Foodies
How status is manifested in the kitchen
Fabiana Leal & Susana Arellano
6/1/2012
Supervisor: Sofia Ulver
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to express our gratitude to a number of people that have helped us throughout
out the development of our research. First, to our supervisor Sofia Ulver, for her guidance,
inputs and support. Also to our great participants, that took valuable time from their lives, to
open up to us. Finally, to our families, that even far away, has given us love and support so we
could accomplish this journey.
Fabiana Leal
Susana Arellano
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ABSTRACT
Title: The Foodie Hunt for Prestige
Date: 2012-05-24
Authors: Fabiana Leal and Susana Arellano
Supervisor: Sofia Ulver
Course: BUSN29 – Master thesis Globalization, Brands and Consumption (15 ECTS).
Key words: Status, Food Consumption, Foodie, Knowledge and Authenticity
Purpose: This research explores how status is manifested within the foodie culture. More
specifically, we explored how foodies claim status and express inconspicuous meanings through
their food consumption practices.
Methodology: A hermeneutical epistemology approach was pursued, with the use of
Interpretivism to generate insights into the foodie lived experience. A constructionist
ontological perspective was pursued to consider foodie’s social constructs and their
consumption practices. Qualitative strategies were adopted, with the use of ethnographic
methods, namely photo diaries and interviews.
Theoretical perspective: With a Consumer Culture Theory perspective, the central constructs
explored were from a Bourdieuian (1984) perspective on Status, Veblen’s (1899) Conspicuous
Consumption, Food Consumption and their relations to the Foodie Culture.
Empirical Foundation: The sample used in this study consisted of foodies’ that were current
residents of Sweden. The data collected was then analyzed using existential-phenomenological
interpretation from a hermeneutic perspective.
Conclusion: The findings show that status is manifested essentially, through food knowledge.
Expressed through an understanding of food functionality, cooking skills, current food trends
and awareness of food marketing tactics, status is revealed. The foodies claim their status by
teaching others, while dumbing down their refined food consumption practices.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
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ABSTRACT
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INTRODUCTION
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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
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CONSUMER CULTURE THEORY
A POSTMODERN VIEW OF CONSUMPTION
A BOURDIEUAN PERSPECTIVE
CONSPICUITY IN THE ERA OF THE INCONSPICUOUS CONSUMPTION
FOOD CONSUMPTION
WHAT CONSTITUTES A FOODIE?
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METHOD
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RESEARCH PHILOSOPHY
RESEARCH STRATEGY
RESEARCH METHOD
DATA COLLECTION
DATA ANALYSIS
RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY
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ANALYSIS
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INTO THE FOODIE CULTURE: THE FOODIE PROFILES
THE RAW FOODIE
THE FOOD ENTHUSIAST
THE EATERTAINER FOODIE
THE FOLKSY FOODIE
THE PIZZAIOLO FOODIE
THE FOOD-OLOGIST
STATUS MANIFESTATION – FOODIE’S KNOWLEDGE AND AUTHENTICITY
NOAH – RAW FOOD IN EXOTIC PLACES
JUDITH- KNOWING WHAT’S REAL
AUDREY- SOCIALLY AWARE OF THE FOOD EXPERIENCE
ALICE- PASSED DOWN KNOWLEDGE TO MAKE IT FROM SCRATCH
MARIO- ORIGINAL KNOWLEDGE AND TRADITIONAL EXPERIENCES
ADAM- FUNCTIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND VEGETARIANISM
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STATUS CLAIM – TEACHING DEFINED
THE “PREACHER”
THE “AMATEUR CHEF”
THE “FOOD NAZI”
“IMBALANCE”
INCONSPICUOUS MEANINGS: “IT’S A PIECE OF CAKE!”
“SO SIMPLE”
“BAD HABITS”
“BASIC THINGS”
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CONCLUSION
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DISCUSSION
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CONTRIBUTION
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
LIMITATIONS
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REFERENCES
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APPENDIX 1 – SAMPLE OF FOOD DIARY
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APPENDIX 2 – STANDAR ETHICAL PROTOCOL
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1 Introduction
INTRODUCTION
Our research explores how status is manifested within the foodie culture. Status is considered
be an effective claim to social esteem in terms of negative or positive privileges (Weber, 1922).
Status can be achieved through not only conspicuous consumption practices, but also in diverse
ways (Postrel, 2008). It can be expressed through complex style expressions, language or
practices (Holt, 1998). Further, social status can be achieved through displays of localized
cultural capital and skills in combining, reworking, and innovating the pool of symbolic resources
that are shared by group members (Arnould and Thompson, 2005). The interest in food is one of
the many that cannot always be visually demonstrated, thus, wishful demonstrations of status
to one’s social group are manifested in diverse ways.
We adopt a postmodern approach on consumption and a Consumer Culture Theory perspective
to frame this research. More specifically a Bourdieu (1984) perspective on social distinction
based on a consumer’s habitus and its relation to status manifestation. Various notions have
greatly influenced the development of sociological aspects of consumption and the connection
of humans to objects as a means of communication and social projection. Accordingly,
Baudrillard (1970) suggests that consumption is part of a communication system, connected to
the overall economic system and not tied to individuals. In this spirit, objects are obtained to
validate one’s social claim and to emulate the behavior of higher-status groups for social gain
(Smith, 2007).
For individuals, conspicuous consumption matters because it displays both social status and
position (McEwen and O’Cass, 2004). Having said that, it is possible to notice that consumers
are increasingly turning against the previously established practices, by spending resources on
high-end objects that are discreetly designed and branded, or spending excessive amounts of
money while appearing to have spent less (Postrel, 2008). It is important to mention that
inconspicuous practices, disguising status consumption, are based just as much on the desire for
immediate gratification and are equally narcissistic and addictive as Veblen's leisure classes
(Jeffries, 2009).
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1 Introduction
Food is essential to life and is a social and cultural good, playing an important role in society as a
core in social gatherings, creativity and so on (Riches, 1999). Drawing from a sociological
perspective on food, there was a shift from quantity of food consumed to a more refined
emphasis on the quality of food (Corrigan, 1997). As Cairns, Baumann and Johnston (2010) have
proposed, a new culture has evolved where a consumer now views food in a perspective that
surpasses that of the consumer needing its food source for survival, but rather an essential
aspect to their identity. Terms like foodie have emerged as a counterpoint to the confined world
of high cultured food snobs (Baumann and Johnston, 2009).
A foodie, as defined by Cairns et al., (2010) is a person with a passion and interest in learning
about food. They are non-professional in the gastronomical arena but have a deep interest in
educating themselves on food expertise (Ibid). This definition of a foodie will be considered
throughout this research. A foodie is a consumer that also shares the role of food producer,
investing in food consumption through specific practices along with the ability to produce one’s
own goods (Baumann and Johnston, 2009). Foodies find great satisfaction in preparing their
own goods, and worship local specialty and anything that suggests an authentic experience that
can penetrate through the standardization of the mundane (Ibid).
In another vein, Baumann and Johnston (2009) refer to the foodie culture as a phenomenon
surrounding interests associated such as: the food television, the celebrity chefs, the glossy
food-porn and the general obsession with culinary pursuits. With the Internet and social media,
the ways to connect amongst the foodie communities have become easier and more accessible.
Various social media platforms have foodie blogs, foodie applications and websites that
coordinate meet ups or discussions amongst each other such as, (meetup.com, flashback.org,
delishhh.com etc.). Also the concept of sharing photos via social media platforms has been
extremely important amongst the foodie culture (i.e. Instagram, Pinterest). At this time, the
increasing interest in food can also be observed as part of life experiences, particularly with the
rise of culinary tourism and food-related activities (Food Channel, 2012). Therefore the foodie
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1 Introduction
trend is an important postmodern consumer culture and deserves to be further understood in
its various aspects.
Considering foodies as having sophisticated habits when it comes to food and practices related
to that, we are also interested in how foodies demonstrate inconspicuous expressions through
their food consumption habits. Food connoisseurship and cooking skills play an important role
in demonstrating class and refinement in an era in which luxury has become mass marketed.
Specifically, our research aims to answer the following key questions:
How do foodies claim status through their food consumption practices?
How are inconspicuous meanings expressed by foodies?
The primary sources that have already contributed to food consumption research in relation to
understanding consumer behavior, marketing and Consumer Culture Theory
Further, status consumption has been previously studied in relation to status aspiration
(Simmel, (1904) 1957), status relationships based on tastes (Bourdieu, 1984; Holt, 1998), status
consumption in subcultures (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995); status and lifestyle (Holt, 1997),
status manifestation through home aesthetics (Ulver-Sneistrup, 2008), among others.
Overall, food consumption has manifested into a breed of studies that are known in social
contexts: food its relations to social rationalization processes in society (Weber, 1948), the
civilization of appetites (Mennell, 1987), structuralism in society through food (Sahalins, 1976;
Thorton, 1987); food connoisseurship and eclecticism, (Holt, 1998), gender relations (Brownlie
& Hewer, 2007; Charles & Kerr 1987; Corrigan, 1997; Hollows, 2003, 2010; Carins et al., 2010)
and political distinctions through food (Baumann and Johnston, 2009).
The Foodie culture is an important trend and the understanding of foodies and the
development of their consumption practices are of importance. Further, it is acknowledged in
CCT that status is a motivation for consumption. However, consumption and knowledge about
food are not easily demonstrated, therefore foodies have to proclaim their status prize in a
diverse way than the traditional conspicuous practices. Therefore, by exploring foodies and
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1 Introduction
their expressions in relation to food consumption and practices, we provide insights to how
status is manifested in the foodie culture.
However, what have not been explored in Consumer Culture Theory are consumers’
manifestations of status through food consumption and food practices, in light of the foodie
phenomena. More specifically, status manifestation and inconspicuous consumption practices
among foodies in Sweden is still to be explored.
The participants of our research are foodies: consumers that have a strong passion and interest
for food. They are residents of Sweden and the selection of the country as the scenario for our
research had strategic reasons. The foodie culture in Sweden is in evident expansion, being a
recurrent topic in popular discourse. Further we, as international students residing in Sweden
are able to provide an outsider's perspective to the understanding of status consumption
among foodies in Sweden. Our interpretive analysis elaborates on foodie’s consumption
practices, through ethnographic approaches, particularly photo diaries and interviews
(McCracken, 1988), to later analyze and interpret the findings.
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2 Theoretical Framework
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
From a cultural and social perspective, this chapter will provide the theoretical backdrop and framework we will use
for our study. By using Consumer Culture Theory (CCT) as the departure, in conjunction with Postmodernist
Consumption, as guided by a Bourdieuian perspective we will review his work and its relation to status. Along with a
review of conspicuous consumption, food consumption and the foodie culture.\
Consumer Culture Theory
In our approach to foodies, Consumer Culture Theory (CCT) is the theoretical departure of this
research. Drawing from Arnould and Thompson (2005), CCT is understood as a family of
theoretical perspectives that address the dynamic relationships between consumers’ actions,
the marketplace and its cultural meanings. In other words, CCT is a consumer research field that
explores the construction of meanings and the diversity of cultural groupings within a social and
historical framework. Consistent with CCT, consumption is viewed as a subject of an individual’s
free choice (Holt, 2002). Additionally, CCT allows for a precise explanation of the consumption
phenomena in contrast to traditional consumer research approaches (Arnould and Thompson,
2005).
In this research, we explore Consumers’ Identity Projects. Being one of the main divisions in CCT
research, consumer identity projects offer insight into how consumers construct a self-identity
based on symbols and meanings provided by the marketplace (Arnould and Thompson, 2005).
Further, Holt (2002) explores how consumers actively rework and transform symbolic meanings
encoded in advertisements, brands, retail settings, or material goods to manifest their particular
personal and social circumstances to further their identity and lifestyle goals. At the macro level,
CCT research investigates the influences that economics and cultural globalization exerts upon
consumer identity projects and identity-defining patterns of social interaction in distinctive
social contexts (Arnould 1989; Belk, Guliz and Askegaard, 2003; Bonsu and Belk 2003; Coulter,
Price and Feiclc, 2003; Wilks 1995).
Consumer identity projects are typically considered to be goal driven. When consumers seek to
be in control, they desire the exclusive right to control themselves over their consumption
choices. They prefer objects and experiences that help realize the associated benefits of this
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2 Theoretical Framework
exclusive right (Beverland and Farrelly, 2010). Further, Holt (2002) argues that the postmodern
economy has created a consumer that expresses personal sovereignty; claims personal
authenticity through acts of consumption, and places marketplace symbols in the center of their
identities.
A Postmodern View of Consumption
Offering a historical backdrop, postmodernism illuminates consumer roles in various modern
and postmodern consumption contexts. Modern consumer culture views the consumer as a
cognitive agent; while in postmodernism, the consumer is a communicative and symbolic being
(Firat and Venkatesh, 1995).
Postmodern developments offer alternative visions of
consumption processes that have an emancipatory potential that is concerned with the
reversing of the conditions of modernity. In other words, consumers are no longer solely
influenced by traditional social structures. Further, consumers are not static, but negotiate their
cultural spaces on a continual basis through their everyday practices (Bourdieu, 1984). Instead,
they are continually reconstructing themselves using whatever imagery they find pleasurable
(Featherstone, 1991; Kellner, 1989; Lyotard, 1984).
Postmodernism refuses to privilege any one perspective, and recognizes only difference, never
inequality, only fragments, never conflict (Firat and Venkatesh, 1995). Fragmented and decentered, consumers can take the form of multiple identities as they attempt to restructure
their own (Ibid). Consumers have fluid selves that are negotiable and mutable, which explore
symbols and meanings that are incorporated into their everyday symbolic systems (Ibid).
A Bourdieuan Perspective
Similar to postmodernism, Pierre Bourdieu, a philosopher and highly prominent sociologist,
moves away from the strict vertical models of social structure and look at individuals and social
groups as being a part of a multi-dimensional space. In his most famous book (1984),
Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, he sees the idea of status as a cultural
practice. He substantiates that different social classes use different goods to proclaim their
position in the social structure where preferences and taste can promote solidarity with
simultaneously promoting difference (Bourdieu, 1984). In other words, within advanced
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2 Theoretical Framework
capitalist societies, social class and practices of consumption are an acknowledgment of an
established social distinction that communicates social meanings which manifests into status
(Ibid).
-Status
In our research, status is a key component and considered to be a critical factor when
consumers make their purchasing and consumption decision. Status is considered to be an
effective claim to social esteem in terms of negative or positive privileges (Weber, 1922). In
relation to the individual, the desire for status is arguably the key motivation behind consumer
purchases and the consumption of goods and services described as a means of gaining social
status (Eastman, Goldsmith and Reinecke, 1999).
Stated another way, status and distinction can be conceptualized as more than just wealth, but
as a lifestyle that includes speech, bodily dispositions, and food consumption, also known as the
habitus (Bourdieu, 1984). The motivation for status is to have distinction, which is attained
through social and cultural capital (Ibid).
-Habitus
Bourdieu (1984) defines the habitus as a set of acquired tastes that acts as a key element in
cultural capital. Hence, resources that are valued in fields of consumption become naturalized
and mystified in the habitus as tastes and consumption practices (Ibid). In this vein, without
having to be formulated in the social languages of likes and dislikes, social interactions can be
decoded by one’s habitus with another on the basis of immediate affinities that either
discourage certain social relationships, but also encourages well matched relationships
(Corrigan, 1997). Regardless, degrees of distinction always exist because social attributes come
into play (Bourdieu, 1984).
Holt (1998) proposes that status boundaries are reproduced simply through expressing one’s
tastes. Accordingly, Bourdieu (1984) shows that taste is sociologically understood as that which
brings together things and people that go together. In this vein, cultural capital secures the
respect of others through the consumption of objects in the fields that are idealized as difficult,
which alludes to, taste, as cultural capital, is acquired by the few who have obtained the
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2 Theoretical Framework
credibility to do so (Ibid). Some examples of fields where cultural capital is useful include:
preferences for arts, food, interior decor, clothing, popular culture, hobbies and sports (Holt,
1998). Fields are the key arenas in which actors compete for placement in the social hierarchy
by embodying tastes and consumption practices that set them apart from the cultural contents
to which they are applied (Ibid). More importantly, cultural capital must be difficult to obtain
(especially high cultural capital) because once a social group's exclusive objects, qualifications
and cultural practices begin to be accessible to other groups, the qualifiers and qualifications
have to be changed in order to retain its distinguishing distance (Corrigan, 1997).
-Cultural Capital
Bourdieu (1984) provides that social life is conceived as a multi-dimensional status game in
which people compete for status using three different types: resources (namely economic),
cultural, and social capital. He forms the following social group combinations to explain status:
having both economic and cultural capital, high in economic but low in cultural capital, low in
economic capital but high in cultural capital, and low in both economic and cultural capital.
From this perspective, Holt (1998), shows that societies segregate into different reputation
groupings based not only on economic position, but also on non-economic criteria such as
morals, culture, and lifestyle that are sustained because people tend to interact with their social
peers. Further, social status can be achieved through displays of localized cultural capital and
skills in combining, reworking, and innovating the pool of symbolic resources that are shared by
group members (Arnould and Thompson, 2005).
Focusing on materialism and idealism, Holt’s research (1998) draws upon building cultural
understandings that are inscribed in consumption practices rather than the quantities and
physical characteristics of consumption objects. Consistent with Bourdieu’s (1984) work on
cultural capital, Holt (1998) proposes that low cultural capital consumers view the good life in
terms of having an abundance of things that an individual likes, along with having things that
are popularly understood as luxurious. Likewise, high cultural capital consumers, consume
luxurious and scarce goods while negating connotations of waste, ostentation and extravagance
through tastes that assign value based on the ability of the goods to facilitate metaphysical
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2 Theoretical Framework
experiences (Ibid). Hence, the materialists’ tastes in both low cultural capital and high cultural
capital consumers are also influential in food preferences and consumption.
Given these social group combinations, the constructed worlds then seem perfectly natural to
those who belong to them; those outside feel awkward (Corrigan, 1997). Bourdieu (1984) also
illustrates a “self” that lives in a contained world that continuously creates a particular sense of
reality through particular combinations of things to consume, and presumably, ways of
consuming them. Therefore, it is through consumption that a sign of distinction can become
consistent amongst each combination. In particular, categories of cultural goods and activities
vary in the level of cultural capital required to consume them successfully and lifestyle tastes
are stratified on the basis of the objective social conditions (Holt, 1998).
Both Corrigan (1997) and Holt (1998) argue that it is no longer enough to just merely consume;
instead, one must consume in a proper and seemingly manner, having been attained through an
expenditure of time, money and effort. Hence, we use the Bourdieuian perspective, as a guide
into our exploration into the foodie world.
Conspicuity in the Era of the Inconspicuous Consumption
When discussing status, conspicuous expressions are a term that can illuminate and further
clarify the other theories. In his classic research on conspicuous consumption, Veblen’s (1899)
Theory of Leisure Class, revealed that the acquisition of goods and services are aimed to display
one’s status and/or pecuniary strength. Conspicuous consumption is defined as consuming or
possessing material objects to display status and wealth (McEwen and O’Cass, 2004). More
importantly, the point of conspicuous consumption is to communicate one's desire to fit to a
social group, enhance the ego or more commonly, to display wealth (Ibid). Wealth produces a
barrier to entry to the top tier of the leisure class (Veblen, 1899). Interestingly, conspicuous
consumption is most efficient in alienated Gesellshchaft societies, where nobody knows anyone
else, and what is exposed is the basis of judgment of a position in the social structure (Corrigan,
1997).
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2 Theoretical Framework
Conspicuous consumption has later been the focus of different research studies: and can be
regarded as an important concept to be considered when dealing with consumption issues:
Conspicuous consumption and status (Bernheim, 1994; Echikson, 1994; Ferstman and Weiss,
1992; Ireland, 1992; Bourdieu, 1984); more specifically on the ownership of specific products or
brands as status symbols (McCraken, 1988; O’Shaughnessy, 1992; Packard, 1959; Bell et al.,
1991), and the usage of certain products in the presence of others (McEwen and O’Cass, 2004).
For individuals, conspicuous consumption matters because it displays both social status and
position (McEwen and O’Cass, 2004). Likewise, it also creates social values and norms that are
not static. By possessing such characteristics and specific types of products and brands, they
inherit or yield individual status (Ibid). In short, status and conspicuous consumption tendencies
of consumers are important in creating relationships between consumers.
As opposed to the conventional idea of conspicuous consumption, the consumer market today
is more democratic than ever; items that were once labeled inaccessible are now accessible to a
larger population like ever before. Frank (2005) shows that the world is faced with the “Luxury
Fever” where people spend a larger proportion of their income on expensive goods. Thus,
products and brands that were once regarded as exclusive are trailing as social emulators (Ibid).
Holt (1998) suggests that in postmodern cultures, it is increasingly difficult to infer status
directly from consumption objects, as the object signification approach requires. In other words,
to express distinction through embodied tastes leads cultural elites to emphasize the
distinctiveness of consumption practices themselves, apart from the cultural contents to which
they are applied. Accordingly, Horkheimer and Adorno ([1944] 1972) emphasize that by
consuming products that carry distinctive identities objectives through consumption are
sustained.
Having said that, it is possible to notice that consumers are increasingly turning against the
previously established practices, by spending resources on high-end objects that are discreetly
designed and branded, or spending excessive amounts of money while appearing to have spent
less (Postrel, 2008). Accordingly, it is now the era of Inconspicuous Consumption and of the socalled poorgeois culture (Ibid). For example, a tailored-made bed, a rare bathroom marble or a
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2 Theoretical Framework
“classic hand-made South American guayabera shirt online for only £150 which looks quite
similar to one from Primark for £3” is part of the new counterculture by the elite (Jeffries, 2009).
The poorgeois adopt a new form of consumption against consumerism, a way to be rich without
being discernibly detected. Further, Ulver-Sneistrup (2008) demonstrates that status
consumption is no longer just an “orgy in ostentatious extravaganza” as suggested by Veblen’s
conspicuous consumption, but is perhaps more often camouflaged by complex expressions of
style, language and practices.
It is important to mention that inconspicuous practices are based just as much on the desire for
immediate gratification and is equally narcissistic and addictive as Veblen's leisure classes
(Jeffries, 2009). These inconspicuous practices will be considered in relation to food consumers
and their consumption practices.
Food Consumption
To quote Baumann and Johnston (2009), everyone eats and all food is life. However, noticing
that classed boundaries are apparent in food consumption, not everyone eats well or lives well
(Ibid). The links between class and food culture have long been established (Bourdieu 1984;
Goody 1982; Levenstein 1993). From a historical perspective, Corrigan (1997) emphasizes that
there was a power shift in distinction; it moved from the importance of basic quantity of food
consumed, to a more delicate and complex interest in the quality of food. For example, during
the mid eighteenth century, food scarcity surmounted quantity and distinguished power, while
refined tastes were not agents to be recognized within social differences (Ibid). Therefore, once
food supplies became stable, it was refinement in cooking that the elite used to replace the
unrestrained abundance of food to distinguished themselves from the lower emulating classes
(Ibid). In a related vein, Bourdieu (1984) shows that food with an aesthetic disposition is
something to be appreciated, critiqued, and admired.
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What Constitutes a Foodie?
-Authenticity
In the attempt to convey an authentic self, Goffman (1959) identifies that while there is a strong
desire to have others knows oneself as who they really are, the reality of time and a myriad of
other pressures result in purposeful editing, along with a selective projection of information.
Consumers draw on a broader range of cues to actively construct a sense of authenticity that
reinforces their desired sense of self (Beverland and Farrelly, 2010). Common to both is that the
consumer is purposeful in linking the object or experience to stories of the self (Firat and
Venkatesh, 1995).
Regarding the desire for authenticity, researchers Thompson, Rindfleisch, and Arsel (2006)
explain a “search and quest manifestation” that occurs as a response to the standardization and
homogenization that happens in the marketplace. Within this vein, Beverland and Farrelly
(2010) establish that authenticity can be a feeling of being connected to a community,
important others, places, cultures, or to society in general.
Individuals can also demonstrate authenticity through the application of qualities (i.e.
knowledge, experience and skill) that are unique to the individual (Ibid). In short, the key
benefits associated with feeling connected are an idealization of community and personal
enrichment. By being intertwined in something, and in close proximity to like-minded others
that are consistent with the individual’s same desires, it aids in the development of an authentic
self as an active member in the community (Ibid).
Beverland and Farrelly (2010) explore authenticity as a socially constructed interpretation of the
essence of what is observed rather than properties inherent in an object. Accordingly, Arnould
and Price (1993) offer insight into why such goals have become a critical part of the
authentication process. Establishing the loss of traditional sources of meaning and self-identity
associated with postmodern market characteristics (caused by globalization, deterritorialization,
and hyperreality) has encouraged consumers to become active and adept in appropriating
authenticity (Ibid). Kunda (1990) demonstrated that this process involves motivated reasoning
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2 Theoretical Framework
and more particularly the biasing and elaboration of certain pieces of information for use as
evidence in determining what is authentic. Hence, consumers assess levels of authenticity with
certain informational cues while downplaying or ignoring others as active consumers (or
creators) of authenticity rather than passive receivers of information (Ibid).
Returning back to the relationship to foodies and food consumption, authors such as Bauman
and Johnston (2009) argue that class and status distinctions are minimized and obscured within
foodie discourse by two distinct ideological frames that shape food choices, authenticity and
exoticism. Meaning that as foodies emphasize authenticity and exoticism as motivating
consumption factors, they are detracting attention from the exclusivity underlying their food
choices (Ibid). In other words, it is how a foodie links with authenticity projects status
distinction. They conclude that foodies emphasize the social context of food consumption and
production to identify ‘‘worthy’’ foods according to these frames (Ibid).
-Connoisseurship
Carins et al., (2010) shows that a foodie positions him/herself as a cultural connoisseur who is
knowledgeable in the realm of cutting edge culinary trends. Accordingly, Baumann and Johnston
(2009) reveal that a foodie upholds a cultural sophistication with a preference for a genuine and
original experience. More importantly, these experiences require a great deal of expert
knowledge in order to develop a taste for new flavors, new combinations, and new textures.
Therefore, a foodie’s identity is examined through performances that emphasize knowledge and
expertise in their food production and consumption. Using renowned chef Jamie Oliver as an
example, Hallows (2003) offers insights into connoisseurship through his shopping practices. He
is described as the “metropolitan omnivore” from the variety of mass supermarket, to the niche
and authentic outlets he uses to obtain his products (Ibid). This shows that foodie
connoisseurship consists of an ever-growing food knowledge and eclecticism.
Holt (1998) argues that this eclecticism allows for connoisseurs to construct distinctive tastes in
categories in which the use of conventional or mundane goods is necessary because of exposure
to only a limited number of mass produced goods. Given this, food preparation displays
eclecticism by a combinatorial inventiveness that breaks down conventions and allows for
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2 Theoretical Framework
foodies to become connoisseurs. Further, connoisseurs express opinionated and often eclectic
evaluations of food alternatives. They have the ability to engage in passionate appreciation of
certain food preferences that base their opinions on the quality of certain foods (Ibid). In
relation to foodies, we find it inevitable that their identity will be represented amongst their
interest and passion for food.
In this work, foodies fit the criteria of a high cultural capital consumer in terms, specifically from
their use of connoisseurship. As high cultural capital consumers never emphasize the
connoisseurship of restaurants, they instead prefer to use extravagance to contrast with their
own tastes, favorite exotic cuisine preferences, and the constant attraction to authentic,
eclectic, artisanal, and casual atmospherics rather than the pretense associated with status
restaurants (Holt, 1998).
Further, Baumann and Johnston (2009) show that to be a
sophisticated and urbane cultural consumer, traditional trappings of wealth and high-class
status must not be demonstrated but one must elude an appreciation for the rustic, relaxed,
casual, and unceremonious.
Further, Baumann and Johnston (2009) show that to be a
sophisticated and urbane cultural consumer, traditional trappings of wealth and high-class
status must not be demonstrated but one must elude an appreciation for the rustic, relaxed,
casual, and unceremonious. Therefore, fine dining then to foodies is an unconventional
embracing of authentic atmospheres and innovative cuisine (Ibid).
Different interpretations of authenticity are often a by-product of the personal goals that
influence which properties of a context are uniquely identified as significant and relevant. We
aim to outline the modern quest for authenticity of different foodies pursue through
knowledge, expertise and authenticity and understand how they identify themselves through it.
***
In sum, the theoretical framework presented assists us in our exploration in the status
manifestation within the foodie culture. We use a Consumer Culture Theory as our theoretical
departure that is guided by a Bourdieuan perspective on social distinction and status.
Postmodern theoretical constructs on food consumption and foodie culture are further
20
2 Theoretical Framework
explored. The adopted theoretical framework provides us with mean to later explore how status
is manifested and claimed by foodies and how inconspicuous meanings are expressed.
21
3 Method
METHOD
In this chapter, we describe the research method used to conduct our study. We argue for the methodological
reasoning and approaches and research design. We provide the selection criteria for participants along with how
empirical data was designed and collected. Finally, we explain how the mentioned empirical data was analyzed.
Research Philosophy
The research philosophy is compressed of assumptions that form the base for the research
methods and strategy of our research. We adopt a research philosophy that relates to the
development and nature of the knowledge that is produced (Saunders, 2007). We draw from
the research field of Consumer Culture Theory and the related social phenomena of
consumption constructs to frame our research. Guided by our theoretical framework, we were
able to decide on the appropriate research philosophy.
We adopt a philosophical hermeneutics approach and an interpretivist epistemology to consider
what is acceptable knowledge for this research. We assume that social interactions could not be
submitted to the same type of methods than the natural science, thus it is necessary to have an
alternative gate to grasp the meanings of social actions (Bryman and Bell, 2011). In this work,
interpretivism allows for a rich description of the person-culture dialectic, which is significant as
consumer actions and beliefs are situated within a plural network of cultural meanings, that can
be modified and transformed but never escaped (Thompson et al., 1994).
Our ontological position for this research considers the nature of social entities that are in focus.
Objectivism considers social entities as independent from social actors, while Constructionism
considers social entities as constructed by external factors (Bryman and Bell, 2011). Having said
that, Constructionism is the best-suited ontological position for our research. Constructionism
allows us to explore the social implications behind consumption practices and develop insights
on how those practices are communicated to other social actors. Accordingly, Easterby-Smith,
Thorpe and Jackson (2011) explain that a constructionist position is suitable for the
understanding of consumer research.
22
3 Method
Research Strategy
Ghauri & Gronhaug (2005) argue that the quantitative and qualitative research strategies differ,
not only in question of quantification, but more on the perspectives towards different research
purposes.
As pointed out by Bryman and Bell (2011), qualitative studies, differ from
quantitative, because it is more concerned with words than numbers focus on the interaction
between social phenomena and individuals. This way, qualitative methods allow for a deeper
understanding of a topic, providing a level of detail that would be otherwise limited with a
quantitative method (Patton, 2002).
Our research focuses on consumers and their consumption practices that influence their social
interactions. As pointed out by Bryman and Bell (2011), qualitative research is interpretivist in
nature and adopts a constructivist perspective, which are the research approaches adopted for
our research. Therefore, within a qualitative research strategy, we implement ethnographic
approaches, that will allow us to better understand food consumption and its influence on social
interactions. The adopted ethnographic approaches are food diaries and interviews, which are
further elaborated in the data design and conduction section.
A theoretical framework is essential, in order to give guidance for the understanding of our
topic (Miles and Huberman, 1994). Further, ‘the choice of theories raises important questions
for the design phase of the research project’ (Saunders, 2007) and how the purpose relates with
theory and findings. Our theoretical framework is constructed from a Consumer Culture Theory
perspective that aids us in answering our research purpose focusing on postmodern
consumption. We then employ an iterative approach, defined as a waving back and forth
between data and theory, to connect our theoretical framework with our proposed research
questions (Bryman and Bell, 2011). Following, a hermeneutical process is adopted; in which
qualitative data is interpreted and reinterpreted to develop a holistic view our analysis
(Thompson et al., 1994).
23
3 Method
Research Method
Valle and King (1978) argue that existential-phenomenology is a paradigm that blends the
philosophy of existentialism with the methods of phenomenology. Further, Thompson et al.,
(1989) argue that existential-phenomenology seeks to describe consumption practices as it is
“lived”. Thus, having our purpose in mind, that is to explore foodie’s consumption practices and
social underpinnings related to status using ethnographic approaches, we take advantage of an
‘existential-phenomenological way’ (Thompson et al., 1989) to later analyze and interpret our
findings.
As mentioned in the research strategy section, we decided on enacting ethnographic
approaches for the data collection of our research. Ethnographic approaches allow us to
examine and understand symbols, settings and observations in a particular context (EasterbySmith et al., 2011). In this spirit, an ethnographic approach aims to gain an insider's perspective
so that detailed understandings can be attained from other people’s realities (Ibid). Accordingly,
Thompson et al., (1989) establish that to benefit consumer research, existentialphenomenology research must provide not just an alternative set of metaphors, but also
alternative methods for researching consumer phenomena. Thus the ethnographic approach of
full participant immersion offers the “most lived” experiences (Buroway, 1998; Thompson et al.,
1989). However, full-immersed observation cannot be carried through, due to a time restraint
and to maintain an unobtrusive role in the life of our participants. Given the mentioned
limitations, we considered the use of both photo diaries and interviews, as efficient and
appropriate ethnographic approaches in line with our research purpose
Data Collection
In this section, we consider that the use of photo diaries and interviews, are the most suitable
approaches for the collection of data to best answer our research purpose. Further we
elaborate on how these approaches were designed and conducted.
24
3 Method
Bloor (2002) details that diaries describe events from the participant’s standpoint of “lived”
experiences. We find that photo diaries serve as an interactive method and personal record of
the participant’s consumption process and include emergent ideas and results, even personal
attitudes and values, important during the data analysis and writing up stage (Easterby-Smith et
al., 2011). The diaries served as an ethnographic approach in generating an unobtrusive insight
into the foodie’s life that were used to elicit, structure and stimulate insights for the interviews.
With the use of photo diaries, we avoid any imposition in the participant’s consumption and all
references are done from their perspective.
Further, an additional supportive approach to gain access to the participant’s consumption
practices is through conducting interviews. Interviews capture the data needed for penetrating
qualitative analysis without participant observation, unobtrusive observation or prolonged
contact (McCracken, 1988). Also interviews allow the researcher to gain considerable insight
into situations being examined and later to be used as tools to stimulate understandings during
an interview (Ibid). Thus interviews will serve as opportunities to step into the minds of foodie’,
to see and experience the world as they do themselves to gather data in a fuller social and
cultural context.
We adopted an existential phenomenological stance in conducting the interviews. As Thompson
et al., (1989) emphasize the interview is perhaps the most powerful means for attaining an indepth understanding of another person’s experiences. Considering, the limited time at our
disposal and the excellent method to gather deep insights into the everyday lives and
consumption habits of the participants (McCracken, 1988).
-Designing and Conducting the Diaries
According to Bryman and Bell (2011), diaries can be used as a primary source of data in a
qualitative research. In this research, diaries were used as a method of data collection and
produced specifically for the purpose of the research, providing a frame in which the
participants are to register moments/situations that are of interest to our foodie analysis
25
3 Method
In our research, we provided photo diaries to investigate the participant’s food consumption
habits. The diaries consisted of questions pertaining to five different days where food was in
focus: a typical meal, shopping experience, cooking experiences and dining out. The respective
events were registered through photos and the participants were encouraged to describe and
elaborate in words the chosen pictures. The data provided in the food diaries will work as a base
to the development of the interview.
Reviewing the diaries data allowed for the probing of interview questions. In particular,
gathering the photo diaries before conducting the interviews, served to simplify and reduce the
uncertainties and ambiguities that surround certain situations (Easterby-Smith et al., 2011). We
then choose specific photos that could be used in the planned prompt technique, “autodriving”, to elicit descriptions (McCracken, 1988). Questions and probes were used to follow the
course of the dialogue and aimed at bringing about descriptions of the experiences
photographed (Thompson et al., 1989). Therefore, the photos and responses from the photo
diaries during the interviews act as tools of clarification. Further, the use of photographs trigger
informants to talk much more about the ideas they had around the images and to help develop
a more complex understanding of the chains of activity that had occurred (McCracken, 1988). As
well as, serving as conversational cues that stimulate the respondent to report their experience
with a distance they create (Ibid). The interviews were then designed with the photo diaries in
mind to have the respondents reflect further on their explanations or photo choices.
-Designing and Conducting the Interviews
The aim of a phenomenological interview is to attain a first-person description of some specified
domain of experience (Thompson et al., 1989). When it comes to the interviews, Miles &
Huberman (1994) suggest procedures that should be used in the preparation of qualitative data
analysis, namely interviews: recording, transcription, data reduction and data display, followed
by interpretation and conclusions. Easterby-Smith et al., (2011) detail six practical issues in
designing interviews on trust, social interaction, language, access, location and recording
protocol. We employ these mentioned issues in how we both the design and management of
our interviews.
26
3 Method
We began by designing a semi-structured prompt, referring to the photographs, diary responses
or biographical information from the photo diaries. We experienced that with some of the
respondents some sections of the diary were not completely filled due to their schedules or
other unforeseen restraints. However, this was a good way to pose interview questions, where
they could express and further elaborate on the related diary events in depth. Therefore, we
established prompting procedures that invited the respondent to articulate what he or she
otherwise may take for granted (McCracken, 1988). We encouraged the participants to be open
in expressing their own experiences, emotions and beliefs to gain reliable and quality
information from the responses in the interviews.
McCracken (1988) suggests a smooth way to ease into an interview, which is to begin with
biographical questions about the respondent to provide simple but informative answers in a
nonthreatening manner. Therefore, we began with a general “grand-tour approach” (Ibid), with
a casual conversation about their background information provided in the diaries. Accordingly,
in a phenomenological interview, dialogue tends to be circular rather than linear; the
descriptive questions employed by the interviewer flow from the course of the dialogue and not
from a predetermined path (Thompson et. al., 1989). It is the less threatening approach that
eases respondents to share more information and offer more genuine rationalizations for their
choices (Ibid). McCracken (1988) explains that the interviews assist to break open the surface of
social life by an incident, and cultural categories and relationships prove suddenly visible
through follow up questions and identifications of key terms. As mentioned by Jones (1985),
people will attribute meaning and significance to the particular situations they are in and the
answers by the interviewee often depend on how situations are defined by the interviewer.
The location of the interviews was chosen catering to the accessibility of each participant,
where it was still an intimate and quiet place where recording was done effectively (EasterbySmith et al., 2011). Five interviews were conducted face-to-face with only the participant and
the two researchers at the participant’s homes and work offices in Lund and Malmö. One of the
participants had some time constraint issues; therefore a Skype interview was conducted, to
27
3 Method
best fit her schedule and accessibility. According to Easterby-Smith et al., (2011) Voice Over
Internet Protocol (VOIP) technologies such as Skype, uses the internet to transmit voice and
with a webcam face-to-face interaction is still possible.
The interviews for this research were performed in English and recorded with the use of an
audio recorder (IPhone). Easterby-Smith et al., (2011) emphasized that recording an interview
aids in the listening process and accurate transcripts with unbiased record of the conversations.
The audio-recorded interviews, and the recoded data were first transcribed verbatim and then
summarized to simplify the structure of the collected data. Miles and Huberman (1994)
propose, that summarizing data is an efficient way to reduce the data, retaining only the
essential findings. Our data was compiled and organized in order to allow us to gain a clear
overview of the information and draw an accurate conclusion. Bayliss (2007) details, the
interpretation of the interviews must be treated carefully to preserve the objectives and ideas
of the interviewees when providing the information.
-Sampling Method and Participants Criteria
According to Patton (2002) the objective of purposive sampling is to evaluate participants that
meet the prearranged criteria that are relevant for the research. Thus the use of a purposive
sampling allowed us to select participants that best enable us to answer research questions.
The objective of the participant selection for this research is to select individuals who are able
and willing to share their experiences and consumption habits. Thus within the hermeneutical
approach taken by our research, external validity and the ability to generalize data, is less
relevant (Bryman and Bell, 2011).
Therefore, the first criteria for the selection of participants for this research, was that they had
to be foodies. The definition of foodie used as a frame for the selection of the participants was
the one defined by Cairns et al., (2010) as people with a passion and interest in learning about
food. They are non-professional in the gastronomical arena but with a deep interest in
educating themselves on food expertise.
28
3 Method
Further, the participants were residents of Sweden and this criterion was primarily defined due
to financial and time constraints. We reside in Sweden at the moment thus the identification of
participants here, made the process achievable and most efficient.
However, it is possible to say that Sweden offers an interesting scenario for the conduction of a
research related to the foodie culture. The numerous amounts of media related to food, being
those TV-shows, cooking programs or magazines are increasingly popular in Sweden. According
to the newspaper SVD (svd.se) cooking programs are increasingly taking over the TV schedule in
the country. The options range from teaching programs to celebrity chefs, competitions for
amateurs and an average of 33 different printed publications dedicated to food every month. As
enlighten by Gopkik (2011), this significant increase of food related material in media might
signalize important changes in the way societies interacts with food. The interest in such medias
related to food in Sweden, indicates there is an increase in interests in the population on being
educated about food. Therefore Sweden provides an ideal environment for the rise of foodies,
which are the focus of this research.
Another reason to consider Sweden as the scenario of our research is due to our status as
foreign students here. As argued by Naaeke, Kurylo, Grabowisky, Linton and Radford (2010), the
outsider’s view in ethnographic studies bring to the topic the advantage of cultural distance and
perspective. Thus, with our international perspective, we can provide a different view on
consumption practices in Sweden. Following a table with information on the participants. Their
real names were changed to protect their anonymity.
Name
Gender
Age
Occupation
Noah
Male
31
Logistic operator
Judith
Female
33
Biochemistry
Audrey
Female
40
Marketer
Alice
Female
22
Student
Mario
Male
28
Researcher
Adam
Male
30
Researcher
29
3 Method
We found our participants by contacting our social networks here in Sweden using a snowball
technique. Bryman and Bell (2011) show that snowballing is based on the contact with a small
group of people who are relevant to the research and than the use of those established contacts
to gain access to other people that could take part in the research. The first participant was
reached by the referral of one of our acquaintance and this participant recommended locations
in Sweden where we could find more participants that fit our criteria. Accordingly, Saunders
(2007) notes that the advantages of the snowballing method can be biased due to a
homogeneous sample, since respondents are likely to recommend potential respondents that
are similar to them. However, as pointed out by Bryman and Bell (2011), the snowballing
technique is adequate for qualitative researches and can be of good use when identifying
participants with specific characteristics, which is the case for our research. Thus snowballing
sampling provides the best fit to fulfill the purpose of our research. It is important to emphasize
that our participants had no relation or we acquainted with each other.
When it comes to the decision on sample size, qualitative research uses a much smaller number
of respondents and the advantage of this approach is to allow the researcher to discover details
of behavior that a quantitative method is very limited (Bryman and Bell, 2011). As well,
McCracken (1988) emphasizes that when it comes to the number of participants for interviews,
“less is more” and suggests eight participants for interview studies. However, as enlightened by
Saunders (2007) the decision on the selection of participants for qualitative studies, it is
necessary to consider the relationship between method techniques and the focus of our
research. Therefore, due to the specific characteristics of the participants in focus (foodies) and
limited availability of time and resources, six participants took part in this research.
Data Analysis
The analysis process of qualitative data is referred to as the most demanding and least
examined aspect of the qualitative research process as a whole (Miles, 1979; Piore, 1979).
Accordingly, Bayliss (2007) affirms that the interpretation of data must be treated carefully to
preserve the objectives and ideas of the participants.
30
3 Method
We begin by adopting an hermeneutical approach, which seeks to highlight the unspoken
background of socially shared meanings and demonstrate how cultural viewpoints are adapted
to the person's unique life situations (Dreyfus and Rabinow, 1982). Further, according to
Thompson et al., (1989) this can provide an empirically and methodologically rigorous of
consumer phenomena. This analysis provides insights of categories, relationships and
assumptions that inform us of the participants’ view of the world in general and their particular
consumption practices (McCracken, 1988). Existential-phenomenological research is empirical
and relies on the support of evidences for interpretation of lived experiences (Thompson et al.,
1989).
The philosophical concept of the hermeneutical circle is used to explore the cultural viewpoints
that are emphasized by meanings expressed by the consumer (Thompson et al., 1994) and to
the co-construction of the data with the participant (Arnold and Fischer, 1994). Thus, the
hermeneutical circle methodology was used to interpret the diaries and interviews, based on
continuous “part to whole and whole to part movement” (Thompson et al., 1994), to develop an
holistic understanding of both interviews and diaries. In other words, an existentialphenomenological analysis bases the interpretation and reinterpretation to reach a sense of our
findings. Accordingly, McCracken’s (1988) five-stage analysis process was used as suitable frame
to apply this existential-phenomenological analysis of the empirical data. Thus as supported by
McCracken (1988) we identified themes based on coral like formations identified in the diaries
and interview data that best formulated cultural categories. Suitably, we used the identified
themes to construct the structure of our analysis and to answer our research questions.
Reliability and Validity
We aimed to avoid preconceived assumptions and biases on foodie consumption that could
have been generated from our literature review, thus we engaged the “playing dumb”
technique (Becker, 1954) to elicit information necessary for the analysis. By employing a casual
yet professional tone, we assumed the role of interviewer, establishing and maintaining a
relaxed, non-threatening environment in which the respondents were encouraged to elaborate
on any underlying motive in detail (Thompson et al., 1989).
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3 Method
Due to the lack of experience in interviewing, it was most reliable to have records to be able to
re-listen to an interview. Silverman (2006) affirms that audio-recorded interviews are an
advantageous method of collection of empirical data since they can be replayed and because it
is possible to preserve the sequence of conversations, despite of also being a safe way to store
information.
Easterby-Smith et al., (2011) stress that trust is an important element in ensuring the interviews
will provide reliable data and failure to obtain trust will possibly have respondents only telling
us what they think we want to hear. To obtain trust throughout the interviews, discretion and
confidentiality was promised and we ensured each participant that the interview was solely for
our research and academic purpose, with no monetary or deceiving motives behind the project.
During all stages of the research, a concerted effort was made to protect respondent
confidentiality (Thompson et al., 1989). Concerning ethical aspects on the participation of each
respondent (McCracken, 1988) was distributed to accord with a ‘standard ethical protocol’
agreement. A template of the ‘standard ethical protocol’ used in the research can be found in
Appendix X.
***
To address the purpose of our research, we take a hermeneutical epistemology approach; using
Interpretivism to generate insights into the foodie lived experience. A constructionist
ontological perspective is pursued to consider foodie’s social constructs and their consumption
practices. We adopted qualitative strategies by using ethnographic methods, namely photo
diaries and interviews. Our sample consisted of foodies’ that were current residents of Sweden.
The data collected was then analyzed using existential-phenomenological interpretation from a
hermeneutic perspective.
32
4 Analysis
ANALYSIS
This chapter summarizes the profiles of each participant and the analysis of their food diaries and the interviews.
The analysis is built upon each respondent in relation to the theoretical framework of the study. Further, insights to
the proposed research questions are given, in relation to common existing themes, identified in postmodern
consumer culture.
We begin the analysis chapter by giving an in depth profile of each foodie, that allows for the
richness of our observations to be reviewed through our eyes. Further, McCracken (1988)
suggests constructing themes based on coral-like formations identified in the interviews that
best formulate cultural categories. Suitably, we have identified themes that will be used to
structure the analysis of the diaries and interviews. After a profound exploration of our data, we
noticed that each participant identified with the proposed themes in diverse ways, that at times
overlapped with other respective themes. Thus, presenting an individual analysis of each
participant according to the research questions, allows for a clearer illustration for the reader.
By first illuminating individual characteristics of a foodie and then a conclusion representing a
holistic view as a whole. We believe this approach provides a more natural flow for the reader
to follow and a clearer presentation of the empirical material.
With respect to how status is manifested, we identified the following themes in line with a
Bourdieuan perspective: Knowledge and Authenticity. In regard to identifying conspicuous
meanings expressed by the foodies, the identified themes were defined as Teaching Attitude.
Further, when it comes to inconspicuous meaning expressed by foodies, the define theme is
Dumbing-down. A further elaboration on the mentioned themes and their meanings can be
found in the introduction of each research question analysis.
Into the Foodie Culture: The Foodie Profiles
In line with CCT, understanding the consumers’ interests provides insights into how they
construct their identities. Therefore, we first introduce the reader to the foodies individually, to
understand their interests in relation to food and other fragments that construct their specific
foodie identity.
33
4 Analysis
The Raw Foodie
Noah is a Swedish 33 year-old single bachelor. Originally from a small village in Northern
Sweden, he has since been living in the Southern region of the country. He works as a logistic
controller in a warehouse and lives in his studio apartment in an upscale location. He lives an
active lifestyle and enjoys sports as his main hobbies, which include: skateboarding, cycling and
running. He explains that his single speed bike is a strong representation of his personality and
lifestyle, which he described as “simple and alternative”.
Noah is goal driven by a pursuit for a better and purer lifestyle through food. Noah considers
himself a “fruitarian”, one branch of a raw diet. His food regime consists of 80% carbohydrates,
10% fats and 10% protein, also known as the 80/10/10 diet among the raw food community.
Noah was not always a “fruitarian”; he evolved from an unhealthy junk eater where he lived
primarily on microwaved foods to experimenting with vegetarianism and veganism. He states
that this drastic switch was necessary as the only way to “cleanse” his body from all his previous
“bad” eating habits.
“Because really when I look back at my old way of eating, it was really really, bad. It was not
healthy anyway, in any way”
Noah had express a moment where he had come to realization to change his old habits in
aspects of eating, which he describes almost as an epiphany if so to say, that inspired his new
passion for all things raw and his raw food lifestyle.
“So I had like this view that I really had to make a more serious effort and that’s what kept me
motivated”
34
4 Analysis
The Food Enthusiast
Judith is 33 year and lives in Stockholm, with her boyfriend. She a food biochemist and
currently takes a master degree in Food Law. She enjoys literature, gardening and travelling has
lived in various places of the world.
Judith defines herself as an “amateur chef, and most of all, a cooking and eating enthusiast”.
She writes her own blog, which the main subject is food, where she posts on recipes, thoughts
on kitchen and food ideas and opinions on related edible topics. She enjoys everything from
learning about food, preparing it and finds cooking as an essential in people lives and sees no
excuse to not cook. Food and eating is very important to her lifestyle and as a food enthusiast
she spends time baking and making things from “scratch” and enjoys teaching others any
cooking tips she can offer.
“I believe that cooking from scratch is both, less expensive and healthier than most things you
can get pre-fab, and I happily teach any of my friends whatever it is they want to learn how to
cook (If I know how. If not, I will happily learn alongside them as we figure it out!), and I hope
that you, the readers, will take a little bit of this enthusiasm away with you.”
She is known for her great cooking skills and enjoys cooking for her closest friends. When talking
about a dinner she has prepared for her friends:
“The friends over that day have known me for years, and they expect any meal at my home to be
remarkable. This was no exception.”
The Eatertainer Foodie
Audrey is a 40 year-old, social and cosmopolitan, woman. Originally from a small province she
moved to Stockholm, where she lived for 12 years. She has recently moved to South Sweden
where she lives with her husband and two kids. She works, in the marketing field, and is
constantly “in the know” on the latest trends. Audrey is a very social person, both in a
professional and social level. She enjoys cooking, eating out, spending time with her family and
35
4 Analysis
friends. She enjoys cooking for her family, trying new recipes and constantly reading reviews on
new restaurants and food shops to try.
Audrey’s professional network influences her and also she shared that many in her social groups
consists of restaurant and specialty food industry professionals that are constantly inspiring her
interest in food.
“I think the common thing for all of us is that we socialize around food, and if we meet we
socialize around food (....) and we hang around the meal during whole evening and the night
when we meet and that’s the fun in it”
It is interesting the definition of foodie given by Audrey:
“(…) a little bit like the term fashionista but for food, like your interested, you don’t only eat, you
also do the research, you open up because you’re so interested and you know more; both the
technical and the practical and the taste of it “
Audrey identifies with food is fragmented according to her roles at home, work or social
settings. Audrey considers herself “a light version” of a foodie... “I’m not that hardcore, but still
maybe more hardcore than the majority of the people [I know]”.
The Folksy Foodie
Alice is a 22-year-old student, currently living in southern Sweden. She studies Social Work and
lives in a student residence along with other corridor mates. She has a part time job as a social
worker, however her main income comes from a student loan. After having lived abroad in
London, her interest in traveling and new experiences developed. Alice loves to cook and
specially bake.
Alice is a very social girl with lots of friends and enjoys taking part in various social activities,
most of those being lunches and dinners with friends. She is known among her friends and
corridor mates for her love for cooking and baking, and often is consulted on how to cook or to
prepare ingredients and mix up flavors.
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4 Analysis
She affirms that cooking and baking are definitive relaxing for her. It is a pleasure that is
associated with relaxation and a moment for herself and her thoughts.
“I fell that cooking specially baking, that I start with now, gives me quite a relaxing time with
myself and I think that is very important for people to find something where they find themselves
(…)”
It is possible to affirm that the identity she projects to her close social group is deeply connected
to her expertise in food, as she is know as the “Corridor-mom” by her corridor mates. She is
known for giving advices, tips and inspiration to about food and showed to be very pleased with
the title.
The Pizzaiolo Foodie
Mario is a 30-year-old researcher in a University in Sweden and has just finished in PhD in
Engineering. He is originally from Italy, however has been living, working and researching in
Sweden for the past 4 years.
When not working, he enjoys his free time in the kitchen preparing meals for himself, his flat
mates and his closest group of friends. He is often “requested” to make pizza or pasta for his
friends and expresses confidence in his cooking styles. He is very proud of his Italian culture and
Italian cuisine, as he is most known for making authentic Italian dishes. He is environmentally
conscious, and this influences his preferences for local and organic food choices.
Mario’s identity is strongly connected to his Italian background and “his pasta and pizza
expertise”. It is also possible to argue that his identity has more authentic credibility and status,
since he is not in Italy. Thus the projection of Mario’s expertise in Italian food as the Italian he is
has become an important part of his identity and gives him credibility and authenticity in
relation to his social group. Thus his expertise in Italian food is a central aspect of his identity.
Another important fragment of Mario’s identity can be regarded as his obstinacy in the kitchen.
He admits he is known as the “Food-Nazi” due to his comments and suggestion on their food
habits and cooking skills.
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4 Analysis
“Well yah yah actually my friends call me the food Nazi, I’m strict, when I cook, and when people
cook ugghh(…)”
The Food-ologist
Adam is 30 years old and resides in Southern Sweden. Well traveled, he has lived long periods in
the United States and Spain, where he has received degrees in Chemistry and currently is a PhD.
candidate researcher. Aside from his interest in Science, he shares creative interests in music.
Adam loves to cook, however, he appreciates cooking most when he can fully devote time to it.
Food for Adam represents an almost humanistic partner role that he claims to have a
“relationship” with. Adam admires food more for the positive benefits it offers him.
“So I’m trying to get to a point where food and I, we know each other we respect each other, you
give me what you need and I give you the attention that you deserve in a sense”
For the past nine months Adam has decided to purify his body from what he calls “unhealthy
food” and has started to follow vegetarianism. Adam then lists all the food products he has
eliminated from his diet that he feels give him no health benefit. He does clarify that he is not in
any way perfect and does lose sight of his health kick.
“Well it’s a relationship [with food] of course and I’m trying to have it to be a mutual respect in a
sense you know without taking advantage of it, I’ve been through periods where I abuse, you
know, I eat too much when I know I shouldn’t have, when I’m too lazy to find out or go to
different places, where this would be good for me right now, you know (…)”
Status Manifestation – Foodie’s Knowledge and Authenticity
In this section, we aim to give insights into our first research question, on how foodies manifest
status, in a postmodern consumer culture. The ideas of Bourdieu and Social Distinction (1984)
construct function as an important theoretical frame for this research and his perspective
guided the identification of the themes, to better illuminate the first research questions. We
have observed among our participants that high cultural capital, expressed as knowledge, was
the common theme. In this sense, knowledge was demonstrated through a set of authentic
manifestations of refined tastes. Hence, Knowledge and Authenticity are the themes identified
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that manifest status for foodies. Following, the analysis of each of the participants according to
the identified themes proposed.
Noah – Raw Food In Exotic Places
According to Bourdieu (1984) refined tastes acquired by an individual defines their habitus,
defining their cultural capital. When speaking with Noah, he emphasized that he has been a
“raw fooder” for three years now. This shift to only consuming raw food (fruit) was a decision
made after researching and researching the amounts of proteins, carbohydrates and sugars his
body has needed over the years.
“Almost the first year and a half, I was eating not enough food, it was just too little and I was
going a little bit downhill (…) But when I finally researched it (the fruit based diet) I learned that
you needed lots of fruit to sustain yourself (…) then it was easy”
Thus, after having acquired raw diets tastes, his habitus is his raw food lifestyle; he earned high
cultural capital from his food knowledge. Noah’s high cultural capital can also be demonstrated
in his knowledge on food quality and the process he consumes it. One can argue that fruit may
not be difficult to acquire or seen as refined, yet its Noah’s extensive knowledge on how to
sustain him with “large volumes of only fruit” that gives Noah high cultural capital.
Noah describes the his food shopping as a journey, which he does about three times a week,
pulling a big shopping handcart around the local market in search of “the freshest fruit and
greenery” he needs.
“It can be a bit hectic but you can get the best deals here at the market. And you can always
taste the food before you buy a big quantity”
Noah’s preference for authentic marketplaces is common amongst foodies (Cairns et. al, 2010).
Accordingly, Bauman and Johnston (2009) demonstrate that authenticity and exoticism
motivate foodies’ consumption practices. Noah specifically enjoys going to Asian markets to buy
his favorite Durian fruits from Thailand. Trying exotic and tropical fruit is according to him “ (...)
is really what keeps me going”. In line with Bourdieu (1984), his appreciation and admiration
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for exotic fruit can be understood as his foodie desire to experiment and gain knowledge to do
so, thus a reflection of his cultural capital.
Noah further elaborates on authenticity in explaining his “raw food retreat” in a tropical
paradise in Central America, it was not due to the exotic destinations attraction but as an
authentic and natural experience. “The raw food retreat lasted one week and then I worked on
an organic farm for an extra two”. He described the place almost like a sanctuary, a place where
one could detox with a raw diet. He emphasizes how great the relationship experience he
attained. Therefore, downplay the exoticness of this trip by justifying it as a more symbolic
escape into a raw world.
It is possible to affirm that Noah earns distinction through his high cultural capital, which he
translates into his raw food knowledge. Through his preferred authentic experiences he express
his foodie identity, hence, both his raw food knowledge and raw defined authentic self
manifests his foodie status.
Judith- Knowing What’s Real
Judith’s interest in food can be regarded as a reflection of her formal education. She has two
degrees in biology and chemistry and now studies European food law in a European university.
For this reason she demonstrates a very high knowledge in food composition and the marketing
fallacies in food products.
“I’m researching law on top of that (degrees in biology and chemistry) so I know exactly how
fishy of a marketing phrase that means. Vitamin water, first of all, doesn’t contain many
vitamins really (…)”
As pointed by Bourdieu (1984) the acquisition of cultural capital necessarily presupposes the
investment of time devoted to learning in institutional settings, becomes an embodied form of
cultural capital. In the case of Judith, she understands the chemical composition of food items
and is very interested in knowing the full picture of a product and expose the not authentic
ones. Her discontent with supermarket chains, for selling “fake” sourdough bread, is an example
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of how her formal education is a fundamental part of her cultural capital, thus having an impact
in her food consumption practices.
“I’m a little bit annoyed with supermarkets because I’ve seen them, looking through boxes in the
refrigerator department that says 'ready to use' because read the instruction after that it says
put it in your dough and add yeast. True sourdough doesn’t use any yeast but what is in the
culture, and If you add eat it’s not actually sourdough, you’re just putting sourdough flavor”
Authenticity for Judith can be demonstrated in how he brings home authentic flavors and
products, especially when travelling abroad. Judith also shows her pursuit of authenticity by
having a high interest in the experimental. Carins et al., (2010) argue that foodies pursue
authentic experiences in both local and exotic destinations to search for authentic food
experiences. Being able to reproduce authentic dishes from other cultures makes her cooking
experience authentic to her identity.
Cooking is part of her routine and as she puts “there’s no excuse to not cook”. The only motive
she argues for not cooking is illness. Lack of time or laziness to not cook is not part of her
vocabulary. She refuses to buy ready-made meals, and when providing her reasons for doing so,
she once again reveals how her knowledge about food composition is fundamental to her food
choices.
“The thing is, I used to work for a (Frozen food) manufacturer company and I know exactly what
goes in them (ready-made meals) and how they are prepared and if you knew you wouldn’t buy
them either”
Judith demonstrates pride to be able to distinguish what is “best” among food products offered,
emphasizing that she is not “fooled” by the market and their tactics. As pointed out by Holt
(1998), resistance strategies through consumption are so appealing that they have now been
incorporated in consumer culture itself. Hence, Judith exemplifies the desire to beat the market
by having an extensive knowledge about it and is determined when it comes to the quality of
food she buys.
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“The olive oil that you buy from the fancy shop might be as decent as the olive oil from a regular
supermarket”
Judith considers herself a “foodie” and has a skeptical perception of the “new foodies”. Which
she considers to be those catching on the trend and are deceived by the market to spend
money on “fancy” cooking appliances and products in order to pursue their culinary interest.
“And what a lot of people who are just trying to catch to this (foodie trend) may not realize is
that you can go into the near supermarket and get very fancy very beautiful pasta for half of the
price, sometimes even the same type of brands. So what I think it’s a good thing being a foodie, I
think people need to be more educated about food or they go and throw money away on fancy
appliances”
This can be related to a marketing phenomenon called the trickle-down theory, suggested by
Simmel (((1904) 1957). At first, a product may be so expensive and exclusive that only the
wealthy or knowledgeable can afford it. Over time, however, the price, along with its exclusive
status will fall, being available to the general public to be consumed. Thus when the lower and
“least knowledgeable” class adopts these products, it is no longer desirable to the higher and
“most knowledgeable” classes, making them move on to other products or “knowledge” to be
made exclusive again. Judith provided an interesting example of a friend trying to cook a risotto
in a “fancy and expensive blender”.
She emphasized the outcome was not as expected,
primarily because she relied only on the instructions of the machine.
“(A kitchen appliance) doesn’t replace knowing how the dish is prepared. That’s the foodie
culture essentially blinding you, if you want a risotto you make a risotto, you don’t buy a 15000
Krowns appliance”
Further, her argument that the possession of “fancy appliances” does not substitute knowledge
and experience in the kitchen. Therefore Judith considers that for the new foodies to achieve
the status that the real foodies have acquired, it takes much more than “fancy appliances”. It is
necessary, to put in time, dedication and knowledge, making these assets the new “must have”
item for the emulating foodies to attain a status in the foodie world.
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As pointed out by Bourdieu (1984) status can be conceptualized as more than just wealth, but
as a lifestyle that includes speech or bodily dispositions. In the case of Judith, status is
manifested by her knowledge of food and the consumer market, which is an important part of
her social and cultural capital and her identity as a foodie.
Audrey- Socially Aware of the Food Experience
Audrey manifests status through her knowledge of current market trends, attain from her
profession as a marketer. Therefore her interest in the food world is a reflection of both her
social personality and her occupation.
“ We (her husband and her) are both quiet social, actually very social, often follow new trends,
new places to go to and we tried it out, normally reading references, reviews”
Bourdieu (1984) shows that cultural capital secures the respect of others through the
consumption of objects in the fields that are idealized as difficult. This alludes to taste as
cultural capital and is acquired by the few who have obtained the credibility to do so. Having
lived in Stockholm, Audrey’s cosmopolitan lifestyle has made her knowledgeable in various
aspects, which is translated into her consumption practices demonstrated amongst her social
groups here in Southern Sweden.
“(…) Living in Stockholm a while, you get a lot of possibilities around you and you bring that with
you and you find new place and if you have been living here all the time maybe you didn’t know
about them”
It is possible to notice that Audrey’s social group has a similar interest and involvement with
food, as some of them are in the food industry as for example owners of restaurants and cafes
or food manufactures. Thus it is possible to consider that for Audrey, “inspiration” and the
possibility to share gain and food knowledge is an important aspect of an “authentic” food
experience. Kunda (1990) shows that consumers assess levels of authenticity with certain
informational cues while downplaying or ignoring others as active consumers (or creators) of
authenticity rather than passive receivers of information. In connection, she emphasizes she is
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most “inspired” by going to local and specialty shops where she has more “fun” than a “boring”
supermarket chains.
Bauman and Johnston (2009) demonstrate that foodies emphasize the social context of food
consumption and production to identify ‘‘worthy’’ foods according to these frames. “Worthy”
foods for Audrey are expressed by her own interpretation of “healthy” option.
“I would never buy a package of Schnitzel and potatoes prepared, Never! Ever!”
Even though admitting she has never tried this meal, she lacks inspiration from its preparation
and refuses to buy anything of that sort. For Audrey, corporate fast food chains, or ready-made
meals, are not to her standards of what a “healthy” meal can consist of. She tries to provide her
family with the healthiest options. However, in light of postmodernism, Audrey negotiates her
definitions of what “healthy” is according to her refined tastes. Enjoying going to the
unconventional places of town to look for her food and the experience at times overrule her
healthy choices, and is a clear example of her pursuit for authenticity.
“…I love falafel! That’s the best umm-quick food in Malmö, and there really is many good falafel
places, and yah it is junk food I guess, but it doesn’t feel that way”
Baumann and Johnston (2009) reveal that a foodie upholds a cultural sophistication with a
preference for a genuine and original experience. Audrey mentioned that both her and her
husband shared “a genuine interest for food, both eating in and out”. Audrey’s cultural
sophistication can be also demonstrated when she invites friends over for what she calls a
“food experience”. Audrey transports her friends to try new meals, or traditions her families
have such as Danish bread making or offering them a meal that will fit her guest’s interest.
“When we invite for dinner we want to invite to a food experience. Sometimes we even plan for
what kind of guests we have invited. A tailor made meal that is lovely for both taste and mind”
Status and distinction can be conceptualized as more than just wealth, but as a lifestyle that
includes speech, bodily dispositions, and food consumption, also known as the habitus
(Bourdieu, 1984). Hence, Audrey manifests her status through her knowledge of food as an
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interest and as a trend that needs to be understood and lived. This influences how she considers
and attains authenticity through “food experiences”, contributing to the construct of her foodie
identity and her attainment of status.
Alice- Passed Down Knowledge to Make It From Scratch
Alice is known as the “Corridor-Mom” due to her expertise and knowledge in the kitchen. It is
possible to affirm that her knowledge of food and cooking is compared, according, to her
corridor mates, as the credible knowledge mothers would have about kitchen related subjects,
thus giving her legitimacy to provide the trustful information about cooking. She is pleased with
the title and proudly affirms that she is often consulted to give “inspiration” to her corridor
mates on cooking and baking.
“They call me their corridor-mom (laugh) (...) yeah, I think it’s fun, I like to be called the corridormom, and it’s really fun, that they ask about (food)”
Her background might be an important factor for her knowledge and interest in food. Her father
is a professional chef and her family has a deep involvement in cooking and baking, as her
mother and grandmother are also great cooks. Further, Alice emphasizes that she was brought
up eating food “made from scratch”. That is a habit she has maintained as she feels it very
important to know what goes in one's food preparation and she tries to cook her food “from
scratch” as much as she can. Accordingly, Bourdieu (1984) asserts that cultural “habits and
dispositions” can be transmitted from one generation to the next. Thus Alice’s interest in food,
rooted in her upbringing and family influences, gives her credible knowledge according to
Bourdieu’s cultural capital.
She does not consider kitchen appliances are important and relies on her skills to prepare tasty
dishes. That is a feeling shared by Judith, on what makes a real foodie: to know about food and
not need fancy appliances to make good dishes. She is confident in her intuition and affirms that
most of the time she does not rely on recipes and is interested in experimenting new mixtures.
“Normally I don’t cook a lot from recipes, I bake from recipes but normally when I cook it’s like
just pick stuff I feel like, then when I get home I put stuff together, I experiment lot.”
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This desire for authenticity, distinguishes Alice from the typical student budget diet consumer.
As enlightened by Thompson et al. (2006), the desire for authenticity is a “search and quest
manifestation” that occurs as a response to the standardization and homogenization that
happens in the marketplace.
Alice can be considered to have an above average interest and knowledge about food, thus her
expertise and preferences sets her apart from the average student eating habits. When talking
about the quality of products found in her fridge to those of her corridor mates, we observed a
prideful tone as she emphasized the quality of her specific food choices.
For Alice, food is a gateway to access new experiences demonstrating cultural sophistication.
Which for Baumann and Johnston (2009) is through the predilection for original and genuine
experiences. In this sense, Alice demonstrates interest in recreating reality with food and to
experiencing different cultures through her shopping and eating habits. She went about buying
food in a Lebanese market in her city:
“Cause it makes you feel like you’re not in Sweden anymore, you’re in another country, it’s really
cheap to start with and I really love the fact that its like outside, you need just to pick everything.
Its big and messy and a lot of people”
Alice affirms that she shares her interest in food and cooking with some of her friends. Her
social life has food as one of its main elements, with meal occasions with her friends a recurrent
event. Thus for Alice these occasions become an opportunity to share and absorb knowledge for
her authentic self. As pointed out by Beverland and Farrelly (2010) authenticity can be a feeling
of being connected to a community, being intertwined in something and in close proximity to
like-minded people that are consistent with her same desires and interest.
For Alice her status is manifested from the knowledge in food she inherited and later
constructed by her own experience in the kitchen. This knowledge is expressed to her social
group in the way that opinions about food and cooking are trusted and required. She pursues
authenticity by her experience and her taste for quality food that for her, are those “made from
scratch”.
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Mario- Original Knowledge and Traditional Experiences
Mario relies on his experience and knowledge to cook and rarely follows recipes. He owns a
pasta machine, which he used as an image to define himself, that he enjoys using on a regular
basis. Italian food is what he is most knowledgeable in, and he considers his Italian cooking skills
and freshly made pasta superior to others.
“If you were to buy fresh pasta in the supermarket, then I would say, that mine is better
(laughs)”
Mario mentions to like experimental cuisine, however it is clear that Italian food is “his thing”.
As enlightened by Holt (1998) connoisseurs express eclectic evaluations of food alternatives
with an ability to engage in passionate appreciation of certain food preferences that base their
opinions on the quality of certain foods. He is very traditional when it comes to Italian dishes,
following the right methods and preferring products that come as close as possible to the
original dishes that one can eat in his homeland.
“I like Indian food, Mexican, yah well it happened recently that we make sushi, I mean I like to
prepare Swedish things that I have learned here (...) although when it comes to Italian cuisine,
then I’m really traditional”
Food for Mario is a great way to socialize amongst friends during dinners and he enjoys sharing
his Italian dishes with others who may be less familiar with “original” Italian recipes. He usually
incorporates Italian ingredients from his home region in his recipes as he puts emphasis on the
“original” experience. According to Beverland and Farrelly (2010) individuals can also
demonstrate authenticity through the application of qualities that are unique to the individual.
Thus Mario relies on his Italian food expertise to externalize authenticity.
Mario expresses status through his knowledge of Italian cuisine that is also the means to the
creation of his foodie identity. Further is also expressed by the use of his cooking skills to
provide his social group with the authentic Italian experience.
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Adam- Functional Knowledge and Vegetarianism
Bourdieu (1984) shows that the habitus is the most important to gain culture capital and receive
status. Adam’s role as an academic is his habitus, which gives him a high cultural capital in
society. However, it is his knowledge on food “functionality” that shows his refined taste in food
consumption and practices.
He states that after abolishing meat from his diet, he is still “learning how to fuel his body with
enough nutrients”. His quantitative way of thinking is expressed in many of his approaches
towards food. Adam views his body as a reactor, that responds to his food intake as a precise
action and reaction relationship.
“ I noticed if I was not watching to make sure I get enough protein I could get cold (...) being a
vegetarian you have always to watch to make up for I mean (…) I was carnivore for 29 years,
eating a lot of meat, my body of course is used to that. So when I’m cutting it out I have to make
sure I replace it, so my body gets used to it. When I don’t do it that’s when my body reacts”
He elaborates that cooking for him “takes about three hours to make a good meal” or else he
does not cook. It must be done with control and expertise to fully satisfy him and reach his
refined standards or else he does not resort to anything less. When discussing his cooking skills
he does consider himself a good cook with a natural intuition to know how to not rely on
recipes, knowledgeable to mix flavors and prepare a “good” meal with simple ingredients.
“I admit, there are stores that sell better food, but not so much better that my great cooking
skills cannot make up for it! Anyone can buy a great steak, but not everyone can prepare it well
to make it nice and tender with just the right amount of flavors”
It is possible to say that his authenticity is displayed by his conviction in food: his relationship
with it and what he feels food does for him. Goffman (1959) identifies that while there is a
strong desire to have others knows oneself as who they really are, the reality of time and a
myriad of other pressures result in purposeful editing, along with a selective projection of
information. He admits that his previous eating habits were “really bad”, eating a lot of fast food
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and “lazy” food as he pointed out. Thus his pursuit of a healthier and balanced lifestyle lead him
to vegetarianism, to construct an authentic self.
Adam’s authentic cultural sophistication is also demonstrated when he explains his preferences
dining experiences as those he considers as authentic. Accordingly, Kunda (1990) established
that motivated reasoning and more particularly the biasing and elaboration of certain pieces of
information are used as evidence in determining what is authentic. That being said, authenticity
for Adam is to be able to have a welcoming and cozy eating experience.
“I go to Mary’s here, it’s a vegetarian restaurant, I’m kind of ashamed of to eat at my work, they
have a café, well maybe this doesn’t have anything to do with things, but I don’t really like the
attitude of one of the people working there, it tells me that they don’t care about what they
cook, because they don’t care about the customer, so its like if you don’t care about what you
cook then I feel bad buying food from them”
Adam’s authentic foodie identity gives him social distinction and as pointed out by Bourdieu
(1984), distinction is the gateway to status. Hence, the manifestation of his status is expressed
utmost his knowledge about food and its functionality.
Status Claim – Teaching Defined
When it comes to conspicuous expressed meanings, we discerned some “pedagogical”
associations amongst our participants. We observed that some of our participants believed to
be so cultivated in their individual foodie practices, thus giving them the legitimacy to advise or
guide others, on what they believe to be the right way to do things. Therefore the theme
identified as Teachings and these expressions in relation to food were considered to claim
status.
The “Preacher”
Bourdieu (1984) demonstrates that food, with an aesthetic disposition, is something to be
appreciated, critiqued and admired. Noah’s knowledge earns him high cultural capital and he
transmits to other his knowledge those who are unaware of the raw food movement.
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“I don’t want to sound like a preacher but (…) most people in Sweden are afraid of
carbohydrates and sugars and they think they will get fat from sugar, and that’s crazy”
He justifies their lack of knowledge in associating the consumption of fruits (carbs) with weight
gain. Thus, although not directly stated, his teachings can be conspicuously linked to a
distinctive knowledge he feels he has.
Noah also exhibits similar characteristics to that of a connoisseur or in this case a raw food
expert. Holt (1998) claims that connoisseurs express opinionated and often eclectic evaluations
of food alternatives with an ability to engage in passionate appreciation of certain food
preferences that base their opinions on the quality of certain foods. Noah further reinforces his
teaching attitude toward raw food diet by posting video, photos and links on Facebook in
photos, an efficient way to spread his teachings among his social network.
The “Amateur Chef”
Judith enjoys giving recommendations and teaching others about her food knowledge. The
opinion of others when it comes to her dishes is not a concern since she’s really confident in her
cooking skills and her taste for good food.
“So I kind of like to lecture my friends how they should buy food and eat”
Holt (1998) claims that connoisseurs express opinionated and often eclectic evaluations of food
alternatives. This is evident in Judith’s blog where she shows off food recipes both traditional
and unconventional and her background in Science to even suggest many “unknown to be
edible” foods. Her expertise is also recognized by her friends, which appreciate her cooking skills
and often prefer to “eat over her place rather than to go to a nice restaurant in town”.
This acknowledgement of her cooking skills by her friends also opens the doors for Veronica to
do what she likes the most: “to talk about food”. It is clear her pleasure to be able to share her
food knowledge with her friend. Her blog is focusing on her cooking knowledge represents to
other foodies her “ways to teach others about cooking” earning her status. Judith claims
her status through her teachings as an amateur chef, which gives her the “authority” to give
tips, suggestions and as she mentions, to “lecture” her close ones about to food.
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“So if he (a friend) doesn’t hear from me bragging about it all the time, which I do, it’s my
favorite topic (food)”
The “Food Nazi”
Mario has no problem giving cooking tips or advice, even when not asked. He admits to having a
strict approach to how people should cook. Mario’s teaching attitude is better translated into
the nickname his flat mates gave him as “The Food-Nazi”, and it explains quite well his
preaching approach when it comes to food:
“Well yah yah actually my friends call me the “food Nazi (…) I’m strict, when I cook, and when
people cook ugghh, or when they are cooking, I just check, and you know give advices, and
suggestions and I’m like oh no that’s not how you (...)”
However, he is constantly “requested” to make authentic Italian dishes for his friends and
although he likes to teach how to make them, he claims his status through his recognition
amongst others around him.
“Imbalance”
Adam conspicuously teaches people around him on the environmental benefits of being
vegetarian, although he claims to not force information in any way to others. Modestly,
however, he does recognize that he has some knowledge that others are unaware of and lack
education in. His cultural capital thus is only recognized when he is teaching to others.
“I do want people to think about it, there is a part of the world where people eat meat once a
week and its like wow, whereas here, is in an abundance, so that’s such an imbalance I want
people to at least think about that, I will not, you know, curse on people who eat meat or
anything, at least think about it (…)”
Inconspicuous Meanings: “It’s a piece of cake!”
Our second research question deals with inconspicuous expressions demonstrated by the
foodies. We have recognized “understated” expressions related to the participant’s food
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consumption. It was possible to notice a recurrent simplified or glossed version of particular
food practices. These practices were made to seem effortless and ordinary and our participants
demonstrated the he tendency to downplay their knowledge and cooking abilities. Therefore
the theme that was used in the analysis is Dumbing Down. The idiom dumbing it down can be
defined as way individuals express a lower intellectual understanding on different cultural
aspects than they really attain (Algeo & Algeo, 1988)
It is important to highlight that the mentioned, inconspicuous meanings, were based on our
judgments. Therefore we chose the foodies that best demonstrated the theme accordingly.
“So Simple”
Noah consumes “large volumes” of only fruit and vegetables for his raw lifestyle. Noah considers his food
choices at times “so simple” and elaborates on the simplicity of his food habits by implying that
he eats in an almost effortless manner. Further, he de-emphasizes his strict food regimen and
the knowledge attained to sustain his special diet thus dumbing down his effort in following his
raw food lifestyle.
Accordingly, Ulver-Sneistrup (2008) demonstrates that status consumption is no longer just an
“orgy in ostentatious extravaganza” as suggested by Veblen’s conspicuous consumption, but is
perhaps more often camouflaged by complex expressions of style, language and practices. He is
inconspicuously camouflaging the complexity of his diet. His eating and food consumption
habits are everything but simple and requires time, knowledge and discipline.
“Bad Habits”
Holt (1998) argues that an attraction to the authentic, eclectic and artisanal gain high cultural
capital. Therefore, Its through interviewing her that she illustrated both her interest in the
authentic genuine interest in going to specialty food shops.
“Its typical I go down to Lihannes Rökeri, buy some fish, maybe buy some bread, maybe buy
some salami, maybe a particular cheese and then its really fun, I think, to go to particular
shops…”
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Audrey dumbs down the exclusivity of specialty shops and emphasizes the “fun” aspect she gets
from the shopping experience. She also mentions her preference to buy only “fresh” sourdough
bread a “bad habit” that she got while living in Stockholm. According to Holt (1998), high
cultural capital consumers, consume scarce goods while negating connotations of waste,
ostentation and extravagance through tastes that assign value based on the ability of the goods
to facilitate metaphysical experiences. Audrey’s sourdough shopping illuminates us into her
interest in authentic bread, she dumbs down the exclusivity of her sourdough shopping
experience by narrating the authenticity of the shop.
“They do sourdough bread, they have a small car that they sell from the back of the car, its like
they open up a small shop where we bought from them, but just like half a year ago its open up”
While very proud of being able to offer “food experiences” she humbly describes her friend’s
feedback, by jokingly giving herself a complement on the usually positive responses, but dumbs
down the complexity of the prepared meal.
“Well its good, often a lot of food, its not so fancy its more unexpected a little bit, and
sometimes the unexpected things are the best, even if its very very nice to have a fancy meal”
Authors such as Bauman and Johnston (2009) argue that class and status distinctions are
minimized and obscured within foodie discourse, as foodies emphasize authenticity and
exoticism as motivating consumption factors, detracting attention from the exclusivity
underlying their food choices. In line with Bauman and Johnston (2009), she dumbs down her
interest in refinement as she mentions, “sometimes the interest for a nice meal win[s] and it can
be quite fancy”.
“Basic Things”
Proud to be able to share her cooking skills with her less knowledgeable corridor mates, Alice is
uncomfortable to assume she is an expert. She believes that when asked cooking questions,
most of the time the type of information required is common “basic” knowledge and everybody
should “know” it.
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“Mostly are really really basic things that you really believe that everybody would know or that I
think everybody would know (...) It’s really basic things sometimes.”
She provided a few examples of what she considers to be basic knowledge: knowing how to
cook “fresh beets” or “what type of wine is best suited for different dishes”. However, the status
given by her corridor-mates as the “Corridor-mom” does demonstrates that she her knowledge
is not in the same level as theirs. Alice further believes that her cooking abilities could also be
“reached” by everybody and it is not hard to prepare a good meal at home. According to Holt
(1998) connoisseurs as high cultural capital consumers, share a constant attraction to authentic,
artisanal, and casual settings rather than the pretense associated with status restaurants.
“Instead of going out it not so hard to make a good dinner at home. Everything is
made from scratch (…) less money, more time but it is definitely worth it”
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CONCLUSION
Our findings show that status, according to the foodies in this research, was manifested first and
foremost by knowledge. Further, knowledge was expressed by expertise in food functionality,
cooking skills, current food trends and awareness of marketing tactics to mislead consumers.
Their interest in needing to know what goes into their mouth is an important incentive to their
interest in food and cooking. It was a common impression that food made from “scratch” has
higher quality and refinement, thus making the often-consuming preparation a worthy task.
Further, it is possible to conclude that the foodies claim status by expressing their food
expertise in a teaching manner, with the tendency to tell others the “best way” to prepare and
consume food, through their knowledge.
When it comes to expressed inconspicuous meanings, we recognized as “dumbing down”
expressions among the foodies. We noticed amongst the participants of our research that they
frequently dumb down their consumption practices, strict diets, cooking skills etc., making them
seem effortless. This can be regarded as inconspicuous practice and can be related to
Bourdieu’s (1984) high cultural capital attainment and the relation of high cultural capital and
inconspicuous practices. We also have identified in one of our foodies inconspicuous
expressions through knowledge. That is an interesting finding as it puts light on different
expression of inconspicuity in a postmodern consumer culture.
In sum, it is possible to say that the ability to gain status through knowledge in the foodie world
can only be achieved in a social context, thus this knowledge must be expressed. By expressing
one’s foodies’ superior knowledge with food, they claim status amongst their social groups by
teaching: transferring their knowledge, to those they feel are less knowledgeable. However,
they also dumb down their refined eating habits and cooking skills as authentic appreciations,
while still wanting to be acknowledge by their sophisticated tastes.
55
6 Discussion
DISCUSSION
Contribution
We believe this research have contributed to the understanding of the foodie trend in a
postmodern and social context in Sweden. Our research puts lights on the broad definition of
knowledge and authenticity in the foodie world thus adding valuable insights to consumer
culture. Undoubtedly food consumption and status are recurrent themes in the research arena.
As a rise in consumer interest in both conventional and unconventional food consumption and
practices are trending, and research in explaining why consumers are now pursuing the
mundane and inconspicuous are still of interest. The many new trends related to food are
catching the attention of scholars and marketers, due to its important impact in consumer
culture. However, the practice of disguising conspicuous consumption in relation to food has
not been given the deserved attention. Therefore we contribute to providing ground knowledge
for the understanding of the different inconspicuous expressions of food consumption practices
that contributes to the manifestation of status.
Food for Thought
This section highlights on interesting aspects we have observed during our research. Although
not directly connected to our purpose, they stimulate interest and deserve to be discussed and
might lead to future knowledge to be considered.
In postmodern times, the consumer can be “anything and everything” at the same time, move
from tribes to trends and negotiate their meaning to develop their own identities. Interestingly,
we found some unexpected aspects about our participants in their fluid projected identities.
Staying on top: We Were Here First
Judith is aware of conspicuous consumption and its implications; she believes to understand the
dynamics of the market and how it tries to “fool” the new food consumers into as she
mentioned “expending money in fancy appliances and products”. She is convinced that with the
recent popularity of the foodie culture, the market is benefiting from the newcomer foodies,
56
6 Discussion
through their lack of expertise. While, she may not refer directly to naming specific concepts
and theories, she also grasps the notion of the trickle down theory around her. Real “food
aficionados”, as she labels herself, are loosing their exclusivity since nowadays information and
financial resources are available and almost anyone can have access to their once unique foodie
products or services. Hence, creating both resistance and new status manifestations.
In a broader picture, if the pioneer real foodie are inconspicuously hating on the food snob and
social media bringing food-porn to a whole new level, what are they going to do for food to be
projected and what will make them legitimate? This is an important aspect that will delineate
the foodie culture and an interesting topic to be considered.
Breaking The Rules?
“For me its not about restriction, you do what feels well for yourself. We’re all different, we all
have different lifestyles, and you can’t just bust people [or] put people in different rules”. At the
moment I start caring about it, I’m one of you”
Adam, 30, Sweden
Adam - On Being a Vegetarian
When first contacted to take part in this research, Adam informed to be a vegetarian foodie.
Surprisingly he reveals, in the middle of the interview, that he had recently begun eating meat.
He negotiates this change in the following excerpt:
“Well, I suppose I shouldn’t say that I’m a vegetarian. I really don’t know the definition, cause I
eat fish (…) and I had dairy products. I really don’t know the terms. I definitely have a more
vegetarian style way of eating, with more vegetables. And like I said, now I will eat meat when I
feel like I need to, for functional, for functionality, not because I need to eat meat”
Adam one may argue he does not walk the talk, but rather he and (we are sure there are several
others) is wandering in a maze to reach his appropriate food consumer title. In light of
postmodernism, we argue that Adam does fit under our foodie criteria of having a deep interest
and passion for food and food consumption. The articulation that he uses around food
57
6 Discussion
consumption is still anomalous of a regular food consumer and gives grounds for his
sophistication as a different “nuance” identity in the foodie culture to consider.
Noah - On Being a Raw Fooder
To eat only raw food is the basic rule of the raw fooder game. Interestingly, Noah assumes to
eat cooked meals during some evenings and in random periods of the year, thus fragmenting his
full-raw identity. As pointed out by Firat and Venkatesh (1995) fragmented and de-centered,
postmodern consumers can take the form of multiple identities as they attempt to restructure
their own. Nonchalantly, he mentions that he can be a “bit lazy” at night thus eating cooked
meals is sometimes easier. However, he does this only in the privacy of his home and does not
eat out for evenings with others. Noah may not be 100% raw, but considering a postmodern
fluid self, his connection to raw foodies still makes his identity credible and atypical to the
average food consumer.
To conclude, in light of foodie culture analogous to the world at large, CCT seeks to explore why
the foodies do what they do. However, more fundamental questions are still without answer.
Foodies should not lose sight that their “status” is a privilege and should not be taken lightly.
While they eat raw food, organically grown produce and sip red wine, others around the world
do not have food at all.
Limitations
In light of CCT, what constitutes and the definition of a foodie is still very blurry. The foodie
trend is becoming mainstream; more people are emulating the foodie consumption practices of
wine, cheese, wine, bread, meat and other specialties. In regards of defining what a “foodie” is
we laid out these parameters according to the definitions provided by Carins, Baumann and
Johnston (2010) that defines a foodie as “people with a passion and interest in learning about
food”.
Thus based on our judgment we decided the participants of this research fit this foodie
definition. However we understand it is difficult to measure the “deepness” of their “passion”
for food an important limitation to the applicability of the results of this research.
58
6 Discussion
We cannot measure that in Sweden there is a cultural difference around the term “lagom”,
where they are not allowed to brag too much about it. On one hand we are observing that its
the credibility issue that fits perfectly with the framework of Bourdieu as well but we are
acknowledging the fact that culturally this term “lagom” which is very ingrained within their
habitus it is hard to evaluate.
Further, Sweden’s emphasis on equality is rooted in the Jante Law’s cultural morals, and
Bourdieu’s habitus perfectly applies to this research. However, we cannot assume that all the
participants of our research are affected to the same extent by this “lagom” idea, especially
when it comes to the International participants. It was specially challenging for us, as non-native
Swedes, to have a full grasp of the different expressions of the inconspicuity fueled by the Jante
Law that may not have identified. However, with our international perspective, we offer an
outside view of the phenomenon that enriches the analysis.
The diaries and interviews were conducted in English, as we are inept to conduct such
approaches in Swedish. We understand that not being able to assess their inputs in their mother
tongue could have limited their ability to fully express themselves. However, all our participants
had an advanced English proficiency and were very confident in using the language to
communicate with us.
The participants economical capital was not considered a fundamental for this research and we
are aware that their income level is important define their consumptions habits and
preferences. However, the focus of our research is not specifically in what they consume, but of
the implications of the consumption in their individual settings.
The findings of this research could have been enriched if more participants were considered.
However, due to a time restraint and limited financial means it was not possible thus we believe
that our participants still provided means for an interesting and rich analysis.
59
6 Discussion
60
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APPENDIX 1 – SAMPLE OF FOOD DIARY
Photo diary: Food consumption habits
This photo diary is part of a master thesis research at Lund University. The objective of the research is to
explore how consumers exert their interest in food. In order to provide deeper insights on the subject,
we would like you to fill in a photo diary for five days. These five days don’t need to be continuously or in
a set order, you can choose the days that suits you the best. The idea is that you should keep a record of
your daily routines, thoughts and activities related to food purchase and consumption. The diary will
then be used as a basis for a subsequent interview.
Day 1 is a day that represents a typical day in your life.
Day 2 is a day that you go food shopping.
Day 3 is a day when food is in focus and you're cooking something that requires time and knowledge.
Day 4 represents a day when you invite people over to eat.
Day 5 is a day when you do not eat at home but when eating time is important, such as eating out or
with friends, family, etc.
We are aware that it can be difficult to know in advance when these occasions will occur, however there
might exist some patterns as to when the different types of days usually happen and then you can be
ready with your camera/ smartphone. The picture quality is not a concern, the most important is to be
clear on what the picture represents.
When you have completed the photo diary, please send it back to us via email. Be totally sure that the
information will be treated with caution and your personal details kept anonymous on the research
paper.
If you have any questions, please feel free to contact us. Your help is greatly appreciated!
Kind regards,
Fabiana Leal and Susana Arellano
Fabiana Leal
fabi.leal@gmail.com
0733721582
Susana Arellano
suseare@gmail.com
0769073349
General instructions for the use of the diary
In order for us to have time to process the material, it would be greatly appreciated if the photo diary
was filled in as quickly as possible. It can be a good idea to look through the photo diary form to
familiarize yourself with the material before you begin. This way you can prepare yourself to take
pictures of special situations during the days that may be relevant to the project. Feel free to think
creatively when taking pictures (i.e. by taking a picture of a image in a magazine that captures the sense
of what you mean, etc..)
For each picture, you should write down why and what you take photos of (detailed instructions found
on each question).
Do not spend too much time to formulate your answers and don’t worry about spelling or grammar. The
important thing is that you write down what you find most relevant in your own words.
Fill out this document and insert images so they fit together with the correct headers.
We prefer that you take as natural pictures as possible (you don’t need, for example clean up before
taking pictures of your home.)
Try, as much as possible, take your camera/smart phone with you during the period - that way you can
take pictures when you get a good idea or when relevant situations arises.
To begin with, please answer a few general questions and take a few illustrative pictures:
Name:
Age:
Gender:
Profession:
Education level:
Individual income/month
Household income/month:
Average expenses for meals per month: (ex. X000 for the household/person and X00 eating out/person):
E-mail:
Mobile number:
Information on other members of the household
Name:
Age:
Relationship to you:
Name:
Age:
Relationship to you:
Name:
Age:
Relationship to you:
Name:
Age:
Relationship to you:
1 - Put a picture of yourself
Please describe the picture:
2 – Put a picture of one thing/product in your home that defines you
Please describe the picture:
In the following pages (4-8) you will find the photo diary
DAY 1 – A typical week day
Date:
Please describe today’s most important thoughts, feelings and activities:
Please attach pictures of the following:
1.1 Morning: BREAKFAST
Briefly describe your picture and explain the reason of your choice.
1.2 Afternoon: LUNCH
Briefly describe your picture and explain the reason of your choice.
1.3 Evening: DINNER
Briefly describe your picture and explain the reason of your choice.
1.4 A food product (or brand) you can’t be without on this day
Briefly describe your picture and explain the reason of your choice.
Briefly explain why you can’t be without this product/brand and where do you store it.
1.5 A food product/brand you have purchased just for fun
Briefly describe your picture and explain the reason of your choice.
Briefly explain why purchased this product/brand and where do you store it.
1.6 A food product/brand you are a little embarrassed to
consume/purchase
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain where and why you purchased the product / brand, why you are embarrassed and where do you
stored it.
1.7 A food product you only use for special occasions
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain where you bought the product, examples of occasions you use it and where do you stored the
product.
1.8 A product/appliance that has a positive impact on your cooking skills
Briefly explain the picture.
Describe how this has a positive influence on your cooking skills
1.9 A product/appliance that has a negative impact on your cooking skills
Briefly explain the picture.
Describe how this has a negative influence on your cooking skills
DAY 2 – A food shopping day
Date:
Please describe today’s most important thoughts, feelings and activities:
Please attach picture of the following:
2.1 A food product that you always buy.
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain the average price paid and the brand chosen.
Explain why you always buy this product
2.3 A brand that you always buy.
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why you do you buy this brand
2.3 The typical place/places you purchase your food.
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain how the environment/people in the store and why you like to purchase your food here.
2.4 A food/brand that represents high quality to you.
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why this product represents high quality to you
DAY 3 – A day when cooking is in focus
Date:
Please describe today’s most important thoughts, feelings and activities:
Please attach picture of the following:
3.1 A grocery store to visit when buying something special to cook.
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why you chose this store to purchase for special products and describe the environment/people
that are in the store.
3.2 The special product you purchased at that grocery store to cook.
Briefly explain the picture of the product and a also attach a picture of the purchase receipt.
Describe how you use/consume this product.
3.3 A cooking appliance you are excited to use today
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why this is a good appliance to be used
3.4 An essential product for the dish(as) you’re cooking
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why this product is essential.
3.5 The eating occasion
Briefly explain the picture.
Describe the expectations you had on the dish and whether the dish lived up to those expectations.
Why/ why not?
DAY 4 – A day when you have guests over
Date:
Please describe today’s most important thoughts, feelings and activities:
Please attach picture of the following:
4.1 A important moment in the preparation of the evening ( i.e. guests
arriving, placing the table, etc…)
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why this was an important moment for you.
4.2 Something that symbolizes you to your guests
Explain briefly the picture
Explain why do you think this represents you
4.3 A cooking appliance you are excited to use today
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why this is a good appliance to be used
4.4 An essential product for the dish(es) you’re cooking
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why this product is essential.
4.5 The eating occasion
Briefly explain the picture.
Describe the expectations you had on the dish and whether the dish lived up to those expectations.
Why/ why not?
Describe the your guests expectations for the dinner and their feedback.
DAY 5 – A day when you do not cook, but the meal time is important
(i.e. eating out with friends, family)
Date:
Please describe today’s most important thoughts, feelings and activities:
Please attach picture of the following:
5.1 A food that symbolized the occasion
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain why you choose this food.
5.2 Some of the dishes of the meal
Briefly explain the picture.
Explain the price if in a restaurant.
Compare the meal with the one you would cook yourself, explain if you would do something different,
add/exclude ingredients/products.
5.3 A positive aspect of the meal
Briefly explain the picture.
Describe how this has a positive influence on your mealtime
5.4 A negative aspect of the meal
Briefly explain the picture.
Describe how this has a negative influence on your mealtime.Appendix 2 – Sample of Ethical Protocol
APPENDIX 2 – STANDAR ETHICAL PROTOCOL
We, Fabiana Leal and Susana Arellano, are master students in the Globalization,
Brands and Consumption program at Lund University, writing our master thesis in the
consumer culture theory field. This project is part of the Department of Business
Administration (School of Economics and Management), Lund University.
We would like to thank you for your willingness to participate as a respondent in this
research project. Your participation is greatly appreciated. Before we start the
interview, we want to reassure you that as a participant in this research project you of
course have several definite rights.
First, your participation in this interview is entirely voluntary and you are free to refuse
to answer any question at any given time. You are also free to withdraw from the
interview at any given time. This interview will be kept strictly confidential and will be
available only to the members of our research team. Excerpts from this interview may
be made part of our final research report, but under no circumstances will your name
or identifying characteristics be included in this report. We would be so grateful if you
would sign this form to verify that we have read you the mentioned subjects.
__________________________________________________________
Signature & Date