) of the
respondents reported that they have relation with the Chhetris. One third (36.5%) of
them reported that they also have relation with the Gurungs. Some of them have
relation with the Magars and the Newars which accounts for 12.2 percent and 9.1
percent respectively. Similarly, 23 (11.1%) had marked with the B.K, 14 (7.1%)
Nepali, 9 (4.6%) had reported that with Pariyars and they also had reported that they
have good relation with other groups of people too.
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Fig. 7.1: Study Population and Relationship with Other Caste Group
Source: Field Survey 2007
7.2
Practice of Barter System (Bali System) Among Respondents
One of the main characteristics of traditional caste structure is patron- client
relationship. In this traditional economic relationship, Dalits work for their high caste
clients and in turn get grains in annual basis. Subsistence of Dalits used to be largely
dependent on this system, traditionally called Bali system. Due to various economic
and political changes, this economic relationship has been disappearing. In this
connection, this study has examined the existence of the Bali-System (barter) in the
study area.
Table 7.2: Following Barter System (Bali System)
Category
Bishowkarma
N
%
Pariyar
N
Nepali
%
N
Total
%
N
%
Yes
18
10.0
45
25.0
4
2.2
67
12.4
No
162
90.0
135
75.0
176
97.8
473
87.6
180
100.0
180
100.0
180
100.0
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
As shown in the table above, Bali system still exists in the hill area of western Nepal.
However, very few (12.4%) respondents had reported that they have been following
barter system. One fourth of the Pariyars reported that they maintain the barter
system. But it is almost lacking among the Nepali group. Only nominal number of
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the respondents from Nepali group reported that they maintain this system. In the case
of Bishowkarma, 10 percent of the respondents reported they maintain Bali system. In
general, it can be said that Bali system is still important among the Pariyars.
Fig. 7.2: Bali System Practice by Dalit Sub-caste Groups
Source: Field Survey 2007
7.3
Manner of Client towards Respondents
The Balis system is considered to be an exploitative relationship. The service
providers for Dalits remain in domination of the high caste clients. The following
table shows how Dalits perceive their relationship with the clients.
Table 7.3:
Category
Behaviours of Client
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Sympathetic
0
.0
3
6.7
0
.0
3
4.5
Co-operative
0
.0
11
24.4
0
.0
11
16.4
General
6
33.3
14
31.1
3
75.0
23
34.3
Exploitative
12
66.7
16
35.5
1
25.0
29
43.3
Don't know
0
.0
1
2.2
0
.0
1
1.5
Total
18
100.0
45
100.0
4
100.0
67
100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
From the table above, it is clear that most of the Dalits feel that they are in
exploitative relationship with their clients. Of the total respondents who reported that
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they maintain Bali system, 43.3 percent of them felt they have been exploited. Among
the three Dalits groups, two third of the respondents from Bishowkarma group
reported that they have been exploited. There is only one third in the Pariyar group.
One third of others reported that their clients’ behavior toward them is normal. Some
of others (16.4%) also reported that the clients are cooperative. It is remarkable that
none from the Bishowkarma group reported that the client was cooperative. Because
of small number in Nepali group, their proportion is analytically insignificant. It can
be said that Bishowkarmas largely perceive their relationship with clients exploitative.
Fig. 7.3: Manner of Clients
Source: Field Survey 2007
7.4
Differences of Wages between Occupational Skill and Other Skills
Bali System is considered exploitative also because of the low economic returns for
the service provider Dalits. In this connection, it was asked with all of the respondents
whether or not they think wages are unequal between traditional and non-traditional
works.
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Table 7.4: Differences of Wages between Occupational Skill and Other Skills
Category
Bishowkarma
N
%
Pariyar
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
Not so much difference
14
7.8
24
13.3
25
13.9
63
11.7
High wages of traditional
70
38.9
109
60.6
54
30.0
233
43.1
77
42.8
38
21.1
81
45.0
196
36.3
19
10.6
9
5.0
20
11.1
48
8.9
180
100.0
180
100.0
180
100.0
540
100.0
works
High wages of other skills/
work
Don't know
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
It is quite interesting to note that majority (43.1%) of the respondents reported that
there is higher wages for traditional works. There is significant variation among the
proportion of three groups who reported it. Most (60.6%) of the Pariyars reported it
but fewer from other two groups. But other one third (36.3%) reported wages are
higher for non-traditional works. They are mostly from the Bishowkarma (42.8%) and
Nepali (45%) groups and fewer (21.1%) from Pariyar who reported there is higher
wages for non-traditional works. Some of other respondents reported that there is no
significant difference.
Fig. 7.4: Difference in Wage Traditional Skills and Other Skill
Source: Field Survey 2007
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cliii
Others’ Behaviour towards Dalits
Though untouchability is legally abolished long times ago in Nepal, it is still
dominant in practice especially in the rural. The social relationships have been
changing gradually but the inhumane treatment with Dalits has not brought to an end
yet. Following table examines the relationship between Dalits and other groups in the
study area.
Table 7.5: Others’ Behaviour toward Dalits
Category
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Brotherly
0
.0
15
13.4
0
.0
15
7.6
General
26
44.8
57
50.9
2
7.4
85
43.1
untouchable
32
55.2
39
34.9
25
92.5
96
48.8
Can't say
0
.0
1
.9
0
.0
1
.5
58
100.0
112
100.0
27
100.0
197
100.0
Discriminative and
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table above illustrates the facts that of the total 197 who responded this question,
almost half (48.8%) of them reported others’ behavior toward them is discriminatory.
They are being treated as untouchable by other groups in their communities. There is
significant variation among the three groups in that almost all (92.5%) respondents
from Nepali group reported that they are discriminated whereas only 34.9 percent of
the Pariyars reported such behavior toward them. Only 7.6 percent of the respondents
reported that the relationship of the other caste groups is brotherly. But there are none
from Bishowkarma and Nepali who reported so. Rest of the 43.1 percent marked that
other people have general behaviour toward them. There are very few from Nepali
group who reported behavior toward them from other people is general or neutral.
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Fig. 7.5: Behaviours of Other Caste upon the Dalits
Source: Field Survey 2007
To sum up this chapter, we conclude that there is a need of campaign against
untouchability practices and it must carried out through a partnership between Dalits
and non- Dalits. A collective forum of Dalits and Non-Dalits against untouchability
and discrimination should be formed. Similarly, they must develop their bargaining
powers in terms of demanding what they have been promised by the concerned
agencies and the government. These events are just a few among the many that have
come into public awareness. The government administration and political parties have
not sufficiently directed their attention to these issues. That needs acute solution. And
the most important requirement of the time is to conduct a base line survey with
nationally representative sampled to identify the Dalits problems and issues. Also, the
national census all national and local level surveys and studies by government and
non government levels are to be made mandatory to collect disaggregated information
of Dalits. So that further studies could be carried out in the different aspects of Dalits.
And another important factor is the traditional occupation is getting less popular. It is
because traditionalism in the occupation. The earning is also very low which do not
fulfill the material need of Dalits presently. The most important fact is that the
traditionally made goods have no any proper market. And the government is also not
giving any special attention towards the concern group. Despite the fact concern
agencies are highly required to bring some reformative programs and policies to bring
up the traditional occupation. In the same way the youth of this group are not getting
any support from the society and the state so, they planned to go abroad to do hard job
in less salary. All this need acute solution as soon as possible.
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CHAPTER VIII
GENDER PERSPECTIVE IN TRADITIONAL OCCUPATION
In any society women’s status is one of the basic indicators of social and economic
development. Any behavioural change in the role of women brings changes in social,
economic, and demographic structure of the society. As the Nepali society is
organized in the patriarchal model, the status of the women is lower to that of males
in every field of life namely social, economical and political. The position/status of
the Dalit women in Nepali society is not very different to that of Nepali women in
general. But the position of Dalit has to be assessed in the overall framework of
Dalits’ social structure. As the Dalit society as a whole has the pathetic situation in
Nepali society, the position/ status of Dalit women is much lower to that of Dalits
male in general. In this chapter, gender relations in the Dalit society has been
analyzed particularly focusing on the situation of Dalits women in social, economical,
and political terms and the traditional occupation.
8.1
Educational Status of Respondents
It is widely recognized fact that education is one of the main agents of transformation
of traditional societies into modern one. On the other hand, it also indicates the status
and position of women in the society. In this connection, the table below explains the
educational status of respondents in terms of gender.
Table 8.1: Educational Status of the Respondents
Category
Men
N
Illiterate
Women
%
N
Total
%
N
%
101
37.4
119
44.1
220
40.7
Just literate
50
18.5
75
27.8
125
23.1
Under primary level
29
10.7
19
7.0
48
8.9
Primary level passed
37
13.7
31
11.5
68
12.6
Lower secondary level passed
24
8.9
16
5.9
40
7.4
Secondary level passed
9
3.3
6
2.2
15
2.8
S. L. C. Passed
6
2.2
3
1.1
9
1.7
12
4.4
1
.4
13
2.4
2
.7
0
.0
2
.4
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Intermediate level passed
Bachelor level passed
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
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The table shows that there is significant percentage of illiterate people in the sample.
Of the total, 40.7 percent are illiterate. Of them, the proportion of women is greater
than men regarding the variable of illiteracy i.e. 44.1 percent of women to 37.4
percent of men. There is none from women who have completed bachelor level. In
general, the educational status of sampled population is poor in general and further
poor in the case of women.
8.2
Land Ownership
In agrarian society land ownership is one of key indicators of socio-economic status
of individual. In a patriarchal caste society women’s ownership to property is very
limited. Women are the disposed group. This applies to Dalit groups too. As a matter
of fact, few Dailts have ownership over land. Even those who have some land, most
of them are men who possess the land. The following table and figure explain it
further.
Table 8.2: Land Ownership by Gender
Category
Bishowkarma
Pariyar
Nepali
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Women
7
7.4
9
14.3
9
7.9
25
9.2
Men
85
90.4
53
84.1
105
92.1
243
89.7
Both
2
2.1
1
1.6
0
.0
3
1.1
94
100.0
63
100.0
114
100.0
Total
271 100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
Like other women of Nepal, very few women in Dalit groups have ownership over
land. Of the total respondents who reported their household of own land, only
nominal percentage (9.2) reported that women own land in their households. There is
some level of variations between the groups. Compared to Bishowkarma and Nepali
groups, the percentage of women having land ownership is slightly larger than among
the Pariyars. Regardless of this variation, it is quite clear that women are largely
dispossessed group among the Dalit groups. It also indicates their low social status in
the household/family.
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Fig. 8.1: Ownership of Land by Gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.3
Gender and Occupation
As mentioned in chapter-V which explained that only one third of the interviewed
respondents were familiar with their traditional occupational technology. Due to
differential in gendered role, one can presume that there is variation between men and
women in terms of acquisition of TST. Following table and figures explain about it
vividly.
Table 8.3: Knowledge on TST
Category
Men
Number
Women
Percentage
Number
Total
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Yes
123
45.6
60
22.2
183
33.9
No
147
54.4
210
77.8
357
66.1
Total
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table clearly depicts that there is significant variation between men and women in
terms of possession of TST. Compared to 45.6 percent male, only few (22.2%)
women have possessed TSTs. Of the total men, almost half of them know TSTs while
less than one fourth know it. In fact, most of the TSTs are highly gendered in that it is
largely associated with men. Like in other groups, women are kept inside home and
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confined to household chores. But she also works as helper of men in the application
of these skills. It can be said that Dalit TST are largely masculine.
Fig. 8.2: Knowledge of Traditional Skill and Technology by Gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.4
Gender and Agricultural Works
Women in male dominated society have to bear different sphere of exploitation. The
position of Dalit women has to be assessed in the overall framework of Dalit’s social
structure. As the Dalit society, as a whole, has the pathetic situation in Nepali society,
the position of the Dalit women is much lower to that of Dalit male in general. Nepal
is a male privileged and dominated society, where the economic activities are related
to the males,’ whereas the work of the females are thought to be the non-productive or
given less valued. All the outside works are related to the males and the females were
confined to the domestic chores only. Keeping this fact in view, the study had tried to
find out the traditional skills that are related to the gender.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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Table 8.4 : Agriculture and Related Work by Gender
Occupations
Gender
Agriculture
Agriculture and Sewing
Agriculture and Karmi, Dakarmi, Sikarmi
Agriculture and Aaranko kaam
Agriculture and Goldsmith
Agriculture and Choya/Bamboo work
Total
Man
Women
18
128
146
(36.7%)
(98.4%)
(81.6%)
3
2
5
(6.1%)
(1.6%)
(2.8%)
20
-
(40.8%)
4
-
(8.2%)
(11.2%)
4
(2.2%)
2
-
(4.1%)
2
(1.1%)
2
-
(4.1%)
Total
20
2
(1.1%)
49
130
179
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
Source: Field Survey 2007
It is remarkable that large numbers 78.4 (128) percent of women are involved merely
in agricultural works. Of those who are involved in agriculture, very few of them have
doing traditional occupational works as sewing. This shows that women involved in
agricultural work are not likely to be involved in other traditional occupational works.
Unlike women, there are fewer men who are involved in agriculture and in many
cases they have also been doing traditional occupational works. However, fewer (49)
men are involved in agriculture compared to large number of women. This is also
because women are assigned work in the household and agricultural work and not
intended to do other works.
8.5
Caste-Specific Occupations and Gender
Out of 540 respondents, only 183 reported that they are engaged in caste based
traditional occupations. The previous table has already showed that most women are
involved in agriculture rather than men. This indicates there will be fewer women
who are involved in caste specific occupational works. This type of gender difference
in occupation has been further illustrated by the following table.
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Table 8.5: Caste Specific Occupations by Gender
Occupations
Playing Musical Instrument
Sewing
Playing Musical Instrument and Sewing
Sewing and wage labour
Karmi and wage labour
Aaran Kaam and wage labour, Sikarmi,
Dakarmi
Goldsmith
Sikarmi and Dakarmi
Theki making
Aaranko kaam and Goldsmith
Theki making and Sikarmi, Karmi
Choya/Bambooko kaam and wage labour
Choya and Madal making
Aaranko kaam
Total
Gender
Man
Women
6
(4.5%)
30
50
(22.6%)
(100.0%)
22
(16.5%)
1
(0.8%)
12
(9.0%)
5
(3.8%)
3
(2.3%)
16
(12.0%)
3
(2.4%)
2
(1.5%)
3
(2.3%)
16
(12.0%)
1
(0.8%)
13
(9.8%)
133
50
(100.0%)
(100.0%)
Total
4
(2.2%)
80
(43.7%)
22
(12.0%)
1
(0.6%)
12
(6.6%)
5
(2.7%)
3
(1.6%)
16
(8.7%)
3
(1.6%)
2
(1.1%)
3
(1.6%)
16
(8.7%)
1
(0.6%)
13
(7.1%)
183
(100.0%)
Source: Field Survey 2007
Consistent to the findings analyzed in the previous tables, larger number (133) of men
are involved in caste-specific occupations but fewer (50) women have been involved
in these traditional occupations and all of these women have been involved in sewing.
This also indicates that except from Pariyar group, other groups of women are not
involved in such caste specific occupations. Even in the case of men, many of them
have been involved in sewing. There are other remarkable numbers (16) of men who
are bamboo works and wage labour together. But it is worth to note here that
traditional occupations related to Bishowkarma and Nepali groups are less prevalent.
Only few reported iron and leather works as their caste specific occupation.
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clxi
Services and Related Works
Besides traditional agriculture and caste specific occupations, Dalits have been
increasingly shifting to non-traditional works such as wage labour and foreign
employment. For the survival in changing context, both women and men are
increasingly being involved in such economic activities especially wage labour. . It
should be noted here in advance that women reporting housewife has been included in
the service and related category. Therefore, their number in the following table has
been affected by this factor and should be understood accordingly.
Table 8.6: Services and Related Non-Traditional Work by Gender
Occupations
Gender
Wage Labour
Trade and Business
Service (Government+ Private)
Foreign Employment
Pensioner
Housewife
Industry
Students
Total
Men
40
(45.5%)
4
(4.5%)
6
(6.8%)
21
(23.9%)
9
(10.2%)
2
(2.2%)
6
(6.8%)
88
(100.0%)
Total
Women
39
(43.3%)
2
(2.2%)
2
(2.2%)
46
(51.1%)
1
(1.1%)
90
(100.0%)
79
(44.4%)
6
(3.3%)
8
(4.5%)
21
(11.8%)
9
(5.1%)
46
(25.8%)
2
(1.1%)
7
(3.9%)
178
(100.0%)
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table depicts that more or less same proportion of Dalits are involved in the
occupations other than traditional agriculture and caste specific occupations. Of the
total 540 informants, almost one third of them fall in this category. However, most of
them have been in unorganized sector such as wage labour. The largest proportion of
the (44.4%) reported that they work as wage labour. It is remarkable that proportion
of both men and women is almost equal. Identical to other groups of rural women, the
largest proportion of Dalit women (51.1%) reported that they are housewives. After
wage labour, there are remarkable number of men who have been involved in foreign
employments. There are small proportions (4.5%) of the Dalits who have been
working in organized sectors such as government and private organizations. A few
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have been involved in trade-business. It is worth to note that there is high chance of
social mobility in these two sectors. But most of the Dalits are in the occupations
from which they can hardly make their living.
8.7
Working Days and TSTs
As explained in the previous table there were less than one third respondents were
familiar with TST. It cannot be said for sure that people having knowledge on TST
have been employing it always for their subsistence. In this context following table
depicts how far they employ the TST during the year.
Table 8.7: Total Working Day of Year Related with TST by Gender
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Whole year
49
18.1
50
18.5
99
18.3
Six months
20
7.4
1
.4
21
3.9
Three months
4
1.5
1
.4
5
.9
Occasionally
45
16.7
8
3.0
53
9.8
Never
152
56.3
210
77.8
362
67.0
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table shows that only 18.3 percent of the respondents have been employing TST
for whole year for their subsistence. This is applicable for both men and women. In
fact they are the actual proportion of people who have been continuing TST for their
survival. There are remarkable proportions (16.7%) of men who employ TST at least
occasionally but there are very few women (3.0%) even in this category. More than
three-fourth of the women reported that they did not employ TST at all.
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Fig. 8.3: Gender and Working Days in a Year
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.8
Gender and Occupation Easiness
As in the case of the Nepalese society is Hindu male dominated society and it is
obvious that males always had given less importance to the work done by the females.
The team had collected that the fact that lights the easiness of the work between the
works performed by different gender. The table 8.8 below will help to be shed light
about the work and its easiness.
Table 8.8: Occupational Easiness by Gender
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Women's work
145
53.7
148
54.8
293
54.3
Men's work
50
18.5
40
14.8
90
16.7
Don't know
71
26.3
75
27.8
146
27.0
Similar
4
1.5
7
2.6
11
2.0
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table 8.3 above depicts that the traditional works of women is reported to be
easier than of the male. Of the total respondents, 54.3 percent respondents had
reported that the work of the women is much easier than that of men. Both men and
women have similar opinion on this. While 16.7 percent of the respondents survey
had reported that the work of the men are easier than women. Whereas, 27 percent of
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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clxiv
the respondents had reported that they have no ideas about the easiness. In general,
women’s traditional occupations are considered easier than that of women.
Fig. 8.4: Occupational Easiness by Gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.9
Perception Towards works of Men and Women
In the present study an effort was made to assess the respondents’ attitude toward TST
in terms of gender. The following table explains their attitudes.
Table 8.9: Work Importance of the Gender
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
18
6.7
9
3.3
27
5.0
Men's work
196
72.6
226
83.7
422
78.1
Don't know
56
20.7
35
13.0
91
16.9
Total
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Women's
work
Source: Field Survey 2007
Of the total respondent, 78.1 percent of the respondents had reported that the
occupation of the men were taken as the most advantageous, while very few (5%)
respondents had reported that the occupations of the female are more advantageous
than that of men in terms of subsistence of the family. It is interesting to note that
more women than men reported that men’s works are more advantageous. This is
mainly because men’s occupations are more rewarding than that of the women.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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clxv
Fig. 8.5: Occupational Importance by Gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.10
Suitability of Traditional Skills/Technologies by Gender
In the given social structure, suitability of TST may vary in terms of gender. In this
connection, respondents were
asked about the suitability of the TST for men and
women.
Table 8.10: Suitability of Traditional TST by Gender
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number Percentage Number Percentage Number Percentage
Suitable to men
114
42.2
113
41.9
227
42.0
19
7.0
23
8.5
42
7.8
Suitable to both
93
34.4
117
43.3
210
38.9
Don't know
44
16.3
17
6.3
61
11.3
Total
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Suitable to
women
Source: Field Survey 2007
As shown in the table above, the largest percentage of respondents (42%) reported
that TSTs are more suitable to men than to women. There is no variation in opinion
between genders in that the proportions of men and women who had this opinion are
almost same. There are very few who reported TSTs are suitable to women. But other
remarkable percentage just above one third of the respondents reported that TSTs are
suitable to both men and women. The data suggests that TSTs are largely suitable to
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men than women in the opinion of the Dalits. This is also linked with the fact that
very few women were found to be involved in TSTs in the study area.
Fig. 8.6: TST and Suitability by Gender
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.11
Easy Availability of Work Associated with TSTs by Gender
Due to the male dominated society, the higher chances are given to the male in every
sphere of life. In traditional caste society, women are kept inside the periphery of
house. So their works are mostly confined to the household chores. In this context, it
was investigated that who gets works based on TST more easily between the two
genders.
Table 8.11: Easy Availability of Work Based on the TST by Gender
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
7
2.6
6
2.2
13
2.4
Men
137
50.7
131
48.5
268
49.6
Both
70
25.9
79
29.3
149
27.6
Don't know
56
20.7
54
20.0
110
20.4
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Women
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
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The table explains that majority of the respondents had reported that men easily get
the caste based occupation than that of females. The table illustrates that 49.6 percent
of the respondents thought that men get job easily while only nominal of them (2.4 %)
thought females get job easily. Slightly more than one-fourth of the respondents
believed that works are available for both men and women. And, rests of the
respondents were not known about getting jobs related to the traditional occupation.
There is no significant variation in opinion with regard to gender of the respondents.
Fig. 8.7: Easy Availability of Work Based on the TST by Gender
Source: Field Survey (2007)
8.12
Gender Based Differences of Wages
Like other spheres of lives, women are considered to be discriminated in working
area. It is quite common in agrarian society that women are paid less for their
agricultural labour and even if she performs same work as efficiently as a man
performs it. In this context, the following table explains whether or not there is
difference in the wages of works done by women and men of Dalit groups.
Table 8.12: Work Reward Difference by Gender
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Yes
20
7.4
10
3.7
30
5.6
No
210
77.8
201
74.4
411
76.1
Don't know
40
14.8
59
21.9
99
18.3
Total
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
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Out of the total respondents, overwhelming majority i.e. 76.1 percent of the
respondents reported that there is no difference in the wages paid to them on the same
works done by men and women. Only a few (5.6%) of the respondents stated that they
had experienced the wage difference between the genders. They had practiced the
difference in the field of agricultural works, the daily wages, etc. Rest of others had
no idea about this. In fact, it is quite remarkable that respondents have not felt that
there is gender discrimination in wages of the work and both men and women have
same attitude toward this. Conventionally, it is considered that women are paid low in
Nepalese society.
Fig. 8.8: Gender and Wage Difference
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.13
The Necessity of Trainings and Education
Traditionally, men rather than women are considered to be deserving for education,
training and outside exposures. Women are thought to be work inside house and,
therefore, there is no need of education for them. But this fallacy has been changing
gradually. In this connection, the following table explains Dalit people’s attitude
toward the need of education and training for women and men.
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8.13: Gender and Necessity of Training and Education
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
For Women
23
8.5
16
5.9
39
7.2
For Men
72
26.7
87
32.2
159
29.4
For both
160
59.3
146
54.1
306
56.7
Don't know
15
5.6
21
7.8
36
6.7
Total
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Source: Field Survey 2007
As mentioned above the majority of the respondents reported that training and
education should be available and provided to both men and women equally. Of the
total, 56.7 percent respondents opine this. Both men and women think similarly in this
issue. However, there is a remarkable proportion (more than one fourth) of
respondents who reported that training and education should be provided to men. It
shows the perception towards women’s education has been changing but the process
is not complete yet. There are still some people who think that only men are suitable
candidates for education and training.
Fig. 8.9: Gender and the Need of Training for TST
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.15
Types of Training Required for Dalits Women
Respondents had identified different trainings related to different issues for the
women like: health, agriculture, empowerment, etc. The issues marked by them had
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been shown in the table 8.14 below, which has been categorized into four different
sub-heads to show the specific training needed for the females in the Dalit society.
Table 8.14: Types of Training Required for Women
Trainings
Frequency
Percent
A. Educational
154
28.5
Adult Education
91
16.9
Education and Awareness
7
1.3
Educational trainings
56
10.4
B. Awareness/ Empowerment Raising
66
12.2
Awareness Raising/Building
55
10.2
Saving Awareness training
1
0.2
Gender training
1
0.2
Leadership development
1
0.2
Awareness program (campaign)
2
0.4
Women empowerment campaign
6
1.1
C. Health
39
7.2
Health awareness training
33
6.1
Environment conservation
1
0.2
Family planning
4
0.7
Sudini
1
0.2
D. Income Generation
281
52.0
Agriculture training
14
2.6
Animal husbandry
13
2.4
Employment generation Training
129
23.9
Sewing training
110
20.4
Don’t know
8
1.5
Not responded
7
1.3
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
Out of the total respondents, majority (52%) of the respondents had reported that
women must be given the income generation training. It shows that there is focus on
the trainings that creates income for the women. For the income generation even the
training on sewing (one of the TST of Dalit) has been prescribed. In the same way
28.5 percent of the respondents had reported that educational related training should
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be given to women. Specified to adult literacy class, educational awareness and
training, in the same way 12.2 percent of them had marked that awareness and
empowerment raising programs must be given to the Dalit women. Whereas, 7.2
percent of the respondents had reported that health related training must be given to
the Dalit women for empowering them.
8.15
Status of Dalit Women in Study Area
Women are sufferers than males within the Dalit society in regard to all sort of
discrimination. As Dalit society is systematically integrated in the patriarchal model
of the Hindu caste structure, their social and economic status of Dalit women is
pathetic. The political participation of Dalit women at the village, and the national
level is much lower of that of the Dalit males as a whole. The separate data on the
health status of the Dalit women is virtually non-existent. One can simply assume that
the Dalit women seem to be less healthy than their own man. It is little known about
the kinds of illness the Dalit women mostly suffer, or how they are treated or
women’s nutritional status or their maternal mortality rate as a whole. The national
census report states that 90 percent of the Dalit women in the study site had disease
called uterus prolepses. The respondents of the study site had reported the condition
of education to the female that are explained below.
Table 8.15: Respondents View for the Condition of Dalit Women
Category
Men
Women
Total
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Number
Percentage
Good
194
71.9
181
67.0
375
69.4
Sympathetic
76
28.1
88
32.6
164
30.4
Don't know
0
.0
1
.4
1
.2
270
100.0
270
100.0
540
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
The table above states that 69.4 percent of the respondents had reported that the
condition of the Dalit women is good. Whereas, 30.4 (164) percent of the respondents
had marked that the condition of the women in their community is pathetic or
sympathetic in comparison of men. The proportion of men both men and women are
almost same who had such opinion. However more women reported the condition of
women is pathetic. They reported that most of them had found to be lacking the basic
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right and privilege in the society. Respondents had marked the need of some programs
and laws for the betterment of the condition of Dalit women.
Fig.8.10: Respondents View for the Condition of Dalit Women
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.16
Recommended Measures for Upliftment of Dalit Women
The survey report shows that just 2.4 percent out of 540 respondents from the study
site marked that the female gets the job easily. Whereas, rest had reported that it is
very difficult for the Dalit women to get the Jobs. Those who told that the condition
of Dalit women is sympathetic had recommended the following ways to improve the
condition of the women as follow.
Table 8.16: Recommended Measures for Upliftment of Dalit Women
Ways to Improve
Frequency
Percent
Provide educational opportunity
38
23.2
Employment opportunity
54
32.9
Reservations quotas
18
11.0
All of the above
7
4.3
Education and employment opportunity
46
28.0
Other
1
0.6
164
100.0
Total
Source: Field Survey 2007
Of the total respondent who reported that women’s condition is not good, almost one
third of them had said that employment opportunities should be provided to women
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for the improvement of their condition. In the same vein, 28 percent reported both
education and employment opportunities. Other 23.2 percent recommended providing
educational opportunity for the female to uplift their conditions. In the same way the
respondents had marked that reservation in different sphere of living chances must be
provided and is reported by 11 percent of them. Surprisingly, very few reported that
reservation should be one of the measures for the improvement of Dalit women. This
might be due to the fact that they are less aware about the reservation. But it is also
associated with the demand for the job opportunity. In general, education and job
opportunities were emphasized for the upliftment of the Dalit women.
Fig. 8.11: Ways for the Upliftment of the Women
Source: Field Survey 2007
8.17
Socio-Economic Changes affecting the Status of Dalit Women
Though pace and pattern is different societies are always under the sway of change.
Dalit society is not an exception. Despite the deprived condition of Dalit women,
there are some positive changes occurring, which effects on the status of Dalit women
in the society in have long run. This is not happening over night and nor it is going to
change the status of the Dalit women over the nigh. But there are some good
indications. The following table illustrates the changes pertinent to improvement in
the status of Dalit women.
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Table 8.17: Socio-economic Changes affecting the Status of Dalit Women
Changes Seen
Frequency
Proportion
Cooperation
67
12.4
Educational awareness
268
49.6
Self-Dependent
15
2.8
Awareness building
68
12.6
Income saving
171
31.7
Improvement in talking
13
2.4
Awareness on women/daughter education
157
29.1
Health(sanitation) awareness
331
61.3
Job opportunities
11
2.0
Increase organizational capacity
183
33.9
Environmental awareness
53
9.8
There is no change
12
2.2
Source: Field Survey 2007
The changes reported are mainly in the realm of education and awareness. Of the
total, 61 percent respondents reported that there is increased health awareness among
the Dalit women. Similarly need of awareness toward the importance of education
was also reported by many. Of the total, almost half of the respondents reported that
there is awareness in terms of importance of education in general. Other 29 percent
also reported awareness toward education for the girls/women. Other remarkable
change in the scenario is organizational capacity of the Dait women. Women are
involving in different community based organization. They are forming and organized
in mothers group, credit and saving group etc. In the area of economy, income saving
is good indication. As mentioned, saving and credit groups are helping them to
organize as well as improving saving habits. Better cooperation to women,
environmental awareness, self dependence, job opportunities were also reported by
few of the informants.
To conclude the chapter we can state that, In any society, women are the basic
indicators of social and economic development. Any behavioural change in the role of
women (wife and mother) brings changes in social, economic, and demographic
structure of the society. As the Nepali Dalit women are doubly oppressed in terms of
caste and in terms in terms of genders. Their participation is essential to the success of
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the conserving the traditional skills. But lack proper agencies to address them or to
create the awareness for it. That had resulted mass illiteracy. And also, women are
more sufferers than males within the Dalits society. As the Dalit society is
systematically integrated in the patriarchal model of the Hindu caste structure, their
social and economic status is much lower to that of males. Likewise, the health and
nutritional status of Dalit women is pathetic. The political participation of Dalit
women at the village, district and the national level is much lower to that of the Dalit
males as a whole.
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Chapter IX
DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
9.1
DISCUSSION
The study was conducted to find out the condition of the continuity and change in the
traditional skill and technology among the hill Dalits of Nepal. It has mainly aimed at
finding out the perception of the occupational caste groups towards the traditional
occupations. In the contemporary Nepalese society the traditional occupations and
social relationships are changing rapidly, in this
connection, it is very enviable to
investigate the nature and the pattern of such overwhelming change. Without
understanding these changes, it is not viable to develop realistic framework that aims
at mainstreaming and uplifting the Dalit population in Nepal. This study was mainly
concluded to find out the following crucial questions such as;

What are their major sources of livelihood?

What are the major skills and technologies among the hill Dalit of Nepal?

What are specific perspectives of Dalit artesian towards there occupational
skills?

Are they satisfied with there present occupation/sources of livelihood?

What role does traditional skills technologies play in the livelihood and daily
live of Dalit?

How much do they earn from their traditional skill technology?

How do they perceive each other’s occupations and skills?

What are the factors fostered the shift in their traditional occupation?

Among the hill Dalits, in which does the tempo of occupation change is
faster?

Are there any effects occupational shifts on economic security of Dalits?

How are the traditional skill technologies utilized and preserved?

What is the most preferred occupation among the hill Dalit of Nepal?

How can they be included in the modern form of occupations?

What are their perceptions towards positive discrimination (reservation) in
white color job?
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clxxvii
Study Population
The study was concentrated in Kaski district, which lies in the western hill of Nepal.
The district covers an area of 2017 sq. km. politically the district is divided into 43
Village Development Committees (VDCs) and two municipalities. The study was
carried out on the Dalit population mainly Kami, Damai and Sarki (herein after
Biswokarma, Pariyar and Nepali) of the 30 sampled households.
From each
settlement of Kami was selected 5 VDCs (Ghandruk, Hemja, Pumdi Bhumdi,
Hamsapur and Bharatpokhari) and 1 cluster of Pokhara City. Damia respondents were
selected from 4 VDCs ( Kaskikot, Armala, Lamachour and Thumki) and urban cluster
from Pokhara ( i.e. Ward No. 3 & 4) and Lekhnath Municipality (Ward No. 6 & 7).
Similarly, Sarki respondents were selected from 5 VDCs (Dhital, Lahachowk,
Nirmalpokhari, Bhahachowk and Mujuredanda) and 1 cluster of Pokhara. The total
population of the three major caste groups (Kami, Damai, and Sarki) in Kaski was
20189. Out of the total, sampled population covered 1583 individuals from 540
stratified households which included 180 Kamis, 180 Damais and 180 Sarkis
households respectively. Out of the 540 households man had headed 470 (87%)
households and women had headed 70 (13%) households.
Although, the study population comprised only the Hill Dalits population residing in
the Kaski district, the finding of the study findings of this study may be generalized
with some caution to the Dalit population of Nepal.
9.1.2
Knowledge of Traditional Skill and Technology
Out of the surveyed 540 households, numbers of member 294 (54.4%) of the
households had known the ancestral traditional occupation. The survey had further
explored that one member of 117 (21.7%) households; two members of 64 (11.9%)
household, 3 members of 31 (5.7%) households had known their ancestral
occupations. Likewise, 4 and 5 member of 19 (3.5 %) and 10 (1.9%) households
respectively were known to the traditional occupations. While remaining 5
households had 6 and more than 6 members who knew the occupation.
It has been found that one of the respondents had expertise on more than one
occupation. The collected data listed in the above table 5.2 reports that the highest
number of the respondents were found of expertise in sewing i.e 122 (66.7 %) out of
183. in the same way it is followed by the groups of people who were found of being
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expertise in playing musical instruments, the number is 51 (27.9%). Similarly, it had
been followed by the Aaran ko kaam and Leather works respectively by 29 (15.8) and
12 (6.6%). Rest of the respondents were found less in the specialized in the caste base
occupation: the goldsmith is 7 (3.8%), and Sikarmi by 5 (2.7%) , Theki making, 4
(2.2%), Dakarmi 2(1.1%) and
karmi 1 (0.5%).
On the other hand, 323 (59.8%) of the respondents had reported that they had learn
the traditional occupation performed by the male. likewise 137 (25.4%) of the
respondents had reported that they had learned the traditional skill which is related to
both the sex from their parents. And 155 (28.7%) of the respondent who were
following the traditional skill had reported that they had learned the traditional
occupational skill related to the females from their parents of ancestors.
The study states that 35 percent of the respondents had reported the traditional art
learned have very little use in the daily life, they had not much in use the learned skill
in their daily works. Contrary to this 23.7 percent of the respondents had reported that
the traditional skill learned had been very much useful to the daily life and they had
used it as a means of livelihood.
The respondents had reported that they rendered the service to different people. In the
same way they had marked that they have taken the different things from the people.
The respondents had reported that they took salary/wages in term of cash by 77.5
percent of the respondents, whereas 25.5 percent of the respondents had reported that
they took cereal crops and 0.6 percent of the respondent reported as commodity. In
the same ways 10.1 percent of the respondents reported that they experienced of
taking cash, cereals crops and commodities as their return.
9.1.3
Attitude toward Change and Continuity to Traditional Occupation
Team had collected the facts from the 183 respondents who had reported that they
were involved in traditional occupation. 57 percent of the total respondents of 183
from the field survey had reported that it is the sources of living for them. In the same
way 43.5 percent had reported that it is source of income for the family. In the same
way 12.1 percent of the respondents had reported for business. Likewise, 7.7 percent
of them had reported that it had helped to give identity of the caste and seemed easier
to perform the profession. 41.4 percent of the total respondents reported that they do
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not know about other skills of life. In the same way 7.5 percent of the respondents had
reported that it is an employment opportunity for them. Some of them had reported
that it is easy to teach their children. The respondents had reported that they desire to
provide the traditional skill to their children too. 33.4 percent of the respondents out
of total 540 had reported that that they like to train their children in the same field.
They had reported that it is easy to train them and get wide opportunities of
employment in the open market.
Out of total respondents 80.2 percent of the respondents of the total 540 from the field
study illustrate the facts that they are satisfied with the present profession. They had
reported that it provided sufficient employment for them and helped them to get
sufficient income to meet the family requirement.
Form the field it is found that 33 percent of the total respondents had reported that
they like to engage in the traditional occupation to make them self employed. In the
same way 22.9 percent of the respondent had reported that they like to hold their own
business so that they should not listened any words of others. 18.8 percent of them
had marked that they like to go abroad for the foreign employment to make
themselves economically sound and can able to meet the family requirements.
9.1.4
Gender Perspective and Traditional occupation
Nepali Dalit women are doubly oppressed in terms of caste and in terms of genders,
their participation is essential to the success of the conserving the traditional skills.
But lack of proper agencies to address them or to create the awareness for it, had
resulted mass illiteracy. The facts can be understood for the collected facts. The fact
that 82 respondents out of 540 from respondents had reported that they had known
about the occupation of the female, 54.3 percent of the respondents had reported that
the work of the women’s is much easier than the men. While 16.7 percent of the
respondents of the field survey had reported that the work of the male are easier than
women. The facts collected had stated that 78.1 percent of the respondents had
believed the work performed by the males are given more importance, while 5.1
percent of the respondents had reported that the profession of the female is more
important than that of males.
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The status of the female in the Dalit society too is miserable. The serious plans and
policies are essential for the upliftment of the women status in the society. Here are
some of the ways marked by the respondents to uplift the condition of the gender in
the society. On the health status of the Dalit women is virtually non-existent. One can
simply assume that the Dalit women seem to be less healthy than their own man. 33.9
percent of the respondents had reported that they had developed institution capacity,
while 31.7 percent of the respondents got awareness n saving the money. Likewise,
29.1 percent of the total respondents had marked that they got awareness in giving the
education to the woman and daughters. Similarly 13.3 percent had reported that they
are health conscious among them. In the same way rest of the respondent had reported
that they got the wakefulness in the field of social, economical and environmental
awareness as well as the religious awareness had came in the women of Dalits.
9.1.5
Inter Generational Attitude toward Occupation
The study reports that gradually the youth of the occupational caste groups were
reluctant to the traditional occupation. Within the Dalit there are the existences of
discriminatory practices in the name of occupation. They have found that the
traditional work followed by the parents and of the ancestors were very tough and
hard to follow to occupation. Out of the total of 197 of the field survey had reported
that the relationship of the other caste groups had found that the relationship with
them by the other caste is normal and they treat them brotherly. Survey report has
stated that 187 (94.9%) of the total respondent of 197 of the field survey who marked
that they have close relationship with the other groups of people, and had mentioned
that they have relation with the Brahmins and 130 (66%) of them had reported that
they have relation with the Chhetries.
Out of the total 540 respondents of the field survey, 73.7 percent of the respondents
had reported that they thought there is extreme need to give continuation of the
traditional skill for the further run. Whereas 13 percent of the respondents had
reported that there is no need to give the continuation to the traditional skill, and while
12.6 percent of the total respondents had found of indifferent to the given issues.
In context to the relationship between other castes, the Dalit themselves did not feel
as equal partners of development. It is important therefore to fight against social
superstitions, modernizing the traditional occupational practices, and empowering the
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sub-population to contribute to the national development, enhancing social justice and
preserving the cultural heritage.
It is also been found that the Dalit populations were not much interested on the
educational matters. And due to which the mode of integration among the Dalit and
non Dalit were not yet found out and are facing a lot of problems in relation to the
caste based discrimination.
Is was also been found that there is a lack of the agencies to train the young
generation the art of traditional skills, no such schools were yet open to train the
occupational skills and technologies of the Dalits. Neither the institutional attempts
have been made to improve the traditional skills of Dalits nor have the marketing for
their goods and services been promoted.
Considering all the above facts teams had drawn the conclusion that the traditional
skills and technologies are getting extinction in the course of time. If the plan were
not properly formulates of policies were not clearly marked for the conservation of
the traditional art than it may remain only in the history books. So, there is an extreme
need of the organization and institution for the preservation of the Dalit traditional
skills and the technologies.
9.1.6
Lack of Inclusion of All Dalit Community
In the mainstreaming of development by the government, there has not been able to
be inclusive of the Dalit communities. Skills and technologies and has not been able
to reach each and every household. The government has failed to modernize the
traditional skill and also to generate interest, enthusiasm, organization and a desire for
Dalits to do something for their own cause. Despite the formation of law that
prohibits all sorts of discriminatory practices, it is still alive in the society and the law
had remained voiceless.
9.2
CONCLUSIONS
This study obtained information on the continuity and change in traditional skill
technologies among hill Dalits of Nepal, with the case study of Kaski district. Out of
the total respondents most of them had been involved in non-traditional occupation.
So, here the researchers had concluded the following facts;
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
clxxxii
The serious constraints behind the gradual disappearance of the traditional
occupation are because of the reluctance by the youth to the traditional
occupation.

Next to the above problem is the rapid increasing of industrialization and use
of industrially made goods, which had replaced the traditionally crafted goods.

Among the Dalit, the low level of literacy rate is sharply declining
educational attainment in higher levels, especially the females have serious
constraints in overall Dalit empowerment. The reformation in the traditional
socio-cultural setting are sought more with education and awareness.
Moreover, the education among the Dalits have two dimensional effects; first
change in attitudes and behaviour within Dalit themselves and second change
in the inter community culture. For both conditions Dalit education plays vital
roles, and thus policies interventions are required to elevate the educational
status of Dalit in Nepal.

There is the extreme need of an institution to preserve the traditional skills
available in the study area, or else they may have chance to disappear from the
society.

Gradually the specification in the traditional occupation is lacking among the
respondents. So the training concerning to the transfer of knowledge of
traditional occupation to their children is most importantly needed.

Behind the disappearance of the traditional skill may be the result of the lack
of market for the traditional goods. People love to enjoy the goods for the
factories.

Due to the caste based discrimination the study of population does not want to
continue the traditional skill technologies. And reported to shifting the
occupation to non-caste based.
9.3
RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE STUDY
The serious constrain for the Hill Dalit is the prevailing caste base discrimination,
which had ranked them to a low grade in the society. Where they work more for the
society, yet the work are not counted as productive and are devalued by the society.
So the program, Seminar or training must be given for giving emphasis for the
traditional occupations and skill technologies of the Dalits.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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clxxxiii
IN REGARD TO BISHOWKARMS (KAMIS)

The Aaran must be modified for the betterment of health condition and
produce more commodities to meet the requirement of the market.

The caste based discrimination is very much alive even today, so some rigid
policy needs to draft to make strict end from the society to bring the
Bishowkarmas in the mainstream of development.

Government should make special arrangement of the market and make a
provision to get raw material for the manufacturing of agricultural tools for the
Bishowkarmas.

To give emphasis to the traditional occupational skills of the Bishowkarmas it
is not enough to draft the policies and programs for the upliftment of
Bishowkarmas society, it needs to address rightly about the traditional
occupation and occupational skills and technologies of them.

Due to the traditionalism, the occupation is getting less popular within the
Dalit community. So the concerned agencies must focus their especial interest
towards the burning issues. As these Groups of people have little land and they
are the least educated people, modernization of their traditional skill is the
single alternatives for strengthening their economy in coming days.
Mechanization of the traditional skills and technologies of this Sub-caste
group is very essential to cope with the need and demand fulfillment of the
market with reasonable price.

The occupational skills and technologies must be preserved and promoted
through the trained specialist so this group of people can be self dependent and
be able to produce the agricultural tools for the agrarian societies of Nepal.

The reservation policies should not be only for the economic upliftment, but it
must be for social upliftment too.

Despite the fact that the government policies fall sort over the year to uplift the
Dalits occupation, some hard effective programs must be formulated to
preserve and promote the traditional occupation of occupational caste groups.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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clxxxiv
IN REGARD TO NEPALI (SARKIS)

The work of the Nepali (Sarki) to the society cannot be measured in terms to
the monitory values. They help to make the proper use of the skins of animal,
and death animals are properly managed, but due to the traditional caste based
discrimination the people are reluctant to this job. So special laws are
necessary for the upliftment of this sub-caste.

Due to the modernization the use of Jato, Dhiki and Nairos have been replaced
by the modern machine. To make the existence to the state of getting extinct
skills must be preserved and promoted.

The leather processing work at the rural area are in the verge of getting
disappear, so training and awareness must be created to continue the skill for
the long run of the traditional skills.

The special bamboos works are also in a verge of getting disappear so this
caste must be given special initiative to make the unique culture to live alive.
IN REGARD TO PARIYAR (DAMAIS)

The sub caste group is very much popular in Nepal for playing Panchebaja.
But due to the involvement of the caste group, the originality of the folk
music is getting disappear. So, at the right time proper steps should be taken
forward to preserve and promote the national identity of Nepal.

The youth of this community have more tend to go abroad for the foreign
employment, if special initiatives is given to this group of people than we can
be able to generate self employment and will be able to save the occupational
skills.
RECOMMENDATION IN GENERAL TO DALITS COMMUNITY

The mode of integration of Dalit and non-Dalit people was not yet identified
in the implementation of strategy. The traditional occupations of Dalits are at
the threshold of extinction by the availability of well-finished products. To
reform structurally and institutionally and fostering the enhancement of
traditional skills of occupational caste their skills requires modernization and
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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clxxxv
collective efforts for mass products to substitute import, government must
arrange the raw materials for them.

Admission in the technical schools, credit facilities, social awareness, and
minimum wage fixation are the prominent needs to be address by the
government and the concerned agencies for the enhancement of Dalit
population.

The serious constraint for the Hill Dalit is the prevailing caste base
discrimination, which has ranked them to a low grade in the society. Where
they work more for the society but the work are not counted as productive and
are devalued by the society. So the program, seminar or training must be given
for emphasizing for the traditional occupations and skill technologies of the
Dalits.

The Bali system should be abolished and proper wage must be given in return
of the occupation performed to the customers. Only than the traditional skill
and technologies will be rightly valued and preserved.

Due to the traditionalism, the occupation is getting less popular within the
Dalit community. So the concerned agencies must focus their especial interest
towards the burning issues. As these groups of people have little land and they
are the least educated people, modernization of their traditional skill is the
single alternatives for strengthening their economy in coming days.

Though different amendments of the constitution have guaranteed the equal
right and opportunities to the people, yet the Dalits are lagging behind in using
the facilities provided by the state. So, some of possible activities could be as
setting fire to the laws that have no practical value as they are still not allowed
or not given opportunities to use the public facilities. So, it is strongly
recommended to formulate and implement special and effective programs for
uplifting them in the society.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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
clxxxvi
There must be more media attentions to Dalit suffering and oppression as well
as information about the positive activities carried out by them.

Education is the transformation of development which gives sustainability of
every aspect. So, illiteracy within Hill Dalits must be ended through active
education system by the trained teacher.

The reservation policies should not be only for the economic upliftment, but it
must be due social upliftment too.

Special programs must be lunched for the control of population growth so that
the mass poverty can be reduced or eliminated.

Despite the fact that the government policies fall sort over the year to uplift the
Dalits occupation. Again some effective programs must be formulated to
preserve and promote the traditional occupation of occupational caste groups.

There should be strong provision of penalty and punishment for those who are
guilty of discrimination and untouchability against Dalits.

Government must arrange all necessary requirements for the traditional
occupation such as raw material and proper market for the upliftment of the
traditional occupation.
All the upliftment plans, policies and programs should be from the bottom for the
socio-economic upliftment and from the top for the abolishing untouchability against
Hill Dalits. There should be strong provision of penalty and punishment for those who
are guilty of discrimination and untouchability against them.
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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Annex I
Population Distribution of Hill Dalit in Kaski District - 2001
Sr.No.
VDC/Municipalities
Selected Hill Dalit of Kaski District
Kami
Damai
Sarki
Total Population
1.
Arba Vijaya
454
273
53
780
2.
Armala
823
320
165
1308
3.
Bhachok
98
181
137
416
4.
Bhadure Tamagi
983
170
30
1183
5.
Bharat Pokhari
1073
298
487
1858
6.
Chapakot
418
211
183
812
7.
Dangsing
635
412
186
1233
8.
Deurali
96
183
54
333
9.
Dhampus
1085
210
54
1349
10.
Dhikur Pokhari
978
498
151
1627
11.
Dhital
149
244
354
747
12.
Ghachok
25
106
622
753
13.
Ghandruk
833
306
362
1501
Hamsapur
513
182
139
834
15.
Hemja
389
180
368
937
16.
Kanhu
131
155
-
286
17.
Kalika
323
120
-
443
18.
Kaski Kot
201
230
267
698
19.
Kristinachnechour
420
272
74
766
20.
Lahachok
183
167
460
810
21.
Lamachour
233
228
44
505
22.
Lekhnath
Municipality***
2742
1366
634
4742
23.
Lumle
1139
178
141
1458
24.
Lwangghalel
683
418
116
1217
14.
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Sr.No.
VDC/Municipalities
cxcvii
Selected Hill Dalit of Kaski District
Kami
Damai
Sarki
Total Population
25.
Machhapuchhere
150
185
-
335
26.
Majhthana
74
126
9
209
27.
Mauja
404
229
-
633
28.
Mijuredanda
326
229
567
1122
29.
Namarjung
117
87
46
250
30.
NirmalPokhari
432
94
310
836
31.
Parche
389
224
-
613
32.
Pokhara SubMetropolis***
4601
4746
2307
11654
33.
Pumdi Bhumdi
800
228
119
1147
34.
Puranchou
186
245
91
522
35.
Rivan
171
45
-
216
36.
Rupakot
116
12
128
37.
Saimarang
197
175
130
502
38.
Salyan
1023
93
76
1192
39.
Sarangkot
300
239
192
731
40.
Sardikhola
419
131
8
558
41.
Siddha
233
215
31
479
42.
Sildujure
367
276
64
707
43.
Thumakodanda
650
255
-
905
44.
Thumki
343
146
69
558
45.
Valam
160
124
12
371
25949
15116
9124
50189
Total Dalit Population
*** 33 wards of Lekhnath and Pokhara Municipalities were merged and divided in to 16 different clusters and 4
clusters were chosen as sampling clusters randomly from lottery method. Highlighted VDC and Municipalities are
selected clusters for sample area – Step 1. These clusters are scattered through out the district which are illustrated
in map (see annex 5).
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
cxcviii
Annex II
Sampling Procedure
Selected VDC/Wards for Sample by Sub-Caste Group
(A). Biswokarma [Kami]
(B). Pariyar [Damai]
Ghandruk
(C). Nepali [Sarki]
Kaski Kodt
Hemja
Dhital
Armala
Pumdi Bhumdi
Lahachook
Lamachour
Hamsapur
Nirmalpokhari
Thumki
Bharatpokhari
Bhachook
Pokhara 3 & 4
Pokhara 14 & 15
Mijuredanda
Lekhnath 5, 6 & 7
Pokhara 5 & 6
SELECTED 14 VDCS AND 4 CLUSTERS OF 9 MUNICIPAL WARDS ARE FURTHER DIVIDED IN TO
3 PARTS BY LOTTERY METHOD TO SELECT THE SAMPLE HOUSEHOLD FOR 3 DIFFERENT CASTE
GROUPS AS ABOVE TABLE– STEP 2
Proposed Sampling Frame
Caste Group
Biswokarma
Pariyar
Mijar
Total
Total Population of the District
25949
15116
9124
50189
Estimated Number of Household**
4805
2799
1689
9294
Sample Population
4361
2068
2128
8557
Household of Sample Population
807
382
394
1583
Sample household
180
180
180
540
Total Respondents
180
180
180
540
** household number is based upon average family size 5.4 of 2001 census
OUT
OF
1583
HOUSEHOLD OF SAMPLE POPULATION
DISPROPORTIONATELY
AS
SAMPLE
HOUSEHOLD
540
HOUSEHOLD ARE SELECTED
TO
ADMINISTERED
INTERVIEW
SCHEDULE – STEP 3
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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cxcix
THE DETAIL OF SAMPLING FRAME
Population
833
Households
Proposed
Sample
Size
154
30
Hemja
389
72
30
15
15
30
Pumdi Bhumdi
800
148
30
15
15
30
Hamsapur
513
95
30
15
15
30
Bharatpokhari
1073
198
30
15
15
30
Pokhara 14/15
753
139
30
15
15
30
4361
807
180
90
90
180
Population
230
Households
Proposed
Sample
Size
42
30
Armala
320
59
30
15
15
30
Lamachour
228
42
30
15
15
30
Pokhara 3/4
804
148
34
17
17
34
Thumki
146
27
26
13
13
26
Lekhnath 6/7
340
63
30
15
15
30
2068
382
180
90
90
180
Population
354
Households
Proposed
Sample
Size
65
30
Lahachook
460
85
30
15
15
30
Nirmalpokhari
310
57
30
15
15
30
Pokhara 5/6
300
55
30
15
15
30
Bhachook
137
25
24
12
12
24
Mijuredanda
567
105
36
18
18
36
2128
8557
394
1583
180
540
90
270
90
270
180
540
A. Biswokarma (Kami)
VDC/Wards
Ghandruk
Total
B. Pariyar (Damai)
VDC/Wards
Kaskikot
Total
C. Mijar (Sarki)
VDC/Wards
Dhital
Total
Total A,B,C
Proposed Respondents of
Sample Households
Female
15
Male
15
Proposed Respondents of
Sample Households
Female
15
Male
15
Proposed Respondents of
Sample Households
Female
15
Male
15
Total
Sample
Size
30
Total
Sample
Size
30
Total
Sample
Size
30
30 household are selected from each sampling cluster, in the case of Thumki and Bhachook
remaining households are selected from larger cluster i.e. Pokhara 3/4 and Mijuredanda
respectively
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
cc
Annex III
Continuity and Changes in Traditional Skills & Technologies among Hill
Dalits of Nepal
(A Study Based on Kami, Damai & Sarki of Kaski District)
RESEARCH TOOLS
Household Interview Schedule 2064
Name of Interviewer: ..........................
Address: VDC/ Municipality........... ........ .....
Interviewed Group: 1. B.K. 2. Pariyar 3. Nepali
........................
Ward No.........
Date of Interview:
A. General Information about Family and Socio-economic status:
1.
General Introduction:
Name of House-Head: ................................ Sex: ................. Occupation: ...............
Religion...............
Name of the Interviewee:
Family Background:
S.N.
Sex
Relation with
Age
Head of House
Marital
Status
Education Occupation
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Q.N.
2.
Remarks
Interviewee
Questions
1How much you have belief in religion?
3.
Type of Family
4.
Ownership of House
5.
6.
7.
Type of House
Brief information about House
Is there any cultivable land in the
ownership of family?
Answers
1. Too much 2. No belief 3. I am
neutral 4. Other.....
1. Nuclear 2. Joint
3. Other.....................
1. Own House 2. Rented House
3. Refugee
4. Other................
1. Concrete 2. Normal 3. Cottage
Go to
1. Yes 2. No
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
12
Continuity & Changes in TST
8.
cci
If there is arable (cultivable) land, then
how much?
9. Who is the owner of the land?
10. How long does it sustain by the crops
yielded from the land?
11. How much do you produce from crops?
Crops/
1
Vegetable Paddy
Production
Muri/Kg
Estimated Cost
2
Wheat
3
Mize
4
Millet
1. Paddy Field ......... Ha.
2. Marginal Land...... Ha
3. Bush Land........... Ha.
4. Others................. Ha.
1. Women 2. Men 3. Both
........................... months
5
6
Buckwheat Mustard
7
Potato
10
9
Vegetable Others
Rs.
12. Are you rearing any animals or birds for 1. Yes 2. No.
the production of meat, flesh etc?
13. If yes, how many?
Animal/
1
2
3
4
5
Birds
Cow/Ox
Buffalo
Goat
Duck/Hen Pig
Number
14. Do you sale those animal/birds for
cash?
15. If you sale them, how much you earn
annually?
16. Whether your family is migrated or
native of this place?
17. If you are migrated, then from where?
18. When did you migrate?
19. Why did you migrate to this place?
20. What are the sources of family income?
21. Your family income (per month)
16
6
Fish
7
Others
1. Yes 2. No
16
1. Nrs. ................. (Roughly) 2. No response
1. Native
20
2. Migrated
Origin VDC. .....................
Village.......................... District...............
Year....................
(Date:.........................................)
....................................................................
1. Agriculture 2. Labor 3. Job (Gov.) 4. Job (Pvt.)
5. Business 6. Foreign Country 7. Traditional
Occupation 8. Other....................................
1. Nrs....................... (Roughly)
B. Information related to Occupational Skill & Technology: (Gather the
information related to occupational skill and technology and make a brief
account of additional information in separate paper, if nay)
Q.N.
1.
2.
Questions
1What is your ancestral traditional
occupation?
How many member of your family
have learnt traditional occupation?
Answers
Go to
..................................................................................
..........................................
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
3.
4.
5.
Skill/
Ocp
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
6.
7.
8.
9.
ccii
Have you learnt your traditional
1. Yes 2. No
occupation?
What are the traditional occupations
1.................. 2.............. 3................
that you learn (know)?
What is the state of your occupational
expertness in the traditional
occupation?
Occupational Expertness
1. I know generally
2. I know better
3. Specialization
From whom you had leant the above
mentioned occupation/skill?
How old were you when your learned
the occupational skill?
Did your father/mother learn
occupational skill?
Would you please mention the
occupations or skills that were learnt
by your mother/father or ancestors?
10. How much the traditional occupations
are useful to your family?
11. Why do you think so?
12. How many days in a year you do the
traditional occupations?
13. How much do you earn in a day by
such occupations?
14. What do you take for the wage of
traditional occupation?
15. Is your family involved in Bali (patronclient) system for traditional
occupations?
16. If yes, what sort of facilities you get
from Bali Ghar (patron house)?
17. How does the Bali Ghar behave
towards you?
18. Do you think it is necessary to teach
the traditional occupations to the new
generations?
19. If yes, what are you thinking about
teaching traditional skills to the new
8
1. Father 2. Mother 3. Mother-in-Law 4. Father-inLaw 5. Brother/Brother-in-Law/Sister-in Law
6. Sister/ Sister-in-Law 7. Others......................
........................... (years)
1. Yes 2. No 3. Don't know
Traditional
occupations
related to
females (1)
Traditional
occupations
related to males
(2)
10
Traditional
occupations
related to both
males/females
(3)
1. Very much useful 2. Generally they are useful
3. Not much useful 4. They are occasionally useful
..........................................
1. Whole year 2. About 6 months 3. About 3
months 4. Occasionally
Nrs..............................
1. Cash 2. Goods 3. Grains 4. All above
1. Yes 2. No
18
1...................2..................3.....................
1. Friendly 2. Cooperative 3. Normal
4. Exploitative 5. Don't know 6. Others................
1. Yes, I think 2. No, I don't think
20
1. I teach myself 2. They learn from society
3. Don't know 4. Others........................
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
generation?
20. Whether the traditional skills are more
useful to son or daughter?
21. How are the opportunities for those
who know traditional occupational
skills?
22. Is there any difference in wages for
occupational labor and other labors?
cciii
1. For sons 2. For daughters 3. For both
4. Don't know
1. Enough opportunities 2. Mild opportunities
3. No opportunities 4. Don't know
1. Not much difference 2. The wage occupational
labor is more 3. The wage of other labor is more
4. Don't know
C. Gender Perspective related to traditional skills and technologies:
Q.N.
1.
Questions
Answers
Go to
1Are you happy by knowing traditional
1. I am Happy 2. I am not Happy 3. I don't know
skills?
2. What is the reason of being happy or
.................................................
unhappy?
3. What is the most profitable traditional
1...................... 2....................... 3.........................
occupation in your opinion?
4. Who gets job easily based on traditional 1. Male 2. Female 3. Both 4. Don't know
occupation or skill?
5. If the traditional occupations in your family are different for male female, would you please
mention them briefly?
Occupations that are performed by Female
Occupations that are performed by male
1.........................
1.........................
2.........................
2.........................
3.........................
3.........................
6. Whose traditional occupations are
1. Occupations of females 2. Occupations of male
easier?
3. Don't know
7. Whose occupational works are more
1. Works of Female 2. Works of Male 3. Don't
profitable?
know
8. Whose occupational works need
1. Women's work 2. Men's work 3. Works of both
education and trainings?
4. Don't know
9. Is there any difference in the wage of
1. Yes 2. No
D. 1
male and female for the same work?
3. Don't know
10. If there is difference, for which works
1......................2...........................3.........................
there is difference in wage?
11. What sort of differences are there in
................................................................................
these works?
D. Occupational Continuity & Change
Q.N. Questions
1. 1 What is your present occupation?
2. Are you satisfied with your present
occupation?
3. If you are satisfied, why?
Answers
Go to
.................................................
1. Yes 2. No
4
3. Don't know
1. Regular work opportunity 2. Adequate
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
4.
If you are not satisfied, why?
5.
Do you want to continue your present
occupation?
If you want to continue, why?
6.
7.
If you want to continue, do you suggest your
children to adopt same occupation?
8.
Why don't you want to continue your present
occupation?
cciv
wage
3. Others.........
1. Low wage 2. Not getting work easily
3. Caste discrimination
1. Yes 2. No
8
2. Don't know
1...........................2......................3...............
........
1. Yes I suggest 2. No I don't
10
3. Don't know
1. Low income 2. Not getting work easily
3. Less social prestige 4. Difficult &
tedious work
9. If you want to change your occupation, which 1...................... 2.......................
type of work you prefer?
3........................
10. What occupation do you expect from your
1. Civil job 2. Teaching 3. Business 4.
offspring?
Industry
5. Foreign employment 6. Agriculture
7. Technical 8. Others.............
11. Why do you think so?
......................................................................
..........
12. What are the requisites for your children to
1. Higher education 2. Technical trainings
adopt the occupation you expected?
3. Scholarship 4. Reservation (quota) 5.
Others
13. What is your view about reservation (quota)
1. Much necessary 2. Necessary
16
for the empowerment of Dalits?
3. Not necessary 4. Don't know
14. If it is necessary, why?
.......................................
15. If it is necessary, which sectors are required
1. Education 2. Employment
the reservation?
3. Political leadership 4. Others
16. Do you think that the present reservation is
1. Yes it is useful 2. No, it is misused
useful?
3. I don't know
17. What should be the bases of the reservation
1. Geographical location 2. Economic
for Dalits?
status
3. Caste hierarchy 4. Gender 5. Others
18. Would you like to mention any three
1............................ 2.......................
occupations that you like most?
3....................
19. Would you like to mention any three
1............................ 2.......................
occupations that you do not like?
3....................
20. What were/are the occupations of your following relatives? (Preferably do not forget to ask
the occupation of the children who are economically active. Let them think properly)
Relatives
Main Occupation
Relatives
Main Occupation
Father
Mother
Father-in-Law
Mother-in-Law
Paternal Grandfather
Paternal Grandmother
Maternal Grandfather
Maternal Grandmother
E. Inter-group Perspective and Traditional Occupation:
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
Continuity & Changes in TST
Q.N.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Questions
Which is the closest caste/ethnic group
for your occupation?
How do the people of different
caste/ethnic group behave with you
during your occupational activities?
Whether the occupations of Dalits
should be continued or not?
Why should the occupations be
continued or not?
What are the occupations of Dalits that
should be continued?
What are the occupations of Dalits that
should not be continued?
What are the traditional occupations
and skills that are being extinct in your
experience?
What are the traditional occupations
that should be conserved?
How can we conserve the traditional
occupations?
ccv
Answers
Go to
1....................... 2.................... 3........................
1. Brotherhood 2. Normal 3. Discriminative
4. Untouchable 4. Can't say
1. Should be continued 2. Should not
7
be continued 3. Don't know
.............................................................
.............................................................
1............................ 2.......................... 3...................
1............................ 2.......................... 3...................
1. Making milk pot 2. Ornament making
3. Scavenging 4. Playing musical instruments
5. Others........................
.......................................
.......................................
F. Miscellaneous:
Q.N.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Questions
What is important for Dalits, Education
or Training?
If education is important, then what
type of education?
How is the holistic social status of the
women of your community?
If the status of women is miserable,
then how can we bring changes in the
status?
What are the positive changes that
occurred in women of your society?
What are the traditional occupations
that should be modified with time?
Whether the traditional occupations
should be conserved or modified?
Why you think so?
Answers
Go to
1. Education 2. Training
3
3. Both 4. Don't know
1. Technical education 2. Compulsory education
3. Higher education 4. Others
1. Very good 2. Good 3. Miserable
4
4. Others
1. By education 2. By employment
3. Provision of reservation (quota) 4. Others
1................................ 2.............................
3............................... 4..............................
1................................ 2.............................
3............................... 4..............................
1. They should be conserved
2. They should be modified with time
.......................................
9. What sorts of trainings are needed for women?
10. What are the traditional occupations that should be changed or modified with
time?
BK Parajuli, SIRF 06/11 Draft Report
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ccvi
11. What should be done to improve the social status of Dalits in total?
12. What should be the responsibility of State to improve the social status of
Dalits?
13. What should be the role of local leaders to improve the social status of the
Dalits?
14. Would you add something about the attachment of Dalits to traditional skills
and technologies?
15. Mention any memorandum incidents related to your traditional occupation.
16. What should be the roles of Dalits in the formation of well-equipped Nepal?
17. Do you know about the 'Constitutional Assembly'?
18. If you know, what should be the roles of Dalits in the 'Constitutional
Assembly'?
19. How can we include Dalits within the structure of 'State and Political Parties'?
20. Would you please provide some valuable suggestions related with our study?
(Wish and thank the participants before leaving and give the proper information about
research if they y ask any questions)
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