PART TWO
POLISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
by
Alice Boberg and Ralph Wroblewski
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1. INTRODUCTION
Miecislaus Haiman, a historian of Polish immigration to America, divides the flow of
Poles to the New World into three general time periods: 1608-1776, 1786-1865, 1865present. The circumstances stimulating emigration from Poland varied significantly
between these eras, and the goals of immigrants in each movement, likewise differed
significantly.
Pre-Columbian Period--Polish Navigators
Many legends allegedly purport the participation of Polish explorers in the early
exploration of America. Most, if not all, however, lack the substantial historical
documentation to be considered seriously.
In 1476, for example, some sixteen years before Columbus discovered America, a Danish
expedition left Copenhagen, commissioned by King Christian I to sail in a westerly
direction to discover the Old Norse colonies in Greenland. In addition, the expedition was
to seek a new route to East Asia which was the desire of most European rulers and
seamen. The flottila reached Greenland but did not find the Old Norse Colonies, and it
returned to Denmark. While unsuccessful in accomplishing its primary objective, there is
some historical data that suggests the expedition discovered Labrador and sailed as far
south as the Delaware River before returning to Cophenhagen.
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John Scolvus, the pilot of this expedition, was possibly the man who discovered Labrador;
however, recognition seems to have been denied him because of his death. Apparently of
Polish ancestry, his real name might have been Jan z Kolno, i.e., John of Kolno, a town in
the Polish province of Massovia.1 Such changes of name during the exploration period
were not uncommon. For example, John Cabot, the famous English explorer, was an
Italian by the name of Giovanni Caboto whose name was Anglicized to John Cabot.
Another figure was Francis Warnadowicz. According to legend, he lived under the
Hispanic name of Francisco Fernandez and became a member of Columbus' expedition to
the New World in 1492. Allegedly left by Columbus on the island of Hispanola,
Warnadowicz has been attributed the dubious distinction of being the first European to be
killed at the hands of Amerinds.2
Early Polish Interest in America
The news of Columbus' discovery reached Poland at a fairly early date. Exchanges of
ideas and news between Poland and her neighbors was, in part, a result of the harmonious,
amicable relations of Polish merchants with Western Europe. Equally significant, the
many scholars and scientists who studied at the Jagiellonian University of Krakow,
founded in 1364 by King Casimir the Great, maintained a vibrant interchange of ideas and
information.3 Reference to America appeared early in Polish literature. First mention
seems to have been in the book Introductorium Compendiosum in Tractatum Sphere
Materialis, written by John Holywood (Sacrobosco),
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with commentaries by a prominent philosopher, astronomer, and geographer from the
Jagiellonian University, John of Glogau (?-1507), and published in Krakow in 1506. It is
well to note at this point that scholarly studies were typically written in Latin rather than
the vernacular, i.e., Polish. This practice was common in academic circles throughout
Europe during this period. In 1512 another scholar at the University introduced what was
probably the first map of America to be constructed in Poland with the publication of his
monograph, Introduction in Ptolemei Cosmographiam.4
The Polish attitude towards the New World is most significant, however, for its general
indifference, especially in terms of colonization. Poland dominated Central and Eastern
Europe, and had little reason to be interested in the West. Paul Palczowski, traveler and
early settler of Jamestown, best characterized the Polish attitude towards New World
colonization in his book Kolenda Moskiewski, (Muskovite Carol), when he advised his
countrymen to eschew North America for better opportunities in Russia.5
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2. THE COLONIAL PERIOD 1608-1776
Polish immigrants to America between the years 1608 and 1776 were generally
adventurers, and their numbers were few. The Old Polish Nation never needed
libensraum, i.e., "elbow room," due to overpopulation. In fact, Poland was often a
destination for migrating peoples, viz., Germans, Jews, and Scots from Western Europe
and the Armenians and Tartars from the East. Moreover, coterminous with the
commencement of North American colonization, she was involved in defensive wars with
Russians, Swedes, Turks, Tartars, and Cossacks throughout the 17th century. Exhausted
by the wars and seriously weakened economically, Poland languished under her 18th
century monarchs, the Saxon Kings. Such national malaise inhibited significant
emigration.
Perhaps most significantly, however, the Poles' minimal involvement in early migration to
America was the result of the relatively free religious and political environment which
they enjoyed. Most of Poland was not fragmented by the religious persecutions and
conflicts which characterized Western Europe during and after the Reformation. Her
people did not share in this turmoil that served to stimulate the migrations of, for example,
Puritans to New England, or Catholics to Maryland. Even during the seventeenth century,
when Poland's constitution was being shattered, Protestants in Poland were treated far
better than their counterparts in Protestant countries.6
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Pioneer Polish Immigrants
Immigrants to North America were ethnically diverse. Explorers and settlers from many
European nations comprised the human resources from which the new American society
derived its strength and character. Though few in number the Poles were part of the
mosaic and assisted in the colonies' development. Members of the Jamestown community,
Poles may also have arrived prior to 1608. It is quite possible that some immigrants were
part of Sir Walter Raleigh's ill-fated venture to Roanoke in 1585. Raleigh conceivably
would have needed technical specialists in the production of pitch.7
Poland's abundant forests and the expertise of her people in lumbering and associated
industries were well-known in England. Forced to import enormous quantities of wood
and wood products from foreign sources in order to offset the depletion of native
resources, England relied upon Poland perhaps more than other countries.
Captain John Smith, leader of the Virginia Company, previously had dealings with the
Poles and knew of their enterprising ways. The Virginia Company hired Poles as experts
and instructors in the manufacture of the products which England was so dependent on
from Poland, viz., glass, pitch, and tar. A small group of six landed with the expedition on
October 1, 1608: Zbigniew Stefanski--glass production expert; Jan Bogdan--pitch, tar, and
ship construction expert; Jan Mata--soap manufacture expert; Michael Lowicki-nobleman; and Stanislaus Sadowski and Karol Zrenica.8 Soon after their arrival, these
artisans constructed a glass furnace a mile from Jamestown.
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Cutting down trees in the area, they also began the first wood products manufacturing
center. They worked so industriously that within three years the Poles were able to repay
the Virginia Company for their passage and become free citizens of the Jamestown
colony.
The Poles continued to manufacture wood products in Virginia until 1622. Between 1608
and 1622, however, their relations with the English periodically soured and their vital
work halted. Production on occasion was halted because the colony disfranchised the
Poles. Possessing a keen sense of freedom and civil liberties, the Poles considered
disfranchisement an affront to their sense of justice and liberty. On June 30, 1619, the
Virginia House of Burgesses instituted a representative form of government which
granted only those of English descent the right to vote. Automatically disenfranchised, the
immigrants were incensed. In response, the Poles suspended operations in their glass
factory, tar distillery, and soap factory.9 By withholding their labors, the Poles were able
to exert powerful economic pressure; most of the cash products with the highest profits to
the London Company were provided by the Polish industries. Governor Yeardly and the
Virginia legislature readily reversed their decision, righting a political wrong perpetrated
against the Poles.
Small groups of Polish immigrants also settled in the non-English speaking colonies of the
New World. In the seventeenth century Polish Protestants emigrated to New Amsterdam
because of
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their expulsion from Poland. In part an expression of intolerance toward Protestantism,
the forced migration was also an expression of their support for the Swedes who invaded
Poland in 1655-1656. Peter Stuyvesant, the governor of New Holland, requested Polish
immigrants to be sent to the New World. Besides needing farmers, traders, and soldiers,
Governor Stuyvesant wanted colonists to prevent the English from infringing upon the
Dutch beaver trade in America. On several occasions he implored the directors of the
West Indian Company to send him twenty-five to thirty Polish families.10
Among the early Polish settlers in New Amsterdam was Daniel Litscho (Liczko), born in
Koszalin in Pomerania. He served as a sergeant, later promoted to lieutenant, in the Dutch
colonial army. He participated in Stuyvesant's expedition against the Swedes on the
Delaware River that deposed the Autocratic Van Slechtenhorst, the patroon of
Rensselaerswyck, freeing this settlement from feudal domination. Litscho, in addition,
was a prominent citizen of New Amsterdam. He owned a tavern that was an important
landmark in the social life of the community and he was an influential burgher on the
Council of Burgomasters and Schepens. In his later life he was appointed the colony's
fire-inspector, a position he held until shortly before his death. A wealthy man when he
died in 1662, Litscho left a sizeable estate to his family.11
Alexander Karol Kurczewski, another of New Amsterdam's prominanti, was appointed to
the prestigious position of teacher in 1659. A Polish
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schoolmaster, he came to the colonies at the request of the New Amsterdam officials. Dr.
Curtis, as he is known in American history, established the first Latin school in the New
World. His academy is considered one of the oldest institutions of learning, predated only
by Harvard University.12
Most Polish immigrants in New Amsterdam, however, were neither as well known nor as
successful as Litscho and Kurczewski. More typical were individuals such as Wojciech
Adamkiewicz, John Rutkowski, and Casimir Butkiewicz. Like the majority of Colonists,
they were routine laborers and craftsmen, but their industry and fortitude were no less
essential for the colonies' survival.
Poles were adventurous frontiersmen also; most prominent among them was John
Sadowski. Settling at first in Philadelphia, he was the first Pole to venture across the
Alleghenies. Sadowski was well-known as an Indian trader and interpreter prior to his trip
west. In 1735 he crossed the Alleghenies into Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee and was
one of the first white men to explore and settle in this region. His sons, Jacob and James,
followed in their father's footsteps and were instrumental in the exploration of what is
today Kentucky and Tennessee.
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3. POLITICAL IMMIGRATION 1776-1865
Historical Background
The second era of Polish migration, 1776-1865, involved a considerably larger group of
people. Political unrest and the ultimate partitions of Poland by her neighbors--Prussia,
Russia, and Austria--were the stimuli to emigration in these years. Most of the Polish
emigrants were prominent noblemen and intellectuals who had participated in the defense
of the Old Order. Among them were such notables as Thaddeus Kosciuszko and Casimir
Pulaski.
It was clearly a different type of Pole who left his homeland at this time. Unlike their
predecessors, they were men of distinction and prominence: soldiers, noblemen, poets,
educators, and musicians.
A major factor that corroded Poland's political integrity was the practice of electing kings
rather than rooting the transfer of power in a system of dynastic succession. Politically
unstable and corrupt, elections were characteristically the product of bargaining, bribery,
and foreign interference. Moreover, many of Poland's sovereigns were foreigners,
interested in their own personal aggrandizement rather than the well-being of the Polish
State. Lacking a coherent and forceful central leadership and burdened by the frequent
interregna, the country experienced a debilitating disorder.13
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Poland's internal strength was also compromised by the legislative practice of liberum
veto. This deplorable use of the Polish Parliament permitted any deputy to dissolve the
Diet (legislative body), even nullifying many crucial decisions made prior to his
intervention. In essence a unanimous vote was necessary to pass any meaningful
legislation. It was a means by which unscrupulous nobles could dominate the political
scene at the expense of the Polish state and its people.14
Prussia, Russia, and Austria constantly interfered in the internal affairs of Poland,
rendering it virtually impossible for the Poles to put their house in order. Indeed the Poles
inability to govern themselves in an orderly fashion served as a pretext to partition
Poland.15
The country was hobbled by her nobilities' arbitrary negotiation of alliances with foreign
powers. Typically naive and characteristically indifferent to the state's well-being, they
sacrificed Poland in the pursuit of wealth and personal power.16
No nation could withstand such venality and internal fragmentation, especially when
accompanied by hostility and aggression from bordering states. Poland's humiliating
dismemberment was only a question of time. Russia benefited most from the three
partitions; Prussia's gains were second largest; and Austria received the smallest share of
the territorial spoils.17
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American Revolutionary War Period
Since Poland was not extant during the Revolutionary War, there were no "official
relations" between Poland and the United States. For it was at this time when the outbreak
of the Revolutionary War occurred, that Poland herself had lost much of her international
prestige due to the invasion of the Swedes, Turks, Russians, Cossacks, and Tartars.
The King of Poland, Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski, was educated and liberal. He was
extremely interested in the American Colonies and their struggle. Educated in England, he
was also interested in its political affairs. Both Americans and Englishmen were always
welcome in his court.18
The American war aroused much interest in Poland. Expressions of concern are found in
Polish publications written about the war. One of them was "The Political History of the
Present American Revolution," written by Thomas Raunal, translated from French by F.
Siarczynski, and published by the King's printer, Michael Groell, in Warsaw.19
Stanislaus Augustus was quite concerned that there was no representation of the American
Colonies in the British Parliament. He states his anxiety over this matter in a letter written
to Charles Lee, Adjutant to the King and General of the Polish Army:
...Representation and taxation then go together, and the connection
between the mother and her daughter would become indissoluble;
otherwise I see no alternative but oppression or entire independence.20
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He went on to say that without representation conflicts of interest would occur which
would not benefit either country. Furthermore he felt that an injustice might occur in
America similar to that in Poland.
Stanislaus Augustus continued to be loyal to America even after he lost his throne.
Evidence of this loyalty is found in letters to George Washington whom he held in high
esteem. One letter, written in 1795 while he was a prisoner of the Russians at Grodno,
clearly states his feelings:
Your conduct in war and in peace has inspired me for a long time
with the desire of expressing to you the high esteem in which I bear you.
It will be pleasing to me that an American shall bear the marks of my
esteem and affection in the midst of his compatriots, in the midst of that
nation which has known how to win for itself already such an opinion
from the inhabitants of the Old Hemisphere, that is able in many ways to
serve them as a lesson and a model.21
During the American Revolution Polish volunteers crossed the ocean to fight for
American independence. Of those who came, Thaddeus Kosciuszko was the first foreign
patriot and the most famous. It was his plan to strengthen Sugar Loaf Hill. This plan was
approved by General Gates, who was unexpectedly transferred before it could be
implemented. General Schuyler, the new commander, vetoed Kosciuszko's plan because
he thought it unnecessary and impractical. The hill was quickly taken by the British, under
the command of General Burgoyne, who followed the same plan Kosciuszko had given
General Gates, and the Americans were forced to withdraw to Ticonderoga.22
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After the retreat from Ticonderoga, Kosciuszko organized the defenses at Bemis Heights,
near Saratoga. Here the American troops surrounded General Burgoyne and forced him to
surrender on October 17, 1777. This surrender was a turning point in the American
Revolution. In response to the colonists' success, France recognized the United States and
agreed to contribute money and material in support of the war.23
Kosciuszko also supervised in the successful construction at West Point. The significance
of his role there is illustrated by the praise he received from General John Armstrong:
Kosciuszko's merit lies in this that he gave the fortifications such
strength that they frightened the very enemy from all temptation of even
trying to take the Highlands.24
In 1780 Kosciuszko requested a transfer to the Southern Army in order to serve with
General Gates. Prior to his arrival, however, General Gates was defeated at Camden,
South Carolina, and Kosciuszko served under his replacement, General Green. Once
again, Kosciuszko rendered valuable assistance to the colonists as a strategist and line
officer.25
For his distinguished service to the cause of American Independence, Kosciuszko was
awarded a pension, land in Franklin County, Ohio, American citizenship, and the rank of
brigadier general. He was also elected a member of the Society of Cincinnati, a rare honor
for foreigners. General Green considered him a "master of his profession":
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In the execution of my orders he has always been willing, competent,
inaccessible to any temptation of pleasure, not fatigued by any labor,
intrepid in any danger. He is incomparably modest. He has never
expressed a desire for anything in his favor, and has never omitted an
opportunity to commend and reward the services of others.26
In 1784, Kosciuszko returned to Poland to join the effort against partition. At the country's
defeat in 1795, he was jailed. After two years in prison, Kosciuszko was released and he
returned to America, just long enough to arrange for the disposal of his property.
Entrusting Thomas Jefferson with his will and naming him the executor of his estate,
Kosciuszko sailed for Poland in 1798. His commitment to the rights of man is boldly
expressed in this document:
I, Thaddeus Kosciuszko, being just on my departure from America, do
hereby declare and direct that, should I make no other testamentary
disposition of my property in the United States, I hereby authorize my
friend, Thomas Jefferson to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
Negroes from among his own or any other and giving them liberty in my
name; in having them instructed in for their new condition in the duties of
morality which may make them good neighbors, good fathers and
mothers, husbands and wives, in their duty as citizens; teaching them to
be defenders of their liberty and country, of the good order of society, and
in whatever may make them happy and useful.27
Inspired by pure idealism, Casimir Pulaski came to America to "fight for liberty." On
August 13, 1778 he wrote Colonel R.H. Lee: "Honor and a desire of distinguishing myself
in defense of Liberty was the only motive which fired my breast for the cause of the
United States."28
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Russian oppression had forced Count Pulaski to leave Poland. Hearing of the American
Revolution, he asked permission to aid the colonists. Through intercession of Benjamin
Franklin and three French friends, Beaumarchais, Rulhiere and Vergennes, Pulaski was
ultimately granted an officer's commission in the Continental Army. While awaiting
Congress' decision, however, Pulaski enlisted in the army. Though only a volunteer, his
skill and courage were exploited by Washington in a surprise attack upon the advancing
forces of General Howe that saved the army from destruction at Brandywine and later at
Warren Tavern.29 In recognition of his bravery, Pulaski was immediately commissioned
the "first Commander of the American Cavalry with the rank of Brigadier General."30
During the winter Pulaski's cavalry was transferred to Trenton, New Jersey. It was here
that he used all his energies to improve this branch of service, including: a reorganization
of the regiments of dragoons; the creation of a new unit armed with Polish lances; and the
development of a set of service regulations which were the first given to a cavalry.
Through these regulations, he "tried to inspire his soldiers with discipline and martial
spirit on every occasion."31
On March 19, 1778 Congress recognized the formation of the corps known as the Pulaski
Legion. This legion was comprised mainly of Frenchmen, Germans, and Poles. While
visiting in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, he ordered a banner for his Legion from the
Moravian Sisters and paid for it out of his own funds.32
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In September 1778 the Legion was sent by Washington to New Jersey. It was here that the
infantry of the Legion was attacked by the British at Egg Harbor. Thirty lives were lost,
including that of the infantry's Polish commander, Baron de Batzen. Retreating with
"heavy losses," Pulaski and his cavalry came to the rescue.33
Pulaski was also instrumental in preventing the loss of Charleston, South Carolina. The
British were close to the city and advancing rapidly. The army commander, General
Prevost, demanded that Charleston surrender. In the midst of the negotiations, Pulaski
unexpectedly appeared and vowed to defend Charleston. Pulaski's fame and success of the
Legion "had considerable influence in dispelling the general panic, and introducing
military sentiments into the minds of the citizens."34 Prevost was forced to withdraw and
the city remained under colonial control.
Recognized historically as the "father of American cavalry," Pulaski's skill and courage as
a commander were invaluable assets to the all too often demoralized and inept Continental
Army. Of all the Polish officers who participated in the Revolutionary War, he is
considered the most romantic, and professionally, the most prominent.35 A spirited
soldier, he embraced the colonial cause as his own: "I could not submit to stoop before the
sovereigns of Europe, so I came here to hazard all for the freedom of America."36
Although many brave men served America throughout the Revolutionary War, Pulaski
was special.
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Pulaski and Kosciuszko were but the most famous of the many Poles who fought in this
war and helped win the independence of the United States. Some, like them, came to
America during the Revolution "with the sole purpose of fighting on the side of the ideals
of liberty and justice." Others had settled in America prior to the war and were of Polish
descent. Their identities and numbers are impossible to determine with any degree of
certainty. Records were not kept accurately and many were destroyed or lost. In addition,
misspelling of names was common and numerous Poles Anglicized their names. The few
surviving materials are also compromised by their inadequacies, lacking information
regarding nationality, or family of those involved. (In fact Pulaski's name is found spelled
Polasque.)37
Some Poles or those who were assumed Poles were: Joseph Baldeski (Baldesque-Baldesqui) who was captain and paymaster of the Pulaski Legion. Although an honest
man, pay vouchers were easily lost during long marches and battles and Baldeski was
constantly called to verify his work. He was also held by Congress in Philadelphia until
accounts were settled. Pulaski persistently and faithfully came to Baldeski's side and
defended him against any suspicion of his integrity.38
Maurice August Beniowski was born in Hungary. His relationship with Poland was
hereditary. It was his strong desire to serve in the American War with Count Pulaski
whom he claimed was his half-brother. After much difficulty Congress gave permission
for Beniowski
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to serve with the Count. However, Pulaski, now with the Southern Army, was on his death
bed when Beniowski arrived. According to Doctor P. Joseph Johnson, author of
Traditions and Reminiscences, Surgeon General Doctor P. Fayssoux who knew the details
of Pulaski's death, stated that Pulaski "had the consolation of being attended in his last
hours by a countryman--a relative, a friend, a brother Confederate in the cause of their
native country."39 Furthermore, it was pointed out that Beniowski (Benyowsky) was
"recognized by the dying hero, officiated as his relative, chief mourner and heir, and
departed.40
Beniowski, alone in a strange country, with limited knowledge of English, tried to adjust
to his new life. He wrote sporadically to Congress hoping for a commission in the Army
or Navy. In 1782, in a letter to Washington he offered his "blood, knowledge, and
bravery." Included in this letter was a plan to raise a Legionary Corps of Germans for the
cause of the United States. He would "raise, clothe, arm, equip and transport" them from
Germany to America. Washington endorsed this plan but inserted changes before
submitting it to the Board of War. The proposal was declined, however, because peace
seemed near and there was no need to resume action on land. After this refusal Beniowski
returned to Europe and nothing more is known about him.41
Another Pole who joined in the American service was Kotkowski (Kolkawski,
Kotskoelski). He was highly recommended by Pulaski and consequently was
commissioned Captain of the Legion by Congress.
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In 1779 he was court-martialed, found guilty, and dismissed. The facts of the courtmartial trial or the events that led to this court-martial are meager or unknown. Kotkowski
was the only Pole to be discharged from this war. Despite this unfortunate event, it is a
fact that his aspirations to serve the American cause were all in earnest. It is presumed that
he returned to Europe, for nothing more is known.42
There were many other less notable officers who fought in the American War for
Independence, such as Kraszewski, Charles Litonski, and Matthias Rogowski, to name a
few.
Polish Settlements in Texas
Because Europe held the primary interest of the Spaniards they were indifferent toward
their territory of Texas. Thus attempts to colonize this land were minor until the
eighteenth century. And, when colonization became a major Spanish concern, the
endeavors were inadequate, unstable, and rashly done. This poor planning did, however,
result in the following settlements: San Antonio, Goliad, and Nacogdoches.43
When Louisiana became United States territory in 1803, the Spanish feared the possibility
of Texas also becoming American territory. Free immigration into Texas was halted
immediately, and only "Catholics who would be loyal to Spain and who could be relied
upon to defend the province against foreign encroachments" were legally allowed
entrance. Typical of Spanish rule, however, the proscriptions went unheard of.44
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The Spanish Consul at New Orleans, Diego Morphi, devised a plan for the colonization of
Texas he was sure would not only preserve Spain's control in the American West, but also
aid her efforts to defeat Napoleon in Europe. Its success depended entirely on Polish
immigration. It was Morphi's strong belief that the Poles would desert Napoleon provided
they were guaranteed transportation to Texas where they could "devote themselves to
agriculture and useful arts." He also suggested they be granted a strip of land in the Gulf
of Mexico and near the frontier of Louisiana, i.e., be made a buffer for Texas. As an
added inducement for colonization, he recommended the immigrants be exempted from
all taxes and self-government.45
Morphi's plan was rejected. Spanish authorities knew the Poles looked to Napoleon as
"the only power on earth that could restore their own unhappy country to freedom."46
Moreover, it was feared that the settlement of foreigners on the frontier would jeopardize
Spain's interests and that the Poles would, ultimately, aid the United States if a conflict
arose.
The disorganization of European societies caused by the Napoleonic wars and mass
migrations at their end affected America also. Many of Napoleon's soldiers, as well as
dislocated peoples, entered the United States.
It is well known that Polish immigration helped to win liberty for Texas and to extend the
frontier of the United States to the Rio Grande and the Pacific. General Henri Dominique
Lallemand, and his
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brother Charles Francois Antoine, for example, formed an expedition at Philadelphia to
colonize part of Spanish Texas. Upon their arrival, they took possession of the land West
of Galveston and founded the military colony of Champ-d'-Asile.47 Constantin Paul
Malczewski was one of the most distinguished members of the Champ-d'-Asile Colony.
Along with three other officers he "planned and directed" the building of the forts that
served as protection for the colony. Despite all efforts, however, Champ-d'-Asile failed.
Illness, hunger, and other misfortunes caused the colonists to disperse. Some resettled in
Alabama and others in Louisiana.48
Another immigrant associated with the Polish cause was Doctor Anthony Michael
Dignowity who settled in San Antonio. He was a Bohemian by birth and a professional
mechanical engineer. He became an army volunteer for the Polish cause during the Polish
Insurrection of 1830-31. In America Dignowity studied medicine and became a renowned
physician and an outstanding citizen.48
The rapid growth of Texas's population caused the Mexican rulers to become concerned
and suspicious of the Americans., Recognizing the American influence and fearful of a
possible loss of their territory, Mexican authorities began to enforce new and old laws
such as abolishment of slavery, imposition of taxes, interference in local affairs, and
apprehension of colonists. These laws led to a revolution in 1835.
Under the command of Colonel Fannin, American volunteers fought for Texas
independence. Their army, however, was comprised of only
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four hundred men, mostly Poles, while that of the Mexican General Urreas was five times
greater. Despite this numerical superiority, Colonel Fannin's army was able to withstand
the pressure until March 10, 1836 when Colonel Fannin was subdued and most of his
Polish army was executed on March 27, 1836.49
After the defeat of Fannin's army, Santa Anna, the Mexican President was able to capture
the Alamo. However, his victory was short lived. Felix Wardryski (Wardzinski), under the
command of General Sam Houston, defeated him at San Jacinto. The Mexican army
retreated and Santa Anna was captured and taken prisoner.
In order for Santa Anna to gain liberty, he made a treaty which stopped the war and
recognized Texas Independence.50
After the Texas war of independence, another Pole became known for attracting Poles to
Texas: Father Leopold Moczygemba. After his ordination in 1825, as a Franciscan Monk,
he was sent to Texas. He came to love this country greatly. Because of this affection he
inaugurated a plan to import large groups of Poles from his homeland. He took it upon
himself to write encouraging letters to family and friends in Silesia. Because of these
letters an "emigration fever" influenced approximately one hundred families from his
village as well as surrounding villages such as Warwentow and Blotnica to emigrate.
These families chartered a ship and landed in 1854 at Galveston. Their belongings were
only a few necessities. However, among these chattels were a large crucifix and bells
from
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their church in Poland. These new immigrants established residence in Karnes County and
founded the village of Panna Maria.51
Poles in California
In California, Spanish authorities were extremely apprehensive and resentful of strangers
entering their land. Consequently, if a ship was forced to undergo repairs on their shores,
it was immediately captured along with the cargo. American sailors, therefore, became
cautious and welcomed sites that were isolated and peaceful to repair their ships. So it
happened that William Shaler and Richard Cleveland, merchant-adventurers of New
England, discovered a site on Catalina Island where they could safely make rush repairs.
This area was yet unnamed. Hence, Shaler and Cleveland christened it Port Rouissillon.
Who or what was Rouissillon?
Rouissillon was said to have been a member of an "ancient noble family of Poland," a
strong believer in individual liberty who rejected the disciplined life of his native land. He
became acquainted with Shaler and Cleveland in Hamburg, Germany.
Although his name is not even mentioned in the geography of California, it has been
assumed that he was a Polish count living incognito. With this disguise, so to speak, he
was able to avoid any encounters that might have occurred with enemies. California
attracted many Poles during the 1840's and 1850's. Earlier settlers were immigrant
veterans from Polish uprisings, while the period of the gold rush "became the spark which
released the great influx of the Polish Peasant or economic immigration to this country."
101
4. POLES IN THE CIVIL WAR 1861-1865
When the Civil War began, there were approximately thirty thousand Poles in the United
States.52 About four thousand Poles served in the Union army; of these 166 were
commissioned officers. Vladimir Krzyzanowski, for example, was commander of the
Union's Polish Legion and widely respected for his bravery. Enlisting in the army as a
private, he quickly assumed a more active and responsible role when he recruited a
company of militia, called Krzyzanowski's Company, and was promoted to the rank of
major. In 1861 he was directed by the Secretary of War, Cameron, to "recruit a regiment
among all the Poles of the Union." Krzyzanowski enlisted four hundred men and the
regiment was named the United States Rifles. Operating as an independent, voluntary unit
at first, it merged with the Morgan Rifles later in the War and ultimately, was made a
regular division of the Union Army, the Fifty-Eighth New York Infantry. Called the
Polish Legion because a majority of the men were descendants of immigrants, it is listed
under this name in the Official Army Register of the Volunteer Forces of the United
States Army.53
When Confederate General Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson attacked General Fremont of
the Union Army at Cross Keys, Virginia on June 8, 1862, Krzyzanowski's regiments were
used to support the command of Brigadier General Julius H. Stahel. The actions of his
men were integral in preventing the Confederates from destroying Fremont's Army.
Captain Schimer, in charge of one of the batteries that saw heavy combat, illustrated the
respect for Krzyzanowski that was typical
102
among the soldiers in his official report. The Fifty-Eighth Regiment, he emphasized,
"behaved with great gallantry under the command of Colonel Krzyzanowski."
Later in the year, Krzyzanowski was made commander of the Second Brigade, Third
Division, a combined infantry and artillery unit once again. He was responsible for the
Fourth and Fifty-Eighth New York, Seventy-Fifth Pennsylvania Infantry, and a battery of
the second New York Light Artillery. Active in the battles at Fox Ford, Sulpher Springs,
Waterloo Springs, and Govenon, Virginia,54 Krzyzanowski's Division also fought
furiously and successfully at the Battle of Bull Run. "The gallantry with which Colonel
Krzyzanowski on the left wing withstood and repelled the frequent and fierce assaults of
the enemy," declared General Carl Schurz," commands the highest praise." President
Lincoln, in addition, nominated him for promotion to the rank of brigadier general;
however, the Senate refused to ratify this request. Apparently Krzyzanowski felt little
resentment or anger at this injustice, and he continued to fight for the Union until the War
ended.
The Poles who were fighting in the Union and Confederate armies were men of high
ideals. Their military experience was of much value since most were commissioned
officers as well as veterans of wars for freedom of past decades.
Civil War annals cannot pass by names like Joseph Karze, who was considered one of the
best cavalry officers, and became a general in the Union Army; Allin F. Schoepf, a
brigadier general
103
who defeated the Confederates at Rock Hills in 1861; and Major Gaspard Tochman and
Colonel Valery Sulakowski of the Confederate army.
104
5. ECONOMIC IMMIGRATION 1865-1920's
Polish Historical and Economic Background
The immigrants attracted to California's gold were the harbingers of the third migration
movement from Poland, beginning in 1865 and lasting until the United States imposed
legislature restrictions on immigration in 1920. This was the era of the Polish peasant.
Economically desperate, peasants in Europe had been ravaged by the concerted and
unrelenting efforts of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to eliminate political opposition in the
Polish sectors of their respective empires.55 Jobs, high wages, and relief from crushing
taxes were dreams the peasant cherished as he considered emigration.
During the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first quarter of the twentieth
century, most Poles had been reduced to the status of an agricultural proletariat, or semiproletariat. In Russian Poland, for example, 73.4 percent of the population were living in
villages; in Prussian Poland, 69.3 percent; and in Austrian Poland 80.1 percent. Moreover,
the communities were densely populated, exerting an unbearable pressure on the land.
Typical of these conditions was eastern Galicia (Russian Poland) where sixty-seven
persons in a square kilometer lived by agriculture, and western Galicia with eighty
persons per square kilometer. In the rest of old Austria, by contrast, there were merely
thirty-six people per square kilometer; for Germany the figure was thirty-four.56
105
The Poles also suffered from the continuous fragmentation of their lands. While
individual holdings varied in size, most people farmed tracts of land that were too small to
provide adequate sustenance for their owners. Of the total land-area in Galicia, 84.4
percent had been subdivided into farms of no more than five hectares, i.e., about twelve
acres, and many were even smaller. Merely 6.8 percent of Poznan, however, was farmed
in such a manner. Shrinkage, moreover, went unchecked throughout the late nineteenth
century. By 1882, the average peasant holding in Galicia had declined to approximately
seven acres; by 1896 the average dropped to less than six acres.57
Another stimulant to emigration was a high, oppressive tax rate. In 1882, approximately
1,420,020 people in Galicia payed land taxes, and by 1896 the number had increased to
1,743,792. While it would seem that the burden of taxation was widely shared, in fact the
brunt of the taxes was borne by the poor peasants. The inequalities are clearly illustrated,
once again, by the experience of Galicians: 1,740,814 peasants with land holdings
averaging less than six acres paid the bulk, and only 2,978 large landowners of estates
ranging 132 acres plus paid the remainder. Similar circumstances prevailed throughout all
the Polish lands.58
A lack of industrial development in Poland was another contributing factor to emigration.
Forced to seek additional employment to supplement his meager income and to meet the
exorbitant land taxes, on the one hand, the peasant was confronted with few
106
employment opportunities, on the other hand. Factories were not numerous and all had
ample sources of labor. In part, costly and excessive bureaucratic procedures were
responsible for the lack of industrial development, while equally serious obstacles were
presented by poor transportation facilities, high taxes and the antipathy of the Polish
landed gentry towards trade, commerce and industry.59
Economic disability, however, was only one dimension of the general sordidness of the
peasant's situation. Poles were faced with social discrimination and their culture attacked.
In Russian Poland prior to World War I, for example, it was a criminal offense to teach
the Polish language. Peasants, in addition, were to be denied any manner of education.60
In Prussia, Poles were subjected to a debasing program of assimilation. Under Bismar
culture and language were forced upon the Poles. It was the German belief that this policy
of Germanization was imperative to make the Poles loyal citizens.61 Less abrasive, but
with an equally devastating impact, Austrian neglect resulted in large numbers of Polish
children being denied an education. While acknowledging the right to an education, the
government refused to construct and provide resources for more than a token educational
system.62 Predictably, illiteracy was endemic to the Polish provinces. By 1900, as much as
52 percent of all male and 59 percent of all female Galicians over six years of age were
illiterates.63
107
The lack of or limited increase in educational standards and opportunities, along with
linguistic and religious persecutions initiated by Bismarck's Kulturkampf policy served as
an impetus for Polish emigration from Prussian Poland.
Polish emigration from Russian Poland which commenced in 1876 was due in the main to
a crop failure, high rate of unemployment in the textile industry due to labor problems,
and the institution of universal military service.
American Economic Conditions
The Civil War accelerated American industrial growth, and expansion in terms of physical
plant and productivity continued throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. Technological innovation and sophistication transformed industrial methods,
ushering in the age of mass production. Rooted in limited individual responsibility and
standardized tasks, industrial production was increasingly freed from its dependence upon
the services of the craftsman-specialist and the quantitative constraints of an inflexible
apprentice-training system. The most valuable labor resource, as well as greatest
employment need, quickly became cheap, un- and semi-skilled people who could be
molded to perform a mundane, repetitive operation. Like the majority of America's
immigrants in the years 1865-1920, Poles helped to fill this vacuum. Industrialists
exploited the foreign borns' vulnerability; their willingness to work long hours in order to
escape the drudgery
108
that surrounded them; and the immigrants' historical and nationalistic animosities toward
each other. They were an economic blessing for America. An 1864 report by the Senate
Committee on Agriculture captured the essence of the nation's alien treasure:
The advantages which have accrued heretofore from immigration
can scarcely be computed. Such is the labor performed by the thrifty
immigrant that he cannot enrich himself without contributing his full
quota to the increase of the intrinsic greatness of the United States. This is
equally true whether he work at mining, farming, or as a day laborer on
one of our railroads.64
The majority of Polish immigrants settled in urban areas. Some worked in New England's
textile mills, while others helped to build railroads and produce lumber in the West. Their
cohorts in the Midwest found jobs in the meatpacking industry, especially in Chicago; and
in the steel mills of Cleveland and Youngstown, Ohio; Buffalo, New York; and Gary,
Indiana. Poles were also miners of iron, copper, and coal in Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota,
Colorado, Arizona, Wyoming, Utah, Montana and Pennsylvania.65
After a short term in industry a few of the immigrants were able to purchase farms in the
semi-abandoned farmlands of the East, especially in New England. Due to their frugal life
style they made a success of farming. In fact, many cities in Massachusetts and
Connecticut maintain a large Polish population to this day which attests to their successful
agrarian enterprises.66
The Pole was in search of political and social freedoms and the economic opportunities
denied him in Europe. While, America,
109
on the other hand, was in great need of his muscle, i.e., manpower to labor in its ever
expanding industries. So, it can be seen that emigration and immigration were reciprocal
processes which complemented each other to the betterment of the Polish immigrant as
well as the American nation.
110
6. POLES IN WORLD WAR I
World War I halted the flow of Poles to the United States, at least for the duration of the
hostilities. Many Polish-Americans hoped that the defeat of Germany would bring about a
restoration of their homeland. Supporting the United States' intervention in the war, they
patriotically worked to assure an American victory.
The prominent pianist, Ignace Paderewski became the informant for his country and came
to America in 1915. Wherever and whenever he could, he visited the large cities and
spoke of his country's situation. It was his hope to free a country he loved by acquainting
the American public with the existing conditions.67 Paderewski's sincere approach to the
American-Poles made his appeals successful.
Opposed to injustice he preferred to "rely on superiority of right over might, and to that
end he counselled love, not insurrection."68
President Wilson, after being encouraged by the House to "endorse the movement for
Polish independence" stated: "I take, it for granted that statesmen everywhere are agreed
that there shall be a united, independent and autonomous Poland."69
The years 1914 to 1916 saw the slow progression which eventually led to the United
States intervention. In the beginning, this involvement was emotional and, later, became
economic.
111
Jan Paderewski in 1938. (National Archives, Washington, D.C.)
112
Recruitment of Poles
During this time Paderewski appealed to the Polish Falcons for their help to recruit a
Kosciuszko Army to fight alongside the Americans. The Falcons unanimously voted in
favor of Paderewski's suggestion when War was officially declared on April 6, 1917.
This Kosciuszko Army grew to 100,000 men of which 28,000 were volunteers from the
United States and others were prisoners of the Central Powers. They were under the
command of General Jozef Haller.
Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War, states of these troops:
The American contigent of the Polish Army is made up of men
moved by the inspiration of the principles involved on the Allied side in
this conflict, and their presence on the Western front representing both
their adherence to America as the country of their adoption, and to
Poland, free and self-governing, as the country of their inspiring sight.70
Among the Polish-American communities a constant, patriotic feeling persisted during
this war effort to free Poland from German domination. Thus, it could be seen that their
participation in the War had a twofold purpose: to support America and to aid Poland in
her pursuit of independence.71
Because of the victory which gave Poland her independence, the American Poles gained
much prestige. They became more conscious of their heritage and developed outstanding
Polish cultural institutions for the preservation of their heritage.
113
7. THE POLES IN WORLD WAR II
Recruitment Attempts
Shortly after the German attack on Poland and the bombing of Warsaw, appeals were
made to gain the support of the American Poles and their descendants similar to those
made at the outbreak of World War I.
General Sikorski and other renowned Polish leaders toured the United States and spoke to
residents earnestly soliciting their help. The recruitment was poor, however, as the second
and third generation young American Poles were willing to fight only in the American
Army.72
During a second tour through the United States, Sikorski's appeals to the Poles were filled
with sarcastic remarks which accused the Poles of neglecting their homeland. Because of
his remarks, Sikorski's cause was lost. Moreover, the American Poles retaliated in an
anger which was shocking. Now there existed an obvious attitudinal change among the
American Poles quite different from what was felt in World War I. The PNA (Polish
National Alliance) stated in their newspaper the "Alliance Daily": "We have our own
problems." The concern for Poland was much less than it was in the past. The greater
concern was now for America and her war problems.73 Polish Americans not only
enthusiastically supported President Roosevelt's action on behalf of the anti-axis powers,
but also enlisted in great numbers in the military.
114
Over 900,000 Poles were in the Armed Forces in World War II. Army and Navy records
list 20 percent as American Poles. The names of Poles were heard throughout the Marine
Corps, Army and Navy, as well as the WACS, SPARS, and WAVES. Throughout the
United States recruiting offices stated that 50 percent of their volunteers were of Polish
descent and were "among the first to enlist." Some of the men who attained the rank of
General in World War II were: John Wisniewski, Joseph Berzynski, and John Rataj.
Poles at Home
Americans of Polish ancestry contributed to war efforts heavily. The Polish National
Alliance and the Polish Roman Catholic Union purchased enough United States bonds to
cover the cost of five bombers; all the planes were given Polish names.
They also contributed generously to service organizations and organized special
committees to aid both war victims of Poland and Polish refugees. More than ten million
dollars was contributed to alleviate the suffering. They also provided additional means for
religious services for needy war victims.
Finally, they contributed additional funds for relief, and in doing so, kept alive in America
the reasons for Polish freedom.74
Upon the termination of World War II many of the prejudices that prevailed among ethnic
and racial groups, prior to World War II were now diminishing rapidly. People accepted
new ideas, listened
115
to each other, and learned while fighting for a common cause that there were similar, if
not the same, emotions, fears, problems, among all regardless of their heritage.75
Displaced Persons
By the end of the war about ten million were left homeless in Europe. They were labeled
Displaced Persons or D.P.'s, and were given shelter in camps which were headed by the
occupying armies and under the advise of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation
Administration (UNRRA). It was anticipated that the countries of Australia, Canada, New
Zealand, and South Africa, would eventually absorb them.
The United Stated, still apparently sympathetic towards Poland's cause and remembering
the aid received by past Polish leaders in previous wars, passed the D.P. Act which
permitted 205,000 to enter the United States providing they were assured jobs, shelter,
and a sponsor.76
The Commission for the Displaced Persons stated on January 2, 1952 that over 300,000
had entered the United States at a cost of $100,601,000 thus giving residence to more
persons than any other nation.
116
FOOTNOTES
1
Miecislaus Haiman, Polish Past in America 1608-1865 (Illinois: The Polish Roman
Catholic Union, Archives and Museum, 1939), pp. 5-6.
2
Ibid., p. 6.
3
Ibid., pp. 6-7.
4
Ibid., pp. 7-8.
5
Ibid., p. 9.
6
Ibid., pp. 1-3.
7
Joseph A. Wytrwal, America's Polish Heritage: A Social History of Poles in America
(Detroit: Endurance, 1961), p. 21.
8
Miecislaus Haiman, Poles in America 1608-1865 (Chicago: The Polish American
Congress, 1958), p. 18, citing the Jamestown Pioneers from Poland.
9
Wytrwal, op. cit., pp. 22-23.
10
Haiman, Polish Past in America 1608-1865, op. cit., pp. 16-17.
11
Wytrwal, op. cit., pp. 24-26.
12
Ibid., p. 27.
13
Paul Fox, The Poles in America (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times,
reprint, 1970), p. 36.
14
Oscar Helecki, A History of Poland (New York: Roy Publishers, 1956), p. 163.
15
Fox, op. cit., p. 36.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid., p. 37.
18
Ibid., p. 4.
19
Ibid., p. 6.
20
Ibid., pp. 4-5.
21
Ibid., pp. 11-13, citing H.E. Hayden (Wilkes Barre: Virginia Genealogies, 1891), pp.
395-420.
117
22
Haiman, Polish Past in America, op. cit., p. 29.
23
Wytrwal, op. cit., pp. 36-38.
24
Haiman, Ibid., p. 30.
25
Haiman, Poland and the American Revolutionary War, op. cit., p. 37.
26
Wytrwal, op. cit., p. 37.
27
Wytrwal, op. cit., p. 37.
28
Haiman, Poland and the American Revolutionary War, op. cit., p. 27.
29
Ibid., pp. 27-28.
30
Ibid., p. 28.
31
Ibid.
32
Haiman, Polish Past in America, op. cit., p. 38.
33
Haiman, Poland and the American Revolutionary War, op. cit., p. 30.
34
Ibid., pp. 30-31.
35
Wytrwal, America's Polish Heritage: A Social History of Poles in America, op. cit., p.
40.
36
Wytrwal, Ibid., p. 30.
37
Haiman, American Revolutionary War, op. cit., p. 35.
38
Ibid., pp. 36-38.
39
Ibid., p. 39, citing J. Johnson, Traditions and Reminiscences Chiefly of the American
Revolution in the South (Charleston: 1852), p. 246.
40
Ibid.
41
Ibid., pp. 40-42.
42
Ibid., pp. 43-47.
43
Miecislaus Haiman, The Poles in the Early History of Texas (Chicago, Illinois: Polish
Roman Catholic Union of America, 1936), p. 19.
118
44
Ibid., p. 20.
45
Ibid., pp. 20-21.
46
Ibid., p. 20.
47
Ibid., p. 23.
48
Ibid., pp. 24-25.
49
Ibid., pp. 28-29.
50
Ibid., pp. 30-32.
51
Ibid., p. 38.
52
Joseph A. Wytrwal, America's Polish Heritage: A Social History of Poles in America,
op. cit., p. 65.
53
Joseph A. Wytrwal, Poles in American History and Tradition (Detroit, Michigan:
Endurance Press, 1969), pp. 151-152.
54
Ibid., pp. 153-154.
55
Haiman, Polish Past in America 1608-1865, op. cit., pp. 3-4.
56
Ibid., p. 38.
57
Ibid., p. 39.
58
Ibid., p. 41.
59
Ibid., pp. 41-42.
60
Ibid., p. 44.
61
Wytrwal, America's Polish Heritage, op. cit., p. 128.
62
Fox, op. cit., pp. 44-45.
63
Ibid., p. 45.
64
Wytrwal, Poles in American History and Tradition, op. cit., p. 216.
65
Ibid., pp. 219-220.
66
Ibid., pp. 227-233.
67
Wytrwal, Poles in American History and Tradition, op. cit., pp. 325-329.
68
Ibid., p. 352.
119
69
Ibid., p. 333.
70
Wytrwal, Poles in American History and Tradition, op. cit., p. 334.
71
Ibid., p. 54.
72
Ibid., p. 261.
73
Ibid.
74
Wytrwal, Poles in America, op. cit., p. 64.
75
Wytrwal, Poles in American History and Tradition, op. cit., pp. 412-413.
76
Ibid., pp. 413-415.
120
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Coulter, Charles W. The Poles of Cleveland. Ohio: Cleveland's Americanization
Committee; Mayor's Advisory War Committee, 1919.
Fleming, Thomas J. The Golden Door, The Story of American Immigration. New York:
Grosset and Dunlap, Inc., 1970.
Fox, Paul. The Poles in America. New York: George H. Doran Company, 1922.
Groisser, Philip L. Mastering American History. New York: Keystone Education Press,
1967.
Haiman, Miecislaus. Kosciuszko: Leader and Exile. New York: Polish Institute of Arts
and Sciences in America, 1946.
-----. Poland and the American Revolutionary War. Illinois: Polish Roman Catholic
Union, 1932.
-----. Polish Past in America 1608-1865. Illinois: The Polish Roman Catholic Union,
1939.
-----. Polish Pioneers of California. Illinois: Polish Roman Catholic Union, 1940.
-----. The Poles in the Early History of Texas. Illinois: Polish Roman Catholic Union,
1936.
Halecki, Oscar. A History of Poland. New York: Roy Publication, 1956.
Katz, William Loren. Slavery to Civil War 1812-1865. New York: Franklin Watts, Inc.,
1974.
Lerski, Jerzy Jan. A Polish Chapter in Jacksonian America: The United States and the
Polish Exiles of 1831. Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1958.
Levy, Donald. A Report on the Location of Ethnic Groups in Greater Cleveland.
Cleveland: The Institute of Urban Studies, Cleveland State University, 1972.
Mann, Arthur. Immigrants in American Life. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1968.
Martin, Michael and Leonard Gelber. Dictionary of American History. New Jersey:
Littlefield, Adams and Company, 1966.
Pap, Michael S. (ed.). Ethnic Communities of Cleveland. Ohio: Institute for Soviet and
East European Studies, John Carroll University, Cleveland, 1973.
121
Reddaway, W.F. et. al. (ed.). The Cambridge History of Poland--From Augustus II to
Pilsudski 1697-1835. Great Britain: Cambridge at the University Press, 1941.
Thomas, William and Florian Znaniecki. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vol.
I. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927.
-----. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vol. II. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1927.
Wieczerzak, Joseph W. A Polish Chapter in Civil War America; The Effects of the
January Insurrection on American Opinion and Diplomacy. New York: Wayne
Publishers, Inc., 1967.
Wytrwal, Joseph A. America's Polish Heritage. Michigan: Endurance Press, 1961.
-----. Poles in American History and Tradition. Michigan: Endurance Press, 1969.
-----. The Poles in America. Minnesota: Lerner Publications Co., 1969.
122
PART TWO, SECTION 2: SETTLEMENT by Alice Boberg
The Early Years
More than 4 1/2 million Poles have settled permanently in the United States. They came at
different times, for different reasons and from different backgrounds and circumstances
which affected where they settled in the United States. Up to the 1900's, about 18% of the
total arrived; from 1901-1914 about 59%; from 1914-1950 about 23%, with the peak year
in 1921. Arrivals since then have been under the rigid quota system and have been
minimal.
Up to 1883 about 95% of America's immigrants came from Northern and Western
Europe. The earliest Polish settlers, although only a handful, were prosperous
businessmen, adventurers and political exiles. Outside of Jamestown, the earliest
settlements were in New York, Louisiana, and Pennsylvania, and the immigrants found
employment on individual farms, plantations and in businesses.
Polish immigrants, like many others, often had romantic visions of reestablishing their old
homeland in America. This was especially true of exiles from a land partitioned by
Prussia, Russia and Austria, where their only means of identity was a language and a
religion. In 1834, a group of exiles from Austria illustrated this desire. In a petition to the
Congress they asked for land in Illinois to establish a new Poland. The petition was
granted, but the land was ultimately abandoned and the original political exiles settled in
New York, Albany, Philadelphia, Boston and the Midwest.
The "pioneer" period of Polish settlement began with the founding of a farming
community at Panna Maria, Texas, in 1854,
123
under the direction of the Franciscan Father Leopold Moczygemba. These hardy Silesians,
consisting of around 800 men, women and children, had to contend with hardships that
were completely foreign to their background; ultimately many left and settled in San
Antonio, St. Hedwig and Yorktown.
In 1855, a family from West Prussia settled in Portage County, Wisconsin and founded
Polonia which eventually grew to a prosperous rural community. The Polish population of
Wisconsin continued to grow and by 1885 the state had the largest number of Polish
residents in the United States. Patterns of settlement shifted after 1885, and other states
rapidly caught up and passed Wisconsin in the total number of Polish residents.
Although small numbers of Poles immigrated to the United States through the mid-19th
century, the large influx of Poles did not begin until the 1870's. Early settlements were
mostly on an individual basis, many immigrants taking advantage of the Homestead Act.
It is difficult to ascertain the number of arrivals during this period but in all likelihood it
was fairly small. By 1870, only 10 parishes had been formed, a statistic of great
importance, as Father Jasinski points out:
Probably the most poignant suffering and the most far-reaching in its
effects was that caused by the strange environment and foreign tongue.
Unprepared for his new living conditions, the immigrant Pole found himself
frequently exploited. He became painfully aware of his ignorance of the
language and customs of his new country. He sensed the danger of personal,
moral, religious and social disintegration. To avoid this tragedy, he clung to
his Polish Catholic traditions, to his prayers and devotions; he associated
closely with fellow immigrants, preferably with those from the same region
of Poland as himself. He
124
was thus saved from being absorbed by his non-Catholic and non-Polish
environment and from disappearing in it without a vestige like many Polish
immigrants of earlier years.1
Polish immigrants in America tried to reconstruct, as far as possible, the primary social
system of the old country. They settled in compact masses, where rent was low and land
was cheap, and established communities in which they could build a church.
By 1860 at least 30,000 Poles lived in America scattered throughout the thirty-four states
and seven territories comprising the Union. Poles fought for both the South and the North.
After the Civil War, American railroads imported Polish immigrants to Illinois, Nebraska
and Iowa to settle in agricultural and mining colonies. The Burlington-Missouri Railroad,
alone, moved 300 families to Nebraska in 1877 to land that it had acquired by
Congressional land grants and resold to the Poles.
Poles as Farmers
At least one-third of the total Polish immigration ventured into farming; some in the
South, some in the Midwest and the others scattered over the Northwest. Poles had been
recruited to work on tobacco and vegetable farms as early as 1870. With their knowledge
of the land, they restored hundreds of thousands of depleted acres to high-grade yield
again.
The Poles lived on friendly terms with their neighbors and became as
much an integral part of the region as the original New Englanders. This was
especially true of the Poles in Orange County of New York. After a few
immigrants discovered this paradise
125
of the onion and their affinities for raising it, they informed their relatives
and friends in Poland and soon hundreds of Poles worked in the onion
fields.2
Wherever they settled, they were highly praised as farmers.
Most of the farming settlements were established by 1880. The Polish immigrant, by
reclaiming abandoned farms and specializing in onion and tobacco crops, prospered. In
the Midwest they planted corn and wheat; in the Connecticut Valley they raised tobacco,
onions and asparagus; on Long Island they specialized in truckfarming. "Even Calvin
Coolidge admitted once that it took the Polish immigrants to show the Yankees how to till
the soil."3
By 1911, 90% of the foreign born Polish farmers and 55.7% of Polish agricultural
laborers resided in ten states: Michigan, Wisconsin, Texas, Nebraska, Illinois, Indiana,
New York, North Dakota, and South Dakota. Of this number, 63.4% resided in the states
of Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota.
City Dwellers
The "closing" of the frontier by 1890 forced the nation's, immigrants to look to other than
agriculture for work. The post-Civil War period was the beginning of the large flow of
Polish immigrants to the United States:
The decade 1870-1880 added nearly 35,000 Poles to the population of the
United States; the decade ending 1890 nearly 99,000; and the last decade
1890-1900 nearly 236,000. In 1900 there were 383,407 natives of Poland
in the United States.4
The Polish immigrant quickly joined the ranks of the foreign-born who filled the opening
jaws of industrial expansion. The "Great
126
Migration" brought enormous numbers to the cities, settling wherever cheap labor was
needed. Four-fifths of the immigrants who came after 1880 stopped within the great urban
triangle formed by St. Louis, Washington and Boston. Many immigrants got no further
than their first stop, New York City. Thousands settled on the Lower East side, living in
crowded tenements and working in the garment industry. The largest concentration of
Poles is still to be found in New York City.
The constant growth of population was absorbed within the existing communities causing
sanitary problems as apartments were divided and subdivided.
In 1901, still prior to the peak years of Polish immigration, the City Homes
Association, published its REPORT on the housing conditions of three
ethnic pockets that had been bypassed by urban expansion. The
Association's REPORT graphically demonstrated the wretched living
conditions facing first generation Polonia. The total population of this
sample neighborhood was 13,825, an average of 3339.8 tenants per acre;
2,716 families were compressed into forty acres in which no building rose
higher than four stories. This put the density of the "Polish Quarter" (at)
three times that of the most crowded portions of Tokyo, Calcutta, and
many other Asiatic cities.5
It was incredible that in one city block area, a total of 1,601 people (832 children)
comprising 316 families lived in an area measuring three and one half acres. There was an
average of 3.62 apartments per building and the sample survey revealed that 72% of the
"apartments" were 400 square feet or less.6
This continuous flow of immigrants had a subtle change which was particularly critical at
a time when the native birth rate was beginning to fall.
127
From a demographic point of view, the specific features of this
immigration were exceedingly stimulating. Among the arrivals was a large
percentage of the young and early middle-aged. There was therefore an
accession to the American population of people in their most vigorous
years. Apart from the economic result - that they became immediately
productive, without passing through a preliminary period as consumers the peculiar age distribution had significant demographic consequences.
The immigrants enjoyed a high reproductive rate, both because of a high
birth rate and because those groups were concentrated in the most fertile
ages. The net result was an exceedingly rapid rate of population growth
with all the concomitant effects upon the economy of quick expansion and
rapid development.7
Poles went to the cities because of their own economic needs and the demands of
industrialization, not because they were urban folk. They found employment wherever
they could; they were forced to go into the mills and down into the worst mines. Poles
were often disliked and feared by their English-speaking counterparts because of their
determination and hard work. They were manipulated and swindled by employers who
were hungry for profit. In desperation and for protection, Poles formed tighter and tighter
groups that others called a ghetto and the Poles knew as "home."
Industrial growth and the increasing demand for labor centered along the eastern seaboard
and followed the railroads across the Midwest. Poles followed these paths, too, employed
mostly as unskilled laborers. There was no industry in which they were not represented,
but most were either in manufacturing or mining industries. Since the earliest arrivals
were husbands and sons, outnumbering women two to one, they often accepted the most
menial jobs to raise the necessary funds to bring their families over.
128
Pennsylvania had one of the largest groups of immigrants, a result of its coal industry and
advertising. In the advertisements attention was called to the state's universal suffrage
with equal rights to all regardless of race, religion or belief. It emphasized that
Pennsylvania, moreover, was the only state that tolerated Roman Catholics, with the
exception of Maryland.8
Union Beginnings
With the arrival of wives and children, the need for better wages, and a concern for better
living conditions, pushed the Poles to an equal level with their English-speaking workers.
The arrival of most of the Polish immigrant families made the Poles realize the need to
organize, and they began to look closely at the unions.9 By 1887-88, they were heavily
employed in the anthracite coal mines of western Pennsylvania and they were poorly paid.
The Immigration Commission of 1911 accused America's immigrants of being the cause
for long hours, low pay, poor working conditions and, consequently, for the failure of
labor unions. In fact, the truth is that the United Mine Workers entered the field only after
spontaneous demonstrations by Poles in 1897 and 1899:
The former contest started as a single mine protest and spread quickly
through all the Middle Field, Hungarian settlements. Unfortunately the
demonstrations ended in the tragic Lattimer Massacre where about 60
striking immigrants were killed or wounded. All the casualties were Polish,
Lithuanian, or Slovak; none were Anglo-Saxon. In 1899 labor unrest
centered in Polish Nanticoke and Glen Lyon where the union did
participate but objected to immigrant aggressiveness. In both cases the
workers won significant gains.10
129
Whether in 1887, 1897, or 1902 no Pole dared object to supporting the strike because of
the pressure of the group, and few could live outside in the isolation of "Yankeedom."
Wages in the coal industry were always low.
Poles in Industry
New factories like those in Cincinnati and Cleveland attracted immigrants, employing
skilled and unskilled laborers. The leading centers of Polish growth were Chicago, New
York, Detroit, Buffalo, Cleveland and Philadelphia. By 1910 Poles were the largest
number of workers in Midwestern industries and mining. In addition, Polish immigrants
worked in the steel and iron industries in Akron, Youngstown and Toledo, Ohio; Gary,
Indiana; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Patterson, New Jersey; and in the Ford factories in
Detroit. They were heavily employed in the textile mills of New England: the 1903 census
showed 600 Poles in Lawrence, Massachusetts, and by 1910 the number had increased to
2100; there were between three and four thousand Poles in New Bedford in 1910. They
were also employed in cloth manufacturing in Baltimore, but in much smaller number.
Poles worked in glass factories in Mississippi, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, New York, New
Jersey and Maryland. In Milwaukee they worked in the leather industry. In Chicago they
were primarily employed in the slaughtering and meatpacking houses.
Without America's wealth of ready and able foreign-born laborers, the nation's growth,
prosperity and power would have been seriously hampered:
130
Such immigrants supplied the manpower that built the railroads and
the national communications systems. They furnished the hands, in the
construction industries, that erected great cities and equipped them, with
housing, streets and utilities. And the immigrants were the proletarians
who operated the machines of the new and ever-expanding factories. With
their assistance, American industry was able to grow and to compete
successfully with the older establishments of Europe. Yet the United States
did so without pauperizing its own population. It enjoyed, therefore, the
double advantage of a cheap labor force and of markets that continued to
grow with the rising prosperity of the native population. Unskilled labor
was thus of critical importance to the economy of the country in the
period.11
"America Letters" are an excellent source for weekly and hourly wages. Maks
Markiewicz earned $12.50 - $14.00 a week for an eight-hour day while working in a glass
factory. As a carpenter, he worked in Chicago and made 35¢ an hour.12 Pay in an iron
foundry, another letter reveals, was 9, 10 or 12 dollars per week for adults, with the
children earning merely 4 or 5 dollars.13 On a wage scale comparison the Poles were the
poorest paid:
One can catch a glimpse of how "poorest paying" it was from a study
carried out among the Brooklyn Poles. The average annual income of
immigrants before World War I in this community was $721. The average
for the Norwegians residing there was $1142; for the English, $1015, for
the Czechs, $773; but for the Poles, only $595.14
There were huge wage discrepancies in other industries also:
The Swedes and Irish were receiving a weekly wage of $15.00 in the iron
mines; the Poles, $14.06. The Welsh were paid $22.75 in iron and steel
works; the Poles, $12.67. The Scots, English and Dutch earned $12.00
weekly wage in the leather works; the Poles for $9.88. The worsted mills
paid Bulgarians, Scots and Swedes $12.00 a week; they paid the Poles
$7.84. In the oil refineries, where Scots were hired for $17.00 a week and
Irish for $15.00, the Poles received $12.68.15
131
Formation of National Organizations
Polish community growth and cohesion were maintained through language, religion and
especially its social aspects, the desire for independence and rapid intro-community
organizational growth. The exile of the Jesuits from Poland in 1872 brought priests to
America who could speak Polish and who had the education and the capability of forming
cohesive groups.
By necessity, Poles worked in situations where no Polish was spoken. To combat
loneliness and the strangeness of American customs, unity with fellow Poles was
cherished. Desires to unite all Polish Americans brought about the development of
national organizations for the betterment and the support of the Polish community in the
United States. Since the primary focal point for community organization had been the
parish church, it naturally followed that the first national Polish organization evolved from
the efforts of a priest. Father Gieryk of Detroit formed the Polish Roman Catholic Union
in 1873. It was followed by the Polish National Alliance in 1880 which later became the
strongest Polish fraternal organization in America. Another group that was formed for the
well being of the Poles was the Polish American Congress. The Association of Polish
Women, with similar goals and purposes as the Polish Roman Catholic Union, was
formed by the women.
These primary groups, family, church and fraternal organizations contributed to the
growth of the established Polish community:
132
There follows a further territorial concentration of Poles. The original
population - Italians, Germans, Irish - slowly moves out as the
neighborhood becomes predominantly Polish. The parish thus becomes the
community. Polish business is developed, associations of the type
enumerated in document 140 are formed, affording their members
economic advantages, social entertainment, a field for economic
cooperation, educational opportunities, help in expressing and realizing
their political ideals, and a congenial social milieu in which the desires for
recognition and response are satisfied. Even Poles who are not religious are
thus drawn into the parish institutions.16
Document 140 enumerates the organizations connected with the largest Polish parish in
America, St. Stanislaus Kosta, in Chicago. This one parish, alone, had 74 different
organizations.
Parishes and Schools
By 1875 there were 50 Polish parishes in the United States with important Polish parishes
established in Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Milwaukee. By 1889, there
were 132 parishes mostly east of the Mississippi River and north of the Ohio River. At the
turn of the 20th century, two parishes were larger in size than many dioceses. In 1889, St.
Stanislaus Kosta Parish in Chicago boasted a membership of over 50,000 parishioners,
and the Buffalo parish of St. Stanislaus Bishop and Martyr numbered 30,000.17 The Polish
parish became the transplanted village, providing social as well as spiritual needs. The
church also became the disseminator of news, of shipwrecks and other calamaties. And of
great importance, it also provided for the education of the immigrant's children:
133
Like the church, the parish school brought the Polish immigrants
territorially together; created a bond between the old and new generation
by preserving the Polish language; encouraged the young people to acquire
the cultural traditions of their parents; and developed familiarity with the
civilization and problems of the old land.18
The remarkable growth in parochial schools in the Polish parish can be attributed to the
arrival of the Felician Sisters in 1874 at the invitation of Reverend Joseph Dabrowski. It
was also through his efforts that a Polish Seminary was established in Detroit in 1885. In
1910 the Seminary moved to Orchard Lake, Michigan where it took over the site and
buildings of the Michigan Military Academy. The Polish Seminary has since expanded to
include a preparatory boarding high school for boys, a liberal arts co-educational college,
and a graduate school of theology. Through the years it has been the single most
important contributor of leadership to the Polish parishes in the United States.19
Post World War I: Assimilation
The period following World War I can be considered a turning point at which Polish
immigrants were faced with a major decision concerning their futures. For those who had
been waiting for a free Poland, it was now possible to return home. Others had to make
the choice of whether they wished to become United States citizens and to define
themselves regarding nationality, as Poles or Americans. The vast majority had families,
and they considered a second uprooting undesirable:
134
The Polish foreign-born population in the United States numbered about
1,140,000 in 1920 and rose by about 130,000 to a total 1,270,000 within
the next decade despite the Immigration Acts and the return of
approximately 100,000 to Poland. Of these emigrants from the United
States, 835 had been naturalized as citizens, and 32,561 were Americanborn. Many of these were children whose parents decided to return to
Poland. The peak year for departures was 1921 when over 50,000 sailed
for Poland.20
The immigrant of 1920 was entirely different from the Polish immigrant of 1910. Of the
new arrivals only 2.6% were unable to read and write, in contrast to 35% in 1910. About
31% of the immigrants arriving in 1910 had less than $50, whereas in 1920, less than .5%
had less than $50. They were not destitute, like their precursors, in spite of the fact that
most of the immigrants after World War I were refugees.21
Poland's independence after World War I confronted the Polish community with the
possibility of its own disintegration. Those who chose to remain permanently in the
United States had to face new difficulties. As they obtained a functional command of the
English language, they were exposed to the non-Catholic, assimilationist propaganda of
the schools, the government, the press, the theater, the radio, friends, neighbors and
classmates. They were torn between their Polish Catholic heritage and the modern,
technical American society. To be truly American, they fearfully believed, meant to give
up their language, culture and friends. The American Catholic Church also echoed such
ideas. Bishops Ireland and Gibbons promoted the "hibernization" of the immigrants,
135
that is, "civilizing" them by demanding conformity to American Catholic doctrine, ritual
and leadership.
These attempts to assimilate the Poles periodically created feelings of contempt for
everything Polish in some immigrants and their children, and to rejection of their Polish
heritage by changing their names to hide their Polish past. The situation created social
problems within the home and the church, and a gap between the younger and older
generations grew. The use of Polish language was abandoned in some parishes and some
Polish parochial schools eliminated Polish language instruction from their curricula.
Despite such serious problems, the Polish American community was maintained. Poles
received little assistance in their efforts to find solutions to the problems of assimilation
and isolationism. Tragically, they felt themselves caught between being poor citizens and
poor Catholics, or Poles.
Poles felt insulted by the paternal condescension of the American community and reacted
against racist, anti-Catholic and anti-Polish hostility. Their sense of frustration was further
compounded by the desire in Catholic circles to "Americanize the immigrants in order to
Catholicize America."22
It was a desperate and debilitating situation:
The Catholic Poles thus found themselves in a dire predicament: to
become accepted Catholics in America they would have to reject their
Polish heritage; to become accepted Catholics in America, they would have
to reject their own Catholic Polish heritage and adopt an Americanized
version of English culture together with the equally unfamiliar form of
English Catholicism.23
136
Some of the foreign born chose to sever relations with their parish and Polish Catholic
heritage. Others fell away from the church and joined Protestant denominations. An
independent religious denomination, the Polish National Catholic Church in America, was
organized by other immigrants under the leadership of Reverend Francis Hodur. The
majority, however, chose to remain Polish Catholic and to remain a distinct group within
the American environment.
The children of the immigrants had to face the Americanization process, designed to
assimilate them into the American way of life. Public school policy was intended to
acculturate the foreigners, and it was for this reason that the Poles established their own
educational system with over five hundred schools, a remarkable phenomenon for a
people who had no such system in their partitioned homeland. Yet, the success of their
schooling and efforts to compete with the public schools was only partial:
Brought up in this environment, the next generation of Polish
Americans was not content with simply an elementary education. Just as
their parents were not content with their own educational experiences and
went on to build their elementary school system, they sought secondary
education. And though a number of high schools were built within the
framework of the Polish American educational system, the costs involved
made it impossible to construct a secondary system as complete as the
primary system already in existence. More and more Polish Americans of
this generation went to the hostile environment of the public high schools,
where things Polish were generally ignored or distorted, often reflecting
the attitude of the partitioning powers towards Poland.24
Anglo-conformity theories of assimilation and the myth of the melting pot had a profound
influence on second, third and even fourth generation American Poles. Polish Americans,
like all the
137
nation's ethnic groups, have felt the push to substitute mainstream cultural values for their
own ethnic and historic values. Typical of the Anglo-Teutonic scholarly prejudice at the
turn of the century is the writing of the famed educator Ellwood Cubberly. His influence
on public school attitudes toward Southern and Eastern Europeans was enormous:
These southern [sic] and eastern [sic] Europeans are of very different
type from the north [sic] Europeans who preceded them. Illiterate, docile,
lacking in self-reliance and initiative, and not possessing the AngloTeutonic conceptions of law, order, and government, their coming has
served to dilute tremendously our national stock, and to corrupt our civic
life. The great bulk of these people have settled in the cities of the North
Atlantic and North Central states, and the problems of proper housing and
living, moral and sanitary conditions, honest and decent government, and
proper education have everywhere been made more difficult by their
presence. Everywhere these people tend to settle in groups or settlements,
and to set up their national manners, customs, and observances. Our task is
to break up these groups or settlements, to assimilate and amalgamate these
people as a part of our American race, and to implant in their children, so
far as can be done, the Anglo-Saxon conception of righteousness, law and
order, and popular government, and to awaken in them a reverence for our
democratic institutions and for those things in our national life which we as
a people hold to be of abiding worth.25
Pressure to assimilate was constant, some informal and without design, and much, it is
clear, through organized and conscious effort:
Among the unfortunate young Catholic Poles of this period were also
those who succumbed to the perverse direct or indirect influences of
American freemasonry and other non-Catholic religious movements to
which they were exposed by civic or social contacts or by reading such
fanatical publications as the Voice of Freedom, a monthly published at
Nashville, Tennessee, attacking Roman Catholicism especially the Pope
and the hierarchy, or the Converted Catholic, a magazine published in New
York by apostate Catholic priests.26
138
No more than their parents, however, have the children and grandchildren of the Poles
assimilated in any great numbers.
Changes in Settlement Patterns
The Quota Acts of 1920 and 1924 affected the settlement patterns of the Poles. Both the
disappearance of the strong primary group contact with Poland and the rapid decline in
immigration made Poles acutely aware of their American status. They started to interact
more with American institutions. The institution that most affected this change was the
school: the higher the education the more likely they were to change their name and move
to a better residential area. Yet, as Stanley Lieberson found in his study of ethnic patterns
in cities, while "residential segregation from the native-white population declined through
time" because of the higher rate of interaction, there was still a "remarkably high degree
of segregation among ethnic groups."27 Recency of arrival, he discovered, was the most
important factor in influencing segregation from the general population. This concurs with
other research that the second and third generation were more inclined to seek upward
mobility than their parents, but that identity and community integrity persisted as
indicated by the active and vital force of the parish for the majority of Poles.28 Interviews
with the pastors of 546 parishes showed that the parishes were still ethnic in varying
degrees. Yet the data also found significant discrepancies in Wisconsin and Illinois.
139
Wisconsin reported 5 parishes, rather than 92, and Illinois reported 44, rather than 93:
This might reflect the inroads of industrialization and movement to the
suburbs out of the ethnic parishes probably more prevalent in Illinois than
in Wisconsin, a possibility further implied in the fact that Illinois returned
only 62.3 per cent of the questionnaires, in contrast to Wisconsin's 79.3 per
cent, a tacit expression of indifference possibly resulting from a higher
degree of assimilation.29
A similar apparent decline in the salience of ethnicity was found in the Hamtramck suburb
of Detroit. Young people with small children have been moving out of the town, i.e.,
away from the Polish core community. However, the decline was more apparent than real,
because "many of these younger people still return for the important events of life; their
marriages and funerals are held in Hamtramck as well as their church services."30
Such changes in residential patterns occurred, in part, because of competition for housing
arising from the urban migration of Negroes and poor whites and their competition in the
work force as cheap labor. The Quota Acts of the 1920's and the Depression of the 1930's
stablized the Polish settlements for the first time in their history. During the first decades
of the 20th century, most Poles were laborers, but their children began to see the necessity
of a higher education.
In the 1930's, poor and middle income farmers, regardless of background, were drawn to
the agricultural programs of the New Deal. The Poles fared the Depression as well as any
other group, and probably better, because of their attachment to the land.
140
Small gardens have always been a part of a Polish community, and in the crisis they
"lived off the land" meager as it was.
The New Immigrants: Post World War II
World War II initiated a period of integration and intercultural cooperation changing the
income, education, occupation, and life style for the Poles, as well as the general
population:
Within a half-century the picture had changed considerably. Almost
45 per cent held white collar jobs, of whom 14.5 per cent were professional
or technical workers, 15.2 per cent proprietors and managers, and 15 per
cent clerical and sales workers. Close to ¼ in the labor force were skilled
workers and over 19.5 per cent semi-skilled. Slightly more than three per
cent were service workers, 5.1 per cent laborers (unskilled), and 2.2 per
cent farmers.31
In the Cleveland area, 43% of Polish Americans, according to the 1970 census, had white
collar jobs; 9.6% were professional or technical workers; 7.5% were proprietors and
managers; and 25.9% were clerical and sales workers. The difference in the proprietor
statistics probably fall in line with the findings of Polzin:
The increase in the number of professionals was consistent: from two
to five to seven and one half per cent for the three generations, but the
category of proprietors, managers, and businessmen fell from 25 to 19 per
cent for the second generation, rising to 35 per cent for the third. The same
pattern was discernible in the percentage of clerks and kindred workers,
but reversed for "farmers," with the second generation showing the highest
percentage of the three. The percentage of service workers decreased
consistently, though slightly, with each generation. These data indicate a
rise in social class through the three generations, as measured by the
occupational index.32
Polish American males have apparently experienced upward mobility in greater
proportion than the national average in some categories:
141
This was true of 1) professional, technical and kindred workers; 2)
managers, officials and proprietors; 3) clerical and kindred workers; 4)
sales workers; and 5) craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers. They
ranked below the national average percentagewise in four categories: 1)
operatives and kindred workers; 2) service workers; 3) farm workers and
foremen; and 4) laborers - the field in which they were found
predominantly in earlier decades.
Income gains have kept pace with changes in occupational status. The national census
figures for 1969 compare the Polish community with the general American population:
Category
$3,999 or less
4,000-7,499
7,500-9,999
10,000-25,000
Over 25,000
Per Cent
U.S.
16.8
29.9
20.1
30.7
2.4
Pol-Ams
9.6
26.8
25.2
37.0
1.3
Using the 1970 census, these are the comparable statistics for Cleveland:
Category
$3,999 or less
10,000-25,000
Over 25,000
Per Cent
3.5
62.2
6.0
The average median income for Poles was $12,599.33
Another indicator of the stability and prosperity of Poles is home ownership. Home
ownership has always been high for Poles from the arrival of the first settlers. There are a
number of theories as to why this is characteristic, but the speculation depends on who is
interpreting the data. One theory asserts the influence of a lingering peasant heritage of
land-hunger. "Another explanation holds that the phenomenon is related to the desire for
142
the stability of which many were deprived while subjected to three dominant nations."34 It
is also speculated that accumulation of property is a desire to be middle class and a need
to rise on the social scale. Yet, this is suspect also. Whatever the reasons, home ownership
is a well established fact and "outstanding testimony to Polish American stability."35 In
general, Poles are a people who stay in a home for a lifetime, no matter how much money
they make. The 1970 census illustrates the depth of this stability. It records the number of
people of Polish descent living in the same residence for five years or more:
City
Per Cent
Anaheim, California
Boston, Massachusetts
Buffalo, New York
Chicago, Illinois
Cleveland, Ohio
Detroit, Michigan
41.9
67.7
77.6
72.9
73.5
74.6
Jersey City, New Jersey
Los Angeles-Long Beach
Miami, Florida
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Minneapolis-St. Paul
New York, New York
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
73.8
53.0
46.7
75.0
71.6
68.4
75.6
80.7
With the exception of New York City, there is a high degree of continuity with early
settlement patterns, and for all its social problems, even New York City has a high rate of
stability.
A fourth indicator of Polish socio-economic mobility is education:
By 1970 more than half of all Polish Americans over 25 years of age
were high school graduates and nine per cent held college degrees. This
was slightly below the national average of 55 per cent for high school and
11 per cent for college, but indicated considerable progress after World
War II.36
143
Such gains are impressive when they are measured in the context of hostility represented
by the Americanization movement. Education also challenged "the traditional
endogamous values of the ethnic culture, as well as increase the opportunities to meet and
marry someone from a different ethnic background."37 Education has influenced
contemporary marriage patterns among Catholics. With some high school or less, 42 per
cent of the Catholics married out of the ethnic group. For Catholics who graduated high
school or attended college, the rate rose to 57 per cent. There was no significant difference
between public and parochial school backgrounds.
One can conclude, with reference to the "Americanization" thesis of
education and assimilation, that within the realm of American Catholicism
at least, increased education does indeed lead to more ethnic exogamy,
with the qualifications discussed. The issue of the type of school, however,
becomes crucial for the specific ethnic groups involved.38
Intermarriage is also subject to regional influence: "Intermarriage by any given group
tends to be more prevalent in those areas where that group is smaller in size and less
proportionate in the total population."39 Polish exogamy displays a discernible pattern:
With the Eastern European categories, there is only the slightest suggestion
of exogamy among themselves; 5 per cent of the Lithuanians select Polish
spouses, 4 per cent of the Poles chose equally both German and East
European wives, and 6 per cent of the Eastern bloc marry Polish women.40
Change in the American Polish community also resulted from the immigration of over
100,000 displaced persons and refugees after World War II. They were different from
earlier immigrants: mostly
144
educated and upper-middle class, only a few unskilled laborers arrived. Most had the
capital and resources to fulfill American admission requirements. If they had no capital,
they had a skill to offer that was needed and were guaranteed a job upon arrival. These
new groups and individuals were readily resettled because of the agencies prepared to
help them with resettlement, and they never experienced the difficulties of their
predecessors.
Today the descendants of the immigrants of the late 19th and early 20th centuries are the
inheritors of a conflict that has developed into what Reverend L. Chrobot, the Dean of St.
Mary's College, Orchard Lake, has labeled the Folk/Urban Cultural Dichotomy:
Brought up in the closed situation of the Polish Ghetto, yet spurred on by
the attractions of economic gain and social advancement, the sons and
grandsons of the early immigrants are in many cases finding themselves
caught in between these two cultural settings. Earning enough to be able to
afford living in the suburbs, and at times, changing their last names so that
"people can pronounce it easier," the children of the immigrants have
submitted to the "kulturkampf" of the "melting pot."41
An interview with a Polish American, living in the Detroit suburb of Warren attests to this
dichotomy. He is self-employed as a welder and is worth monetarily in the neighborhood
of $150,000. He seems to have made it in "upward mobility," by all the socially accepted
standards and yet he looks back on the "old neighborhood" with something more than
fond memories:
You'd really have to live out here to see how lonely you can be with alot of
people of your own race, your own group. When we first moved here, I
went from porch to porch every night trying to be friendly, but they would
never be friendly back. Seven, eight years ago, I'm going
145
to midnight mass. It's cold, the snow is blowing. I see my neighbor, I say,
"Merry Christmas!" The sonuvabitch walked right past! If he was Jewish I
could understand it, but one Catholic to another!
Honest, I'm not looking for the Good Old Days, because they weren't that
good. They were in some ways, but for material things they weren't worth
a damn. What I'm trying to say is, money is nice - it's nice to have. I work
for it, I don't steal it. I have a gun, but I don't stick up banks. I'm glad to
have these things, but I'm not happy if they're making my kids and me
unhappy.42
He is not alone. With further research into ethnicity, the ethnic group, and intercultural
relationships, hopefully we will come to a better understanding of ourselves and our
nation:
The persistence of ethnic values and traditional behavior as well as the
extent of ethnic variation in patterns of change are challenges to a
sociology of American society. We have yet to develop an understanding
of the nature of change in a country that was shaped by the massive ethnic
forces of voluntary and involuntary immigration, of slavery and bondage,
and of exploitation and genocide. Our neglect of the meaning and influence
of ethnicity stands out in marked contrast, say, to our more fully developed
appreciation of the concept of social class. The reality of diversity - racial,
religious, national origin, regional, and combinations of these - is still very
much with us.43
146
FOOTNOTES
1
Rev. V. Jasinski, Introduction to The Contribution of the Poles to the Growth of
Catholicism in the United States (Rome: Sacrum Poloniae Millenium, 1959), Vol. VI, p.
13.
2
Sister Lucille, C.R. "Polish Farmers and Workers in the United States to 1914," Polish
American Studies, XV, (Jan.-June, 1958), p. 2.
3
Joseph Wytrwal, America's Polish Heritage (Detroit: Endurance, 1961), p. 86.
4
Sister Lucille, C.R., "The Causes of Polish Immigration to the United States," Polish
American Studies, III, 1951, p. 85.
5
Joseph Parot, "Ethnic versus Black Metropolis: The Origins of Polish-Black Housing
Tensions in Chicago," Polish American Studies, XXIX, 1972, p. 7.
6
Leonard Chrobot, "The Polish American and Immigration," unpublished manuscript
submitted to Harcourt Brace Publishers, 1973.
7
Oscar Handlin, et al., The Positive Contribution by Immigrants (Paris: UNESCO, 1955),
p. 22.
8
Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration (New York: Macmillan Co., 1939), p. 28.
9
Leonard Chrobot, op cit.
10
Victor R. Greene, "The Poles and the Anthracite Unions in Pennsylvania," Polish
American Studies, XXII (Jan.-June, 1965), p. 12.
11
Oscar Handlin, et al., op cit., p. 21.
12
Thomas and Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1927), p. 201.
13
Ibid., p. 220.
14
Theresita Polzin, "Social and Economic Conditions," The Polish Americans, Pulaski,
Wisconsin: Franciscan Publications, 1973, p. 119.
15
Ibid.
16
William Bernard, ed., Americanization Studies, Vol. 3, The Acculturation of Immigrant
Groups into American Society, (Thomas, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1971), p. 212.
147
17
Joseph Wytrwal, op cit., p. 159.
18
Ibid., p. 161.
19
Leonard Chrobot, op cit.
20
Theresita Polzin, The Polish Americans: Whence and Whither (Pulaski, Wisconsin:
Franciscan Publishers, 1973), p. 133.
21
Stanley Lieberson, Ethnic Patterns in American Cities (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free
Press, 1963), p. 72.
22
Rev. V. Jasinski, op cit., p. 15.
23
Ibid.
24
Frank Renkiewicz, ed., The Poles in America, 1608-1972 (Dobbs Ferry, New York:
Oceana Publications, 1973), p. 102.
25
Ellwood P. Cubberly, Changing Concepts of Education (Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
1919), p. 16.
26
Rev. V. Jasinski, op cit., p. 29.
27
Stanley Lieberson, op cit., p. 45.
28
Theresita Polzin, op cit., p. 138.
29
Ibid., p. 139.
30
Thomas Ford, ed., Social Demography (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1970), p. 493.
31
Theresita Polzin, op cit., pp. 185-86.
32
Ibid., p. 186.
33
Ibid., pp. 188-89.
34
Ibid., p. 191.
35
Ibid., p. 241.
36
Ibid., p. 192.
37
Harold Abramson, Ethnic Diversity in Catholic America (New York: John Wiley and
Sons, 1973), p. 87.
38
Ibid., p. 93.
39
Ibid., p. 71.
148
40
Ibid., p. 57.
41
Leonard Chrobot, op cit.
42
Maryanne Conheim, "He Lives in Warren and Wonders if Being Worth $150,000 Means
Anything," Detroit Free Press, Aug. 6, 1972.
43
Harold Abramson, op cit., p. 173.
149
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