IULIA CORINA DOBROTĂ, CARMEN MAFTEI, The Metaphoric Dimension of Economic Text
THE METAPHORIC DIMENSION OF ECONOMIC TEXTS
The Translation of Economic Metaphors
Asist. univ. IULIA CORINA DOBROTĂ
Asist. univ. CARMEN MAFTEI
Universitatea ”Dunărea de Jos”, Galaţi
The paper aims at presenting the main types of the most commonly used English economic
terminology definable as metaphorical, focussing on the translation strategies that could be
adopted when rendering it into Romanian.
1. Prolegomena
When dealing with the specialised language of the field of Economics, one may often be at a
loss regarding the translation of certain terms or structures from English into Romanian. Such a task
proves even more arduous and demanding in the case of the so-called “economic metaphors”,
which require, due to their particular status, the translator`s utmost attention and skills in order to
adequately decode, and then render them into the TT. Thus, it would certainly be useful to analyse
the structure and various types of economic metaphors, and try to establish strategies for their
accurate translation into Romanian. Defined as the transference of some quality from one object to
another, or, in psycholinguistic terms, “from one conceptual sphere or cognitive domain to another”
(Cornilescu, 1994:126), metaphors seem to be in all cases “departures from a norm” (Sperber and
Wilson, 1985:6), the result of the use of words with deviant typicality conditions.
Although seen as the typical rhetorical devices, Peter Newmark states that “metaphors […]
help the reader to gain a more accurate insight, both physical and emotional […] and may be added
to the technical terminology of a semantic field and therefore contribute to greater accuracy in the
use of language” (1985:297). In keeping with the same theory, Lakoff sees metaphor not as a figure
of speech, but as a mode of thought defined by a systematic mapping (cf. Lakoff, 1996:210).
The problem of translation acquires a tremendous importance not only in fiction, but also in
non-fictional texts, especially those pertaining to newly developed or emerging areas of human
activity, such as the domain of Economics. So, stock and original metaphors are prominent in many
West-European financial columns, and basically serve the purpose of jiggering up a series of
passionless statistics, or ruthless mergers: `Ray got rid of the Board and took over the reins/ the
roost/ the head/ the controls`, `Ray a revocat/ dezmembrat Consiliul de conducere şi a preluat
controlul/ comanda`. It is obvious that in the Romanian translation the metaphorical terms were
slightly `cooled down`, preserving more of their function of enlivening the usually plain specialized
language rather than their form, which appears as too informal to be suitable in the context.
One reason for this tendency towards strictness and sobriety in translating metaphorical
economic terms in the English economic lexicon into Romanian may well be the inequality of
development of such a specialized language in the two cases: while English disposes of a soundly
established vocabulary in the field, Romanian has just engaged on the path to integrating its
economy, and therefore its specialized vocabulary, into the European and global economic system.
2. Classification of metaphors in the language of Economics. Corpus structure and analysis
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Lexicographic research has shown that English, considered as the international language of
commerce and economic activities, comprises a multitude of specific metaphoric terms belonging
to this particular field, which may well illustrate the various classifications that have been proposed
for metaphors in general. The language of Economics contains a large range of metaphoric terms,
which can be classified according to different criteria.
According to the classification of metaphors advanced by Ullmann (1962:214), the language of
Economics is well-represented in all the categories established by the researcher.
a) anthropomorphic metaphors, i.e. transfers of meaning from the human body and its parts to
inanimate objects, e.g. Samurai market (the foreign market in Japan), Yankee market (the foreign
market in the U.S.), Matador market (the foreign market in Spain), arm`s length price (the price at
which a willing buyer and a willing unrelated seller would freely agree to transact), beggar-thyneighbour devaluation (a device that is designed to cheapen a nation`s currency and thereby
increase its exports at other countries` expense and reduce imports), lifting a leg (closing out one
side of a long-short arbitrage before the other is closed), daughter company, sister company, parent
company, head office, etc. These terms hold a very important position in the language of Economics
owing to the relationship they establish between economic entities and vehicles marked as
[+HUMAN]. Therefore, it may be said that a basic formation principle of economic metaphors is
the `humanization` of economic entities, so that to facilitate their comprehension and manipulation
by human `end-users`.
b) animal metaphors, viz. transfers of meaning from the animal field to other fields, e.g. Bulldog
market (the foreign market in the U.K.), bear (an investor who believes a stock or the overall
market will decline), buck (slang for one million dollars), fair game (an investment prospect that
has a zero risk premium), butterfly shift (a non-parallel shift in the yield curve involving the height
of the curve), hurdle rate (the required return in capital budgeting), bull market (a situation in a
stock market or currency market where prices are raising and lots of shareholders are buying), shark
(a person who lends money at a very high rate of interest), stag (a person who applies for shares
with the intention of selling them immediately for profit), wildcat strike (a strike called at short
notice and without trade union agreement), wildcat (of a project that is very risky financially), cats
and dogs (1. Slang for highly speculative, low-priced securities; 2. An odd assortment, especially of
goods on sale), etc.
c) metaphors that translate abstract experience into concrete terms, e.g. heavy industry/ industrie
grea, light industry/ industrie uşoară, to catch a cold/ a face o afacere proastă, to streamline/ a
eficientiza, etc. Such terms display a high frequency of occurrence, due to their powerful evocative
virtue, as they appeal to the basic human method of cognitive appropriation of abstract concepts,
processes and entities, i.e. by means of concrete illustration and particularization.
d) synaesthetic metaphors, i.e. metaphors based upon the transposition from one sense to another,
are not so frequent, possibly because of the relatively narrow specialisation of this particular type of
discourse, focusing not on humans (and implicitly human senses) but on economic concepts and
entities. Such metaphors are however, highly suggestive and expressive: hot industry/ industrie
eficientă/ profitabilă/ cu activitate intensă/ de interes maxim (transferring the cognitive appreciation
occasioned by the sense of sight to the physical sensation pertaining to the human sense of taste,
apparently on the ground `similarity of effect`); to cook/ salt the books/ a cosmetiza/ falsifica
registrele contabile (obtained by means of the transposition of the information received by the
sense of sight to the sense of taste). It is to be remarked that the Romanian equivalent resorts to
either a paraphrase of the initial metaphor, or the sense on which the target originally relied.
According to the metaphor`s degree of freshness or moment of creation, metaphorical
economic terms fall into the category of dead metaphors, e.g. black economy, hard currency,
liquidity, pie chart, price war, to flood the market, pyramid selling, red tape, wage-freeze, etc.;
cliché metaphors, consisting of either stereotyped collocations, usually made up of a figurative
adjective and a literal noun –blacklist, ballpark figure (an approximate figure), predatory pricing,
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etc., or vogue words, which exhibit a tendency to overuse, e.g. strategy, profile, crucial, etc. A
special mention is due to live metaphors, with a rather rare occurrence in a specialized language,
especially those belonging to slang.
Unlike other languages for specific purposes, the language of Economics includes a wide
range of familiar terms, which the dictionaries have come to attest as slang terms. They usually
display the feature [+JOCULAR] or even [+DIMINISHING], [+DERISIVE], associated either with
human referents, such as whizz-kid (a young person who becomes successful very quickly,
especially in business), subsuming the case of economic entities with a human-like behaviour,
obvious in woody (sexual slang for a market moving slowly upward), or large amounts of money,
like buck, yard (slang for one billion dollars), bar (slang for one million dollars), etc. Since slang is
the most colourful and also ephemeral linguistic area, its translation proves the most difficult,
almost impossible. Peter Newmark opines that due to its evanescence, no translation methodology
is available, suggesting the “translation in italics” if there are no TL equivalents and the context
allows for the comprehension of the term; sometimes, states the researcher, transcription is
preferred in order to preserve the local colour (1985:318-9). In practice, translators usually opt for
explanatory paraphrases or neutral terms, sometimes—unless, of course, the text is purely
informative-- accompanied by a gloss signalling the specific slang charge of the term.
In point of form, the distinction is drawn between one-word metaphors, or metonyms, e.g.
backlog (a number of jobs waiting to be done that were not done at the proper time, resulting in a
lot of extra-work), blackleg, to headhunt, racket (a dishonest way of making money), rally (a
sudden rise in prices after a period of falling prices or little buying and selling) , stag, windfall (an
unexpected profit, or receipt of money/ property), etc., and complex metaphors, e.g. to be above/
below the line, across-the-board (affecting all the members of a group), to flood the market, to be in
the black/red, scorched earth policy, wear and tear, white/ blue-collar worker, etc.
If the classification is managed according to the criterion of the type of tenor, metaphors in
Economics may be subdivided into: conceptual metaphors, seen as basic and universal, an
indispensable key to thought processes, centred in universal human activities—in which commerce
is therefore expected to rank very high-- as well as in the logical, spatial and temporal dimension,
usually literally translatable because of their universality (Newmark, 1985:320) and affective
metaphors, viewed as expressive and interpretative, reflecting states of mind (either collective or
individual). Being closely linked with organizational or technical jargon, the latter appear as more
difficult to translate.
Here follows a list of examples illustrating the conceptualization of some abstract target
domains in terms of source domains.
#MONEY IS A LIQUID# is one of the most widely used conceptual frames, selecting as a
source domain one of the fundamental forms of matter existence, appropriated by humans through
their senses. It has proved extremely productive, giving rise to various submappings:
CASH IS A LIQUID: liquid assets (bunuri lichide; lichiditate în active) ; currency (see OED)
(monedă naţională; unitatea bănească a unei ţări; valută) ; liquidating assets (active
convertibile) ;My money is all dried up (mi s-au dus/ terminat toţi banii) ; He's just sponging off of
you (absorbing cash) (Pur şi simplu te tapează/ te scutură de bani) ; He's solvent/ insolvent (E
solvabil/ insolvabil)
GAIN/ LOSS OF MONEY IS MOVEMENT OF A LIQUID: cash flow (circulaţia lichidităţilor;
flux de numerar); influx and outflux of money (infuzie şi înstrăinare de capital); Don't pour your
money down the drain (Nu-ţi arunca banii pe gârlă/ apa sâmbetei); floating capital (capital
circulant)
MONEY WHICH CANNOT BE ACCESSED IS FROZEN: frozen assets (bunuri îngheţate/
blocate); price freeze (îngheţarea preţurilor)
CONTROL IN A FINANCIAL SITUATION IS CONTROL IN LIQUID: keep your head above
water, financially (a se menţine la suprafaţă din punct de vedere financiar); get in over your head (a
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se implica prea mult/ până peste cap); stay afloat (a se menţine la suprafaţă/ pe piaţă); the business
went under/sunk (afacerea a dat faliment/ s-a prăbuşit/ s-a dus de râpă); drowning in debts (copleşit
de datorii); to go belly up (a fi pe ducă, a se epuiza, a se termina).
#INVESTMENTS ARE CONTAINERS FOR MONEY#: Put your money in bonds (bagă-ţi
banii în obligaţiuni); The bottom of the economy dropped out (economia e pe ducă); I'm down to
my bottom dollar (am ajuns la fundul sacului); This is an airtight investment (aceasta este o
investiţie sigură);The business is going to hit the bottom soon (afacerea e pe ducă/ pe punctul de a
da faliment)
JOINING ANOTHER ON AN INVESTMENT IS MIXING LIQUIDS: We pooled our funds for
the venture (ne-am pus banii la comun); to pool (a forma un cartel)
Note: INVESTMENTS ARE CONTAINERS FOR LIQUIDS, which gives "to pour money into
bonds" (a-şi investi/ băga banii în obligaţiuni), "to tap into a source of funds" (a găsi/ capta o sursă
de bani), “washed up” (secătuit), and "all tapped out" (lefter).
#CONCEIT IS INFLATION# applies the conceptual frame belonging to economic thinking
IMPORTANT IS LARGE SIZE (thus to seem more important, seem larger): She's got an inflated
ego/sense of herself ; He's a stuffed shirt ; She was puffed up with pride ; He was becoming quite
grandiose when I left. ; She's got a big/swollen head .
However, the most suggestive of such conceptual frames is #TIME IS MONEY#
lexicalized in expressions like: He's wasting time. (a pierde timpul/ vremea) ; I have to budget my
time. (a-şi organiza timpul); This will save you time. (a economisi timp); I've invested a lot of time
in that. (a investi timp în); He doesn't use his time profitably. (a-şi folosi timpul în mod profitabil).
As Johnson and Lakoff put it, this metaphor came into English about the time of the
industrial revolution, when people started to be paid for work by the amount of time they worked.
Thus, the factory led to the institutional pairing of periods of time with amounts of money, which
formed the experiential basis of this metaphor. Since then, the metaphor has been realized in many
other ways (. The budgeting of time has spread throughout American culture, and then permeated
the majority of the languages, including Romanian.
On the other hand, affective metaphors are frequently used to avoid making a plain
statement, especially in the financial columns of newspapers. Consider the following example in a
recent newspaper story about international economics.
“Britain was deep in recession while Germany was flourishing three years ago. France kept
moving ahead steadily long after Germany had fallen into recession. But now France is plunging
deeper while the German economy continues to struggle. Britain has been taking small steps
toward stimulating its economy by cutting interest rates, and has finally started to emerge from
recession.”
It appears that a key reason for using motion words and phrases is that it allows for the deep
semantics of causal narratives to be dynamic and arise from a continuous interaction between input
and the reader`s capability of applying metaphoric frames to deciphering such abstract contexts.
Since knowledge of moving around or manipulating objects is essential for survival, it has to be
highly compiled and readily accessible knowledge. Representations meeting these criteria must be
context-sensitive and allow changing the input context to dramatically affect the correlation
between input and memory and thereby the set of possible expectations, goals and inferences.
Speakers are able to felicitously exploit this context-sensitivity of an affective type in specifying
important information about abstract notions and plans that take place in complex, uncertain and
dynamically changing environments.
It is remarkable that, through a process of metaphorization, countries are seen as human
beings, resulting in a correspondingly metaphorical range of verbs of movement: to move ahead, to
plunge, to struggle, to take small steps, to emerge. Therefore, it may well be stated that the text
acquires an `emotive` dimension, allowing the reader/ interpreter to have access to complex,
uncertain, and especially evaluative knowledge about abstract domains such as international
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economic policies. The result of processing literal information via affective metaphor is the
identification and evaluation of the current economic state of the main referents (Britain and
Germany) and of their goal (to regain a positive economic status) (Narayanan, 1997).
In Newmark`s opinion, affective metaphors pave the way for using “organizational or
technical jargon for the purpose of euphemism” (1985:323), i.e. avoiding the word which carries
the actual meaning and convey the meaning by an idiom with a vaguer meaning (in fact, a form of
understatement) which limits the impact of the negatively-marked referent. Some cases in point are
to catch a cold, where the disquieting phrase to lose money in a deal is replaced by a downtoning
one, belonging to the realm of daily experience; to launder (money) or to cook/ salt the books (a
falsifica registrele, a încărca la socoteală) in which the `mollified` expressions not only shift the
focus from the downright illegality of such practices, but also acquire jocular undertones.
3. Translation strategies for metaphors
It goes without saying that the meaning of such an open-ended, ambiguous and often culturallydetermined entity like metaphor is extremely difficult to properly assess and therefore it proves a
challenge to translators and interpreters.
Of course, metaphors in Economics are usually stable and systematic correspondences, unlike
the ones in literary texts, and thus they seem easier to translate. However, taking into account the
creative force of metaphor, it may well be stated that any translation is in fact a process of
transformation, i.e. the creation of new meaning accompanied by the subsequent loss of the original
meaning. So, any translation and particularly the translation of metaphoric terms and phrases may
prove extremely demanding at the level of the translator`s linguistic, cultural, and literary
sensitivity in both the ST and the TT.
Metaphors may be translated according to three prototypical strategies:
a) translating the expressive vehicle (the strategy of LITERAL/ NON-METAPHORIC translation).
b)translating the paraphrase of the initial metaphor (the strategy of PARAPHRASIAL translation .
c) translating the expressive content (the METAPHORICITY-PRESERVING translation).
Peter Newmark (1985:304-311) sets up a much more comprehensive list of procedures for
translating metaphors, adapted to the type of the metaphor to be translated. Thus, he establishes the
following hierarchy:
1.Reproducing the same image in the TL, seen as convenient for one-word metaphors/ metonyms,
its success depending on the cultural overlap between the SL and the TT, or on a universal
experience: the more universal the sense, the more likely the transfer.
Such examples include metaphors like: liquidity/ lichiditate; frozen assets/ prices/ bunuri/
preţuri îngheţate; daughter company/ companie fiică; immunization strategy/ strategie de
imunizare; ceiling/ plafon (preţ maxim), tax haven/ paradis fiscal, etc. Of course, in many situations
it can be said that the metaphors have been borrowed and literally translated as the image appears to
be suggestive enough and therefore suitable for the transfer into Romanian. There are also a couple
of metaphors in which the ST image was slightly changed in order to make it more acceptable in the
TT, but the initial image can still be easily recognized. Thus, one can quote the compound parent
company/ companie mamă, in which the dual noun of the ST determiner was altered to its
[+FEMALE] counterpart, probably in keeping with the specific characteristics of the two languages
in question or by contamination with other semantically related compounds also marked for the
feminine such as daughter/ sister company.
Another example, implying a familiar animal, the bulldog, in bulldog market, bulldog bond, is
taken as a metonym for U.K., since the bulldog is the British canine breed par excellence, usually
represented in cartoons of John Bull, the typical Englishman. It is interesting to notice the
difference in the preferred semantic fields in selecting the target for similar metonyms (designating
the foreign market/ bond issues in various countries): Samurai market/ bond for Japan; Yankee
market/ bond for the U.S.A.; Matador market/ bond for Spain. Unlike the case of the U.K., such
metaphorical compounds make use of culture-specific anthropomorphic referents.
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Also, it seems that the economic vocabulary exhibits a preference for two large animals, i.e. the
bear and the bull, which have come to be in an antonymic relationship.
Thus, bear (speculant care mizează pe scăderea cursului sau a preţurilor) is situated at the
negative pole, as apparent in the following compounds: bear/ bearish market (piaţa cu preţurile în
scădere); bear opposition (tendinţa de scădere a preţurilor); bear raid (acţiune conjugată a unui
grup de investitori care îşi vând stocurile pentru a determina o scădere a cursului unor acţiuni); bear
spread (opţiune rezultată în condiţii dezavantajoase/ printr-o diferenţă de preţ dezavantajoasă) or
one-word metaphors like bears (vânzări fără acoperire) and the verb to bear (a vinde la termen fără
acoperire).
Similarly, bull (speculant la bursă care cumpără titluri în speranţa că preţul lor va creşte şi
ulterior le va putea vinde obţinând un profit) exhibits a positive connotation, as in such zoosemic
metaphors like: bull/ bullish market (piaţa financiară ale cărei cursuri sunt în creştere); bull spread
(opţiune rezultată printr-o diferenţă de preţ avantajoasă); bullish (poziţia unui investitor care
urmăreşte obţinerea de profit din tranzacţii financiare sau cu mărfuri, numai în condiţiile în care
preţul lor pe piaţă va creşte) or to bull (a cumpăra fără acoperire). If in the case of bear the ground
is quite easy to determine – the ferocity of such a massive wild beast is obviously associated with
the disadvantages of the characteristic compounds--, it is not the same with bull. Probably it was
selected as a target by contrast with bear, due to its more reassuring value as a domestic animal,
with a reference to the conflictive relationship between the two animals in question. Therefore, the
two target items share in common the feature [+MASSIVE], being differentiated by the opposing
semantic features [+WILD], [+FIERCE] for the negatively marked bear, and [+TAME], [-FIERCE]
for the positively marked bull.
It is interesting that the Romanian equivalents of such animal metaphors do not generally apply
this method of the transfer of the original image in translating metaphorical terms, but rather they
adopt the paraphrasial way, leading to longer, more complex or explanatory renderings, which
sound more like definitions than equivalents proper. A notable exception appears in the case of
shark (cămătar; rechin) where Romanian has preserved the ST image, especially under the
neological influence of the recent period, even extending its meaning so that to signify “greedy,
unscrupulous person”. American English has also polarized its meaning to “expert, cunoscător”.
However, the derived verbs, i.e. to shark/ a fura, a escroca, or to shark on/ upon sb./ a suge/
stoarce/ jecmăni pe cineva revert to paraphrase or conversion to sense of the metaphorical term in
the SL. The latter example may be seen as a derivation of the conceptual metaphor #MONEY IS A
LIQUID#, with the corresponding submapping LOSS OF MONEY IS LOSS OF LIQUID (as
evoked by the choice of verbs in the TL).
Judging by these instantiations, it seems that the language of Economics in Romanian rather
avoids the reproduction of the same ST image, however suggestive it may be, possibly due to the
lack of the necessary cultural overlap or of the required formality of register inherently associated
with a specialized language.
2. Replacing the SL image with a similarly-functioning standard TL image, preferred in the case
of most stock metaphors and especially proverbs, which are so “mothy”, so clichified, often so
archaic, that a good translator is bound to approach them with scepticism. "There is often a case for
converting such metaphors into sense in the translation, whether they exist in the TL or not”, the
researcher purports, “simply because they are so stereotyped” (1985:307). Of course, there are
cases, especially in informative or explanatory economic texts, in which the translator aims at
perfect transparency, clarity and comprehensibility of message in the TT, and consequently prefers
to eliminate clichés that might prove opaque to the potential reader.
As a rule, this translation method is used when the ST image somehow clashes with the TL
culture, as in the case of metaphors like: black economy/ economie subterană; hard currency/
valută forte; to pour money down the drain/ a arunca banii pe fereastră/ gârlă/ apa sâmbetei; to
cook/ salt the books/ a cosmetiza/ aranja/ falsifica registrele contabile.
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3.Translation of the metaphor by a simile, retaining the image. Theoretically, such a procedure
minimizes the shock of the SL metaphor, particularly if the TL text is not emotive in character, as a
simile is “more restrained and scientific than a metaphor” (1985:307-308). However, such instances
in the field of Economics are sporadic, even in financial newspaper columns. Sometimes, the
fashionable coinage workaholic may be translated by a simile: a munci ca un apucat/ pe rupte/ fără
răgaz, where much of the original flavour is lost.
4.Translation of the metaphor (or simile) by simile plus sense (Mozart method), seen as the
most clarifying of all procedures as it takes not only one, but two safety measures in rendering the
ST metaphor in the TL, having the advantage of “fulfilling Mozart`s classical formula for the piano
concerto, pleasing both the connoisseur and the less learned” (1985:309). Once again, the
researcher is confronted with a scarcity of instantiations, probably due to the awkwardness of such
lengthy and verbose explanatory paraphrases in an Economic text, where the terms dealt with are
clearly delineated, unitary concepts or entities. However, the term mentioned previously may be
also translated according to this procedure: workaholic/ persoană care munceşte fără întrerupere,
aşa cum un alcoolic bea fără întrerupere. A similar treatment might be applied to metaphorical
compounds like: black knight (rival care aşteaptă momentul favorabil pentru a prelua o companie
aşa cum cavalerul [în] negru aştepta momentul favorabil pentru a-şi lovi adversarul în turnir). It is
easily noticeable that such lengthy equivalents, although extremely illuminating as far as the ground
is concerned, cannot possibly be suitable to Economic texts. Consequently, they are mainly
translated according to the next procedure.
5.Conversion of the metaphor to sense. It appears as the most favoured method of
translating the bulk of English metaphors into Romanian. Giving up metaphoricity insures the
necessary precision when dealing with Economic terms, especially the most specialized or those
referring to English realia, and therefore impossible to translate as such. Anyway, this conversion to
sense requires the componential analysis of the sense, so that the translator could be certain of
preserving the relevant semantic features that are common both to the source and the target, i.e. of
accurately establishing the ground. Thus, in deciphering and explicitating the animal metonyms bull
or bear, the translator will not select as retainable semantic features [+MASSIVE], [+WITH
HORNS], [+MALE], [+ABLE TO REPRODUCE] for the former, or [+FIERCE], [+COVERED
WITH THICK FUR], [+MAMMAL] for the latter.
6.Modification of metaphor, used in non-expressive texts when the SL metaphor is too
bizarre or flowery. It usually means that the initial metaphor is “downtoned” so that not to sound
too pompous or exaggerate. Of course, it is quite a risky procedure, since it compels the translator
to become a critic, orienting his/her translation towards exegesis. Anyway, this is extremely rare
with Economic texts, which vehiculate mainly used metaphors.
7.Deletion of the metaphor together with its sense component, recommendable in the case of
redundant or otiose metaphors. As stated previously, this is rarely the case with Economic texts.
Rather, it would seem more appropriate in the case of culture-specific metaphors (for whom most of
the target audience is likely to lack the necessary background information), unless, of course, they
constitute the focus of the text to be translated.
8.Preserving the same metaphor combined with sense, employed when the translator retains
the SL image, but lacking confidence in its evocative power and clarity, chooses to add a gloss,
usually in the form of a footnote. By comparison with the previous translation strategy, it seems
convenient to the culture-specific metaphors that cannot be subject to deletion because of their
important role in the ST. A perfect illustration appears to be the compound the triple witching hour/
“tripla oră vrăjită”, glossable as follows:”the four times a year when the S&P futures contract
expires at the same time as the S&P 100 index option contract on individual stocks”/ “ultima oră de
efectuare a tranzacţiilor la bursă, în a treia zi de vineri din lunile martie, iunie, septembrie şi
decembrie, când expiră indexurile opţiunilor de acţiuni”, or the metonym twist/ “torsiunea”
dobânzilor, to be compulsorily adnotated as “operaţie care constă în majorarea dobânzilor la
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creditele pe termen scurt şi totodată reducerea dobânzilor pe termen lung”.
4. Conclusions
As a result of the comparative analysis that has been applied to the specific lexicalization of
economic metaphors in English and Romanian, the following may be stated:
Statistically speaking, the most frequently used translation strategy appears to be the
paraphrasial one, or, more specifically, the conversion of metaphor to sense, as such a safe
approach ensures the appropriate perception of the ST message, despite the relative discomfort of
an occasional exaggerated length of the TL equivalent.
Conceptual metaphors, created on the basis of similar cognitive mechanisms, are generally
literally translatable, but on the whole it seems that in Romanian the language of Economics rather
avoids the reproduction of the same ST image, however suggestive it may be, possibly due to the
lack of the necessary cultural overlap or of the required formality of register inherently associated
with a specialized language.
Culture-bound metaphors are usually deleted, if they are marginal in the ST, or transposed into
the TT and accompanied by the necessary gloss.
Fresh or revived economic metaphors, especially in journalese, are mainly translatable
according to the modification of image strategy, in an attempt at preserving their initial flavour and
stylistic value.
The obscurer the ground, the more challenging the task of the translator. Sometimes
correspondences seem to have been arbitrarily established, and therefore the translator should
necessarily resort to a comprehensive dictionary of economic terms, specialist assistance and, last
but not least, contextual clues.
In point of form, the Romanian equivalents of English economic metaphors are more expanded
syntactically, displaying more intricate relations among the components, but also achieving a higher
degree of clarity, with a subsequent loss of metaphoricity and colour.
The existence of slang in the language of Economics, paradoxical as it may seem, is however
explicable by the tremendous development and importance that this specialized language has
recently acquired. Statistically, the percentage of metaphors belonging to slang is insignificant, but
their mere existence is enough to demonstrate the productivity and viability of this particular
language. The extreme difficulty in the translation of such metaphors only evinces the inequality of
emergence and ulterior evolution of the language of Economics in Romanian, parallelling the actual
economic reality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Cornilescu, Alexandra. 1994. Concept of Modern Grammar. Ed. Univ. Bucuresti
2. Lakoff, George. 1996. Newsletter. Chicago University Press
3. Narayanan, S. 1997. A Computational Model of Metaphoric Reasoning about Events. Retrieved
from the WorldWideWeb May 20, 2000: http:// www.icsi.berkeley.edu/ ~snarayan/
metaphor.html
4. Neagu, Mariana and Daniela Sarpe. 1999. An English-Romanian Dictionary of Economic
Terms. Galati: Ed. Alma
5. Newmark, Peter. 1985. The Translation of Metaphor, in Paprotté and Dirven, eds, The Ubiquity
of Metaphor. Amsterdam: Benjamins
6. Sperber, Dan and Deirdre Wilson. 1986. Relevance: Communication and Cognition, Oxford:
Basil Blackwell
7. Ulmann, Stephen. 1962. Semantics. An Introduction to the Study of Meaning. Oxford: Basil
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