Richard Hatcher
Phonology I
Homework I (2.7 Northern Salentino)
3/17/2012
Northern Salentino, a northern dialect of the Italian language, has been shown to display
alternation of vowel height in a number of its roots. This paper will describe that alternation
phonologically with the aid of distinctive features and rewrite rules. As will be seen these rules will
need to be ordered correctly in order to describe some opaque alternations.
According to the data on pages 84 – 85 of Kenstowicz’s Phonology in Generative Grammar,
stress is located on the penultimate syllable in Northern Salentino. Stress is an integral part of the
rules explaining vowel alternation and therefore must be described within the system of distinctive
features. This paper will use the distinctive feature [±stress] to describe it. Figure A below taken
from Kenstowicz displays this alternation. From these data, one may notice an alternation in the
quality of the final stem vowel. The vowel appears as a mid vowel when stressed but as a high vowel
elsewhere. With the use of distinctive features, this phenomenon can be described as an alternation
of the feature [±high], such that stressed vowels are [-high] and all other vowels are [+high].
1sg.
3sg.
1pl.
kré-u
krét-i
krit-iámu
‘believe’
sɛ́nt-u
sɛ́nt-i
sint-ímu
‘feel’
kanósk-u
kanóšš-i
kanušš-ímu
‘recognize’
trɔ́-u
trɔ́-a
tru-ámu
‘find’
(A) Data (2) from pg. 85 of Phonology in Generative Grammar altered to show morpheme boundaries
There are two logical explanations for this phenomenon. The first is that the mid vowel is the
underlying form in this alternation and is raised when not stressed. That is to say that the [-high]
feature is underlying and is transformed to [+high] in [-stress] syllables. The formal statement of this
RAISING rule is listed below as (B). The other possible explanation is that the high vowel is underlying
and is lowered to a mid vowel elsewhere. This can be explained with the LOWERING rule stated
below in (C).
(B) RAISING: V [-low]
[+high] / [-stress]
(C) LOWERING: V [+high]
[-high] / [+stress]
After careful observation of the data, one may notice that mid vowels are not found outside
of the stressed syllable. Although this is not enough evidence to exclude (C), it does however support
(B). If (B) is true, then all [-stress] vowels must be realized as either [+high] or [+low]. The second and
vital evidence in favor of (B) is that in two forms above, stress falls on a [+high] vowel i.e. [sintímu]
and [kanuššímu]. If (C) were the correct rule explaining this alternation, we should not find vowels
with the features [+high, +stress] as we do in those two forms. Therefore (B) best describes this
phenomenon and is the correct rule. Two examples of derivation using this rule are given below in
(D).
UR
RAISING
SR
/kanós-ku/
-[kanósku]
/kanoš-šímu/
u
[kanuššímu]
(D) Sample Derivations of Raising rule
The next set of data set given for Northern Salentino in Kenstowicz is reproduced below for
the benefit of the reader. This set of data also exhibits alternation. The noticeable distinction
between this set’s alternation and that of the one above is that in this set the quality of the stressed
vowel is alternating. Before one can analyze this set phonologically, he or she must separate the
morphemes to take into consideration changes caused by affixation. After careful review, the
inflectional affixes can be parsed and analyzed as in figure (E). Attention must be paid to the fact
that not all of the items in this set exhibit the alternation e.g. vívu, víva, vívu. However, a description
can be made for those items exhibiting the alternation. For those items, the masc.sg. and masc. pl.
forms have stressed syllables with high vowels. The fem.sg. forms have mid vowels. This can also be
explained with distinctive features. Those stems which have affixes with [+high] vowels i.e. masc.sg.
and masc.pl. contain syllables with [+stress, +high] vowels. Those stems with [-high] vowels affixed
contain syllables with [+stress, -high] vowels.
masc.sg.
fem.sg.
masc.pl.
karús-u
karós-a
karús-i
‘young’
rúss-u
ross-a
rúss-i
‘red’
frisk-u
frésk-a
frisk-i
‘cool’
frídd-u
frédd-a
frídd-i
‘cold’
krút-u
krút-a
krút-i
‘raw’
vív-u sán-u
vív-a sán-a
vív-i
sán-i
‘alive’ ‘healthy’
(E) Data (3) from pg. 85 of Phonology in Generative Linguistics altered to show morpheme boundaries
As with the previous alternation, this alternation has two logically possible explanations. The
first possible explanation is that in these alternating forms the stem vowel [+stress, +high] is the
underlying representation, but assimilates with the [-high] feature of the fem.sg. affix. This is a form
of regressive vowel assimilation and is given formally in figure (G). The second possible explanation
is that the alternating stem vowel’s underlying form is [+stress, -low]. In this case, the previously
stated vowel assimilates the [+high] feature of the masc.sg. and masc.pl. endings. The formal rule for
this is given in figure (H). Both examples can be seen as a form of vowel harmony with the trigger
vowel being located in the affix. Vowel harmony is long-distant in that it assimilates with segments
that are not adjacent. Accordingly, any number of consonants can lie between the two vowels and is
symbolized in the rules below as C0.
(F) [-high]VOWEL ASSIMILATION: V [+stressed, +high]
V [-high] / __C0V [-high]
(G) [+high] VOWEL ASSIMILATION: V [+stressed, -low]
V [+high] / __C0V [+high]
The evidence for rule (H) is found in those forms that do not alter. If (G) were the true rule
describing this set of data, forms like [krúta] and [víva] could not occur. The [+stress, +high] vowels
would assimilate and would be realized as *króta and *véva. If (H) is true, however, those nonalternating forms have a [+stress, +high] underlying vowel and because of this, they do not exhibit
the vowel assimilation. Therefore the rule for this alternation can be none other than (H). Sample
derivations are given below in (I).
UR
VA1
SR
/karós-u/
ú
[karúsu]
/karós-a/
-[karósa]
/vív-u/
-[vívu]
/vív-a/
-[víva]
(H) Sample derivations using the VOWEL ASSIMILATION rule
The last set of data given for Northern Salentino, reproduced below as (I), has forms that
seem to defy the vowel harmony rule described above. In these forms, there is an alternation
between the quality of stressed syllables preceding high vowel affixes. This seems to contradict (H)
in that stressed vowels were assimilate [+high] if followed by an affix containing that feature.
According to Kiparsky, a phonological rule is opaque if there are surface structures that seem not to
undergo the transformation (Kiparsky 79). Ordering of the rules (B) RAISING and (H) VOWEL
ASSIMILATION can be used to explain these apparent “exceptions”.
a.
fem.pl.
masc.pl.
karós-i
karús-i
‘young’
róss-i
rúss-i
‘red’
frésk-i
frísk-i
‘slow’
frédd-i
frídd-i
‘cold’
b.
sg.
pl.
més-i
mís-i
‘month’
péšš-i
píšš-i
‘fish’
nóč-i
núč-i
‘nut’
króč-i
krúč-i
‘cross’
c.
3sg.
2sg.
1sg.
vét-i
vít-i
vét-u
‘see’
krét-i
krít-i
kré-u
‘believe’
kanóšš-i
kanúšš-i
kanósk-u
‘recognize’
(I) Data set (4) from pg. 85 of Phonology in Generative Grammar altered to display morpheme boundaries
Logically there are two possible orderings of the two rules. The first ordering listed below as
(K) is that the RAISING rule applies before the VOWEL ASSIMILATION rule. The only other possible
ordering, given below as (L), is that VOWEL ASSIMILATION occurs before RAISING. Of these possible
explanations, (K) is an example of feeding. In this case a mid vowel affix would rise to high level
vowel feeding it to VOWEL ASSIMILATION. Therefore, if (L) is the reversal of these two rules, by
definition it must be an example of counterfeeding. Possible derivations using both possible
solutions are given below in (M). As rule ordering (L) RAISING counterfeeds VOWEL ASSIMILATION, it
should be the correct order to explain the phenomenon.
(J) UR
(K) UR
(K)
RAISING
VA
VA RAISING
UR
RAISING
VA
SR
/karós-E2/
i
u
[karúsi]
SR
SR
/karós-i/
-u
[karúsi]
(L)
UR
VA
RAISING
SR
(L) Sample derivations using both possible orderings
1
2
VOWEL ASSIMILATION
E symbolizes V [-high, -low, -back] i.e. mid front vowels /e/ and /ɛ/
/karós-E/
-i
[karósi]
/karós-i/
u
-[karúsi]
As anticipated, only (L) correctly explains the phenomenon. This has to do with the
relationship between the two rules. RAISING is in a counterfeeding relationship with VOWEL
ASSIMILATION. Because the VOWEL ASSIMILATION rule applies first, the RAISING RULE has no
opportunity to feed its output. This counterfeeding relationship results in forms that appear to defy
the rule applied first, in our case the VOWEL ASSIMILATION rule. Or to put it another way, the
opacity of the VOWEL ASSIMILATION rule is the result of the counterfeeding relationship between
the two rules.
With the help of distinctive features, the rules regarding stressed syllables can be explained
phonologically. First, it was determined by means of the RAISING rule that no unstressed syllables
are realized as mid vowels. With the second set of data, it was determined that a form of vowel
assimilation occurs when high vowel suffixes are affixed to the stem. Lastly, the ordering of the rules
was ascertained with the help of the last set of data illustrating the opacity of the VOWEL
ASSIMILATION rule.
(A) Generalized description
Alternation pattern:


The root vowels appear as mid when stressed.
The root vowels do not appear as mid when unstressed.
Analysis
Two possible hypotheses:
i.
Unstressed mid vowels are raised to high vowels i.e. mid vowels are
underlying.
Rule: V [-low]
ii.
V [+high] / [-stress] (Raising)
Stressed high vowels are lowered to mid vowels i.e. high vowels are
underlying.
Rule: V [+high]
V [-high] / [+stress] (Lowering)
Evidence in favor of (i):
a. No mid vowels are found in unstressed syllables
b. Some stressed syllables contain high vowels, e.g. sintímu
Sample derivation:
UR
Raising
SR
/kanós-ko/
u
[kanósku]
/kanoš-šímo/
u
u
[kanuššímu]
(B) Generalized description
Alternation pattern:


The stressed root vowel appears as high when followed by a suffix composed of a high vowel.
The stressed root vowel can appear as high, mid, or low when followed by a suffix composed
of a low vowel.
Analysis
Two possible hypotheses:
i.
ii.
Stressed high stem-vowels are lowered when followed by a low vowel. The
high vowel is underlying.
Rule: V [+stressed, +high]
V [-high] / __C0V [-high]
(Regressive Assimilation of [-high])
Stressed mid stem-vowels are raised when followed by a high vowel. The
mid vowel is underlying.
Rule: V [+stressed, -low]
V [+high] / __C0V [+high]
(Regressive Assimilation of [+high])
Evidence in favor of (ii)
a. There exist stressed high stem-vowels preceding affixes with low vowels.
Sample derivation:
UR
RA
SR
/karós-u/
ú
[karúsu]
/karós-a/
-[karósa]
/vív-u/
-[vívu]
/vív-a/
-[víva]
(C) Generalized description
Alternation pattern:


Some forms appear not to follow the rule of “Regressive Assimilation of +high” e.g. fem. pl.
adjective endings.
Other forms do follow the above stated rule e.g. masc. pl. adjective endings.
Analysis
Two possible hypotheses:
i.
The two above stated rules are ordered such that the Raising rule applies
before the Regressive Assimilation rule.
UR
ii.
Raising
RA
SR
The two above stated rules are ordered such that the Regressive
Assimilation rule applies before the Raising rule.
UR
RA
Raising
SR
Difficulties: Opacity in rule ordering such that Raising counterfeeds RA
Evidence in favor of (ii):
a. Opacity of VOWEL ASSIMILATION rule best described by the counterfeed
relationship.
Sample derivation:
UR
RA
Raising
SR
/karós-E/
-i
[karósi]
/karós-i/
u
-[karúsi]