PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLANATIONS OF GENDER DEVELOPMENT To read up on psychological explanations of gender development, refer to pages 230– 244 of Eysenck’s A2 Level Psychology. Ask yourself How does the development of our mental processes (cognition) explain gender development? What is androgyny and how does this develop? Are the causes of gender dysphoria biological or psychological? What you need to know COGNITIVEDEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES Kohlberg’s theory Gender-schema theory PSYCHOLOGICAL ANDROGYNY Definition of androgyny The androgyny scale GENDER DYSPHORIA Biological explanations Family constellations Some useful terms Sex refers to the biology of being male or female. Gender refers to psychological characteristics of being male or female, in other words to masculinity and femininity. Sexual identity is the identity given to the child based on biological factors; it can usually be assessed from the genitals and is given at birth. Gender identity is a child’s awareness of being male or female and the implications of this. Gender role is a set of expectations that prescribes how males and females should act and feel. Gender stereotypes are beliefs about the differences between males and females, based on gender roles. COGNITIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES Kohlberg Any cognitive-developmental theory is based on the idea that children have to have reached a certain level of cognitive development before they can appreciate certain concepts, such as what it means to be a boy or a girl and the full implications of this. Kohlberg proposes that children go through three stages in the development of full gender identity: 1. Basic gender identity (age 2 to 3½ years): boys label themselves as boys, and girls label themselves as girls. However, they believe it would be possible to change sex. 2. Gender stability (3½ to 4½ years): there is an awareness that sex is stable over time (e.g. boys will become men), but less awareness that sex remains stable across different situations, such as wearing clothes normally worn by members of the opposite sex. When a doll was dressed in transparent clothes so there was a discrepancy between its clothing and its genitals, children in this stage decided on its sex on the basis of clothing (McConaghy, 1979). 3. Gender constancy (4½ to 7 years upwards): children at this stage realise that sex remains the same over time and over situations. An essential element of Kohlberg’s theory is that children will not show sex-typed behaviour until they have an understanding of gender, that is, until they have the necessary mental structures to understand it. They need to have acquired gender constancy before they can act in a fully sex-typed way. This means that they must understand gender properly before they start to imitate their same-sex parent (and other same-sex people) rather than the opposite-sex parent. Once children have acquired the mental structures necessary to understand gender differences, they develop schemas of what it means to be male or female (the clothes you wear, hairstyles, personality characteristics). They then actively seek out samesex models and other information to learn how to act like a boy or girl, a process known as self-socialisation (because they are socialising themselves). RESEARCH EVIDENCE Munroe, Shimmin, and Munroe (1984, see A2 Level Psychology page 233) found children in several cultures went through the three stages proposed by Kohlberg: basic gender identity, gender stability, gender constancy. Slaby and Frey (1975, see A2 Level Psychology page 233) showed that children high in gender consistency showed a greater tendency to pay attention to same-sex models than those low in gender consistency. Ruble, Balaban, and Cooper (1981, see A2 Level Psychology pages 233–234) found that when preschoolers watched advertisements in which toys were represented as being suitable for a particular sex, the children high in gender consistency were more influenced than those low in gender consistency. This is an important finding because it means that children do not passively respond to stereotypes shown in the media. Rather the degree to which they are influenced is affected by their own cognitions (mental structures). EVALUATION Support for Kohlberg’s stages. Gender identity does seem to develop through the three stages suggested by Kohlberg, as Munroe et al. (1984) found across cultures. Support for active role of children in gender development. The notion that gender development involves children actively interacting with the world around them is valuable, as is the notion that how they interact with the world depends on the extent to which they have developed a consistent gender identity. Sex typing is well under way before a child achieves gender constancy. Much research has demonstrated that children prefer sex-appropriate toys from at least as early as 2 years old and that they prefer same-sex playmates from around 3 years of age, long before they begin to selectively attend to same-sex models. In other words, gender role behaviour is shown by most boys and girls by the time of their third birthday. This is several years before they have reached gender consistency, and so it cannot be argued that all gender role behaviour depends on gender consistency. It seems that only a very basic understanding of gender is necessary before children learn sexrole stereotypes and measures of gender consistency tell us little about how “sex-typed” children are (Lobel & Menashri, 1993). Ignores external factors. Kohlberg’s theory tends to ignore external factors such as reward and punishment from parents. However, this has been shown to determine much early gender role behaviour. Exaggerated the importance of cognitive factors. Huston (1985) pointed out that Kohlberg’s theory leads to the prediction that there should be a close relationship between beliefs about gender and gender-typed attitudes and behaviour. In fact, the relationship is not very strong, and is weaker in girls than in boys. This means that what you believe about gender roles is not necessarily reflected in your actual behaviour. Since Kohlberg’s theory is based on the fact that beliefs (cognitions) influence behaviour, these findings cannot be explained by his theory. Gender-Schema Theory Bem (1981, see A2 Level Psychology page 234) and Martin and Halverson (1987, see A2 Level Psychology page 234) advanced this theory. Their starting point is the same as Kohlberg—that children develop gender schemas. Once these are formed, any information children receive about gender roles is actively used to organise and understand the world. These gender schemas determine: what information children attend to how they interpret the world what they remember of their experiences. Martin, Wood, and Little (1990, see A2 Level Psychology page 235) suggest that these schemas develop in three stages: 1. Children learn what type of things are associated with each sex, e.g. “boys have short hair; girls wear dresses”. 2. Children begin to link gender items together and draw inferences based on the culture’s view of sex-appropriate behaviour, e.g. if a person has long hair, she is also likely to wear dresses, play with dolls, enjoy helping mummy with the cooking. However, these inferences are mainly made only about their own sex. This stage is around 4–6 years. 3. From about 8 years of age, children can make these inferences about the opposite sex. So, a girl is now more likely to offer a boy a train set to play with than a doll and may assume he’d rather do things with his father than his mother. The main difference with Kohlberg’s theory is that gender-schema theory states that these schemas are formed as soon as the child acquires a basic gender identity (that is, from around 2 years old). RESEARCH EVIDENCE Martin and Halverson (1983, see A2 Level Psychology page 235) showed 5and 6-year-old children pictures of schema-consistent activities (e.g. a boy playing with a train) and schema-inconsistent activities (e.g. a girl sawing wood). Schema-consistent pictures were much better remembered a week later than sex-inconsistent pictures. The latter were often remembered incorrectly by changing the sex of the person and therefore making them schema-consistent. Bradbard et al. (1986, see A2 Level Psychology page 235) presented boys and girls between the ages of 4 and 9 with gender-neutral objects such as burglar alarms and pizza cutters. They were told that some of the objects were “boy” objects, whereas others were described as “girl” objects. There were two key findings. First, children spent much more time playing with objects that they had been told were appropriate to their gender. Second, even a week later the children remembered whether any given object was a “boy” or a “girl” object. Masters et al. (1979, see A2 Level Psychology page 236) demonstrated that young children of 4 and 5 were influenced in their choice of toy more by the gender label attached to the toy (e.g. “It’s a girl’s toy”) than by the gender of the model seen playing with the toy. Children’s behaviour seems to be influenced more by the schema, “This is a boy’s toy” or “This is a girl’s toy” than by a desire to imitate a same-sex model. Liben and Signorella (1993, see A2 Level Psychology page 236) demonstrated that children show gender-related bias in recall, in other words, they remember things relevant to their own sex more than those relevant to the opposite sex. Pictures and words related to “feminine” items were better remembered by girls than by boys and the converse was also true. EVALUATION Has explanatory power. This theory helps to explain why children’s gender-role beliefs and attitudes often change rather little after middle childhood. The gender schemas that have been established tend to be maintained because schema-consistent information is attended to and remembered. Focuses on the child as being actively involved in making sense of the world. There is much evidence that children are active in using knowledge to make sense of the world. Over-emphasis on the role of the individual child in gender development. It is likely that the importance of schemas and other cognitive factors in determining behaviour are exaggerated within the theory. De-emphasises the importance of social factors. As with Kohlberg’s theory, there may not be enough emphasis on social factors such as parental influence and the rewards and punishments the child receives for their gendered behaviour. Descriptive rather than explanatory. The theory does not really explain why gender schemas develop and take the form they do. Assumptions of theory not upheld. It is assumed within the theory that it should be possible to change children’s behaviour by changing their schemas or stereotypes. In fact it is very difficult to change behaviour even if certain beliefs are held. This is reflected in the fact that many married couples have relating to equality of the sexes and equal division of household chores, but this rarely has much effect on their behaviour. PSYCHOLOGICAL ANDROGYNY Androgyny is a term used to describe people who have both masculine and feminine qualities. Psychological androgyny involves having a combination of traits, some that have traditionally been associated with femininity and some that have traditionally been associated with masculinity. The Androgyny Scale Bem devised a way of measuring androgyny. She compiled a list of 60 personality traits, which research had shown could be divided into 20 masculine, 20 feminine, and 20 neutral. Feminine items included affectionate, cheerful, childlike, and compassionate. Examples of masculine items were aggressive, analytical, dominant, and authoritative. Neutral items included adaptable, concerted, conscientious, and friendly. These 60 traits make up the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). Individuals rate themselves on how much each trait applies to them (on a scale of 1–7) and then receive a masculinity score and a femininity score. If the two scores are very different then the individual is rated as sex-typed (either masculine or feminine). If they are similar, the individual is said to be androgynous. Bem believes that it is desirable to have a balance of feminine and masculine characteristics, to be, for example, ambitious, self-sufficient, nurturant, and compassionate. She maintains that this makes an individual better able to cope with life’s challenges than being either extremely masculine or extremely feminine because such individuals are not constrained by the demands of rigid gender roles. On the other hand, those who are strongly sex-typed are limited in the range of behaviours available to them. RESEARCH EVIDENCE Bem (1978, see A2 Level Psychology page 238) found that androgynous individuals are better able to resist social pressure and generally are more flexible in their approach to situations than are sex-typed individuals. Shaffer, Pegalis, and Cornell (1992) found that androgynous individuals are better able to adjust their behaviour to the demands of the situation. Allgood-Merton and Stockland (1991) and other studies have shown that androgynous children and adolescents have higher self-esteem, are more popular with their peers, and are better adjusted than sex-typed people of the same age. Spence (1993) found that androgynous men can still feel quite masculine and androgynous women can still be feminine even though they are capable of showing emotions and behaviour traditionally associated with the opposite sex. Norlander, Erixon, and Archer (2000, see A2 Level Psychology page 238) found that students who were androgynous on the BSRI scored higher on creativity and, to a lesser extent, optimism than those who were more sexstereotyped. Orlofsky and O’Heron (1987, see A2 Level Psychology page 239), however, demonstrated that traditionally masculine traits were associated with better adjustment and higher self-esteem than androgyny. This may be because masculine traits have been more highly valued than feminine ones in most societies. Nevid and Rathus (2005) argue that the relationship between psychological androgyny and self-esteem in both men and women is not based on the combination of masculine and feminine traits, but on the presence of masculine traits such as independence and assertiveness. Woodhill and Samuels (2003, see A2 Level Psychology page 239) propose that it is useful to separate out positive and negative characteristics of androgyny. Just as there are positive traits of masculinity and femininity (such as assertiveness and nurturance, respectively) so there are negative ones (dominance, submissiveness). Androgynous people who, by definition, have a mixture of masculine and feminine traits, may not necessarily be psychologically healthy if most of these traits are negative. Woodhill and Samuels conducted research that separated out androgynous people into positive and negative and they found that the positively androgynous people scored higher on indicators of mental health and well being than negatively androgynous or negatively stereotyped people. It is therefore essential to differentiate between positive and negative androgyny when measuring personality rather than simply have a global score. GENDER DYSPHORIA Gender dysphoria (also known as gender identity disorder) is a condition in which people are uncomfortable with the gender to which they have been assigned (dysphoria means unhappiness). In the extreme, this can lead to transsexualism, a desire to change your gender. Most people are happy with the gender in which they have been reared but in a few cases individuals do not feel that they have been assigned the correct gender. Some girls feel as if they should be a boy and conversely, some boys feel that they are a girl. This is more common in boys but occurs in both sexes. Explanations for Gender Dysphoria 1. The biological explanation: the influence of prenatal hormones. Girls have sex chromosomes known as XX whilst boys have sex chromosomes known as XY. One explanation of gender dysphoria is that it is caused by unusual development in parts of the brain before birth. There are small areas of the brain that are different in males and females. The theory is that in people experiencing gender dysphoria one of these areas has developed in a way that corresponds to the opposite sex of their other biological sex characteristics. It is possible that hormones can cause parts of the brain to develop in a way that is not consistent with the genitalia and, usually, with the chromosomes. This means that the brain has not developed in a way that corresponds to the gender assigned to the child at birth. RESEARCH EVIDENCE Kruijiver et al. (2000, see A2 Level Psychology page 241) point out that males have around twice as many somatostatin neurons than do women. They found that in both male-to-female transsexuals and female-to-male transsexuals, the number of these neurons corresponded to their gender of choice, not to their biological sex. They concluded that this clearly points to a neurobiological basis of gender dysphoria. Zhou et al. (1995, see A2 Level Psychology page 241) studied one of the brain structures that is different in men and women and found that in six male-tofemale transsexuals this followed a totally female pattern. EVALUATION Support from research. The research evidence cited above supports the biological explanation for gender dysphoria. Some research contradicts the theory. Rekers et al. (1979, see A2 Level Psychology page 241) examined 70 “gender disturbed” boys and found no evidence for prenatal hormone treatment of the mothers nor any history of hormonal imbalance in them. Alternative theory. The biological theory underestimates the role of social factors such as the family. The next theory offers an alternative view on the cause of gender dysphoria. 2. Family constellations. Stoller (1968, see A2 Level Psychology page 241) points out that certain family conditions are associated with gender dysphoria. For boys who want to be girls, he suggests that there is an over-close relationship with the mother and a distant father. For girls who want to be boys, he suggests that that they have a depressed mother in the first few months of their life and a father who is either not present or does not support the mother but leaves the child to try to control the mother’s depression. Rekers links gender dysphoria in boys to absence of a father figure, either physically or psychologically. Bleiberg, Jackson, and Ross (1986, see A2 Level Psychology page 241) have linked the development of gender dysphoria with an inability to mourn a parent or an important attachment figure in early life. De Ceglie (2000) suggests that parents have a strong desire for a child of the opposite sex and, not necessarily deliberately, reinforce gender-inappropriate behaviour. RESEARCH EVIDENCE De Ceglie (2000, see A2 Level Psychology pages 241–242) cites the case of “James” who developed gender dysphoria after the death of his grandmother who raised him. After long family therapy aimed at him talking about his grandmother, his gender dysphoria gradually disappeared. Biller (1974) and Hamilton (1977, see A2 Level Psychology page 242) have investigated boys with gender dysphoria and found that they often had fathers who were absent either physically or psychologically. Rekers (1986, see A2 Level Psychology page 242) has conducted research on “gender disturbed” boys who show cross-gender identity, a history of crossdressing and cross-gender role-play behaviour. He found that in a group of 36 such boys, there was no father figure in the homes of 75% of the most disturbed and 21% of the least disturbed. This compared at the time with an average rate of father absence of 12% in boys of a comparable group in the USA. In those cases where the father or a father substitute was present, he was described in 60% of cases as being psychologically distant. Rekers (1986, see A2 Level Psychology page 242) reports that in the families of gender dysphoria boys he has studied, 80% of the mothers had psychiatric problems and 45% of the fathers had a history of mental health problems and/or psychiatric treatment. Although he acknowledges that these percentages may be rather higher than in the total population of genderdysphoria boys because those parents who seek help for themselves are more likely to seek help for their boys, it does still imply that the parents of such boys show unusually high levels of psychological problems. EVALUATION Support from research evidence. Research evidence cited above does appear to link family structure with gender dysphoria, although most of the research is concerned with boys. Some of the most convincing evidence is put forward by Rekers, who associated father absence with gender disturbance in boys. Although he acknowledges that these correlational studies do not necessarily imply that the absence of a male role model in early life causes gender disorder, he does believe that this is not an unreasonable conclusion to draw. Alternative theory. This view underestimates the role of biological factors. The research supporting the biological explanation can be used as a criticism of this view. SO WHAT DOES THIS MEAN? It is unlikely that a mature understanding of gender roles can be achieved before the child has reached a certain level of cognitive development. After that, children tend to start acting in gender-stereotyped ways. Bem suggests that those people who can act in both masculine and feminine ways are psychologically healthier than those who act in very gender-stereotyped ways. Such individuals are said to be androgynous. However, Woodhill and Samuels (2003) argue that it is only if individuals show the positive characteristics of masculinity and femininity that they are likely to have good psychological adjustment. Some individuals are unhappy in their biological gender: they are said to be suffering from a condition known as gender dysphoria. The causes of this are unclear. There may be biological reasons for this condition, it may be due to an unusual pattern of upbringing or, indeed, could be an interaction of the two. It is also possible that there is no single explanation that can be applied to every individual with the condition. OVER TO YOU 1(a). Explain what is meant by gender dysphoria. (5 marks) 1(b). Outline and evaluate one or more explanations for gender dysphoria. (20 marks)