Darby 1
Joelle Darby
Rough Draft
A New Form of Restriction
Over the last several decades, the world has witnessed the rise of a new, global
super power, India. With a population of 1.2 billion and rising, India finds itself in a unique
position. It has witnessed incredible economic growth, both in the private and public
sectors. India has not only begun to shift its economic policies to reflect that of Western
society, but also many cultural aspects. It is an interesting dichotomy, a country struggling
to maintain its identity while immersing itself in the twenty first century. The beauty
industry in India is a prime example of global influence penetrating the country both
economically as well as culturally. Many claim that the augmentation of the beauty industry
has challenged traditional Indian values and provided women with opportunities that were
once unimaginable. It appears as if a culture that has had the connotation of typically being
oppressive towards women is beginning to loosen the restrictions females have been
placed under for generations. However, this does not necessarily hold true in every
circumstance. Women are now expected to conform to a new set of standards that are
arguably less realistic and have created harsher limitations than before the boom of the
beauty industry. This paper poses the rather difficult and abstract question as to whether
or not women are better off with this boom of globalization or are they merely faced with a
different set of expectation to which they must conform.
Before examining the implications of India’s growing beauty industry, a concrete
definition of the beauty industry must be established. The beauty industry is vast, filled
with diverse yet interconnected businesses that have two goals in mind: to help the
customer create his or her ideal self and to maximize profit. It includes but is not limited to
Darby 2
skin care, cosmetics, hair products, beauty treatments available at hotels, spas and homes,
an advertising industry that perpetuates standards of beauty as well as dieting products
and cosmetic surgeries (Black 5). The subject of the beauty industry and of beauty in
general is a key component in understanding the mindset of a culture and its effect on the
individual. Beauty is a continuously changing concept and these shifts can have both
positive and negative repercussions that this paper will explore in the context of India.
India is a unique nation comprised of a very diverse population. It would be nearly
impossible to discuss the effects of the evolving beauty industry for the entire nation, and
so this paper will primarily explore the viewpoint of urban women since they generally are
the most frequently exposed to the beauty industry and have the best access to beauty care.
Over the last several decades this population has undergone an interesting transition with
the rise of the beauty industry.
Up until the 1990s, the Indian beauty industry was practically nonexistent. A grown
woman’s appearance focused on pleasing the two dominating forces in her life, her
husband and mother-in-law. A highly interdependent society, the Indian culture did not
highly value vanity. In the 1950s and 1960s beauty products were basic with little variety
mainly focusing on skin lightening and simple hair care. Appearance was not heavily
emphasized, and images of women in the media were few and far between. Instead, it was
believed that women should remain in the private sector and represent traditional values,
such as modesty. Advertisements that did exist featured the traditional Indian woman; a
homemaker constantly seeking the approval of her husband or family. Media in the 1960s
and 1970s constantly underlined the need for masculine approval and played on the static,
hierarchal system that was not in favor of the woman (Munshi 83).
Darby 3
An ideal Indian woman was meant to fulfill the roles of wife, daughter-in-law, and
mother in a selfless manner. She was expected to serve as a “cultural reservoir,” the
epitome of a good Indian woman (Nisuresh 1). Yet since the rapid growth of the beauty
industry in the late twentieth century, the female form has entered the “mediascape” and
has become a commodity of economic activity.
The dawn of the 1990s brought more than a few drastic changes for India. Since the
end of the British Raj in 1947, India generally operated under Nehru socialism, a system
that restricted trade and economic growth (Das 37). However, realizing the potential
opportunities foreign investment would create, the Indian government began to loosen its
hold on the economy, especially within the media industry. The first large step in
dissociating away from these socialistic principles and allowing India to enter the global
stage was the introduction of the Prasar Bharati Act. Once implemented, the government
released control of several media outlets including Doordashan and Akashvani
(government television and radio channels respectively) and created the privately run
Prasar Bharati Cooperation (Munshi 79). Throughout the next decade, the Indian
government passed numerous laws to help support the restructuring and growth of the
media industry. Currently, the country has over 150 television channels, both publically
and privately owned, and viewership has skyrocketed from 17 million to 300 million in less
than two decades (Munshi 79). With such a large increase in media presence and
viewership, reaching Indian consumers has become much more viable and desirable.
Companies are now able to target a very specified audience and with the increased
economic influence of western society, many Indians have begun to lead a much more
materialistic, urban lifestyle (Munshi 80). All of this as well as international competition
Darby 4
and the possibility of an untapped market have pushed the development of the beauty
industry. Companies such as Lancôme, Maybelline and many more have been able to
successfully establish themselves within Indian perceptions (Munshi 84). Currently, the
Indian beauty industry is estimated to be worth approximately 950 million USD and is
expected to grow to 2.68 billion USD by the year 2020 (Gelles 12). These new companies
have brought economic growth and unprecedented variety to Indian woman, yet along the
way their presence has helped to contribute to a new definition of Indian beauty and the
Indian woman.
As this paper discusses the modern shift of beauty standards and their implications
on the female form, traditional beauty expectations should be established in order to create
a point of comparison. It is difficult to generate a concrete definition of beauty that
encompasses thousands of years of history with countless influences, but certain patterns
can suggest general preferences within a culture. Despite geographical, social, political and
religious differences, there are several universal standards of beauty that can be found
even in the most contrasting of societies. A symmetrical face, clear skin, and high
cheekbones have all been identified as preferable traits in women across multiple cultures.
Additionally, while there is a wide spectrum of ideal weight, the hourglass figure is highly
valued throughout various societies as well as a waist to hip ratio of roughly .70 (Saad 1).
Traditional Indian beauty standards can be compiled through the study of historical
depictions, religious texts and cultural norms. The earliest images of the female form in the
Indian region appeared as early as the fourth century BCE during the Mauryan period.
Although there was no set style most depictions include women with large breasts,
tapering legs and wide hips (Gelles 7). Similar representations would continue throughout
Darby 5
the Sunga and Kushan periods with a major emphasis on wide hips with a curving body at
the breasts, traits associated with fertility. Many of the images depicted women with an
hourglass form; there are a significant number as well that gave women at least a little fat
around the stomach area, representing what society most valued in females at the time, the
ability to reproduce (Gelles 8). Artistic expressions of Hindu goddesses can also provide
strong insight as to what was considered most desirable. Pārbati, the goddess of love and
devotion, emanates the concept of beauty in traditional Indian society. She is often depicted
as having a slim body with prominent hips, another hint towards fertility, and a “moonlike
face.” Her lips are often compared to Bimba (a deep red fruit), and she has been said to
have a nose like the beak of a parrot (Gelles 9).
Looking more towards recent history, marriage ads offer more solid information on
beauty ideals. Before the twentieth century, marriages ads were not commonplace as most
matches were arranged through families themselves or ghataks, a matchmaker. However,
within the last century they have become more widely accepted in Indian culture. How a
young woman was physically advertised was a strong indication of cultural preferences for
the ideal wife. It was not uncommon for a young girl to be described as “ujjwala shyama
varna,” which translates to glistening dark complexion (Gelles 10). Weight was not a major
factor in determining whether a woman was deemed attractive. The idea of a voluptuous
woman carried on through most of the twentieth century. Having more body fat was
attractive because it not only suggested fertility and femininity, but also hinted at a
wealthier family that was able to provide more than enough to meet basic (Talukdar 1).
Many of these traditional ideals of beauty in India were reflective of more typical Indian
traits and with the exception of weight, were not particularly impossible to strive for.
Darby 6
However, the aspirations and expectations of a woman were narrowed to that of fulfilling
preconceived roles. The opportunity for self-expression and self-fulfillment were
practically nonexistent. Yet with the rise of the Indian beauty empire, women found
themselves facing a new definition of not only what it meant to be a woman, but to be a
beautiful woman.
Today the standard of a successful woman in India is vastly different than it was
several decades ago. With the increased globalization of India, women have taken on a
more dynamic and contributing role in society. Not only has their contribution in the
workplace seen an overall increase and now comprises up to 26% of the urban workforce,
A still excruciatingly small number, but their overall presence in the media and economy
has as well. As the twentieth century drew to a close Indian woman were beginning to be
perceived as more confident and independent, and at the heart of this shift was the beauty
industry.
Femina, an Indian, bi-monthly, English based magazine, is one of the most respected
women’s publications with one of the most established operations. Created in 1959 by the
Times of India Media Group, it is still a dominant presence in Indian media today and plays
a major role in the beauty industry both as an outlet and producer (Reedy 63). It’s target
audience is educated, English speaking, middle class women who have both the time and
resources available to invest in personal care and grooming. For decades the magazine had
always been an advocate for a traditional Indian woman who fulfilled the duties previously
discussed. However at the turn of the twenty first century, Femina introduced a new brand
of the Indian woman. The magazine changed its nearly forty-year-old slogan from “A
Woman of Substance” to “Generation W.” “Generation W” suggested a new era of Indian
Darby 7
women, one where female presence would begin to dominate the media sphere like never
before (Reedy 64).
The idea of a new woman as part of “Generation W” challenges traditional norms
that have long been rooted in Indian culture. It is thought that modern Indian women are
linked beyond class, region, religion and even caste, typically very stagnant categories in
their society. The contemporary female is part of a global community and is no longer
merely an Indian woman (Reedy 64). There has also been a sizable shift in the
presentation of women in the media and beauty industry. Where once she was expected to
focus her energies on pleasing her husband and other family members, today she can be
more self-indulgent when it comes to personal appearance. She is no longer merely
depicted completing the role of wife and mother, but rather is seen as glamorous and sexy
(Munshi 82).
In this day and age, beauty is perceived as self-transformative, a process that the
individual has complete control over. Investment in appearance is aimed at creating
personal fulfillment and happiness. The modern woman is expected to celebrate her
beauty and many products have adapted to fit this new standard (Reedy 66). Today, there
are a much wider variety of products that are more personalized to fit the consumer’s
needs, such as shade cards in cosmetics to most effectively find the best match for one’s
skin tone (Munshi 84). Overall the beauty industry has a new emphasis on empowerment
and creating an evolved Indian woman. From an outsider’s perspective the Western
economic influence that sparked the genesis of the beauty industry, created a more positive
model of the Indian woman. She is no longer solely constricted to fulfilling her roles as
homemaker; she is now permitted more economic opportunity as well as personal choice,
Darby 8
or so it may seem. Western influence has penetrated almost every corner of Indian culture,
and the perception of beauty is no exception. While a woman’s relationship toward the
concept of beauty and herself seems to have become much more personalized, in certain
context it has also created an entirely new set of issues and arguably more restrictive
standards.
Over the course of the past two decades, the continuous presence of the West has
driven the Indian beauty industry to create a new brand of female. She is expected to
emanate a global woman both on the abstract and physical levels. Prime examples of this
belief can be seen in the rise of the beauty queen in India. As the beauty industry grew to
new heights, so did India’s presence on the international beauty pageant circuit. In 1994,
India solidified its capabilities by producing the winners of both Miss World and Miss
Universe (Aishwarya Rai Bachchan and Sushmita Sen , respectively) (Lozada 1). However,
Sen and Bachchan were only the tip of the iceberg. Over the next two decades India would
produce four more Miss Worlds and one more Miss Universe with at least a dozen other
international pageant winners (Nongpiur 1). Many of these women have attained celebrity
status in their home nation and are idolized by millions of young women and girls. They
have become the epitome of Indian beauty, but sadly represent a harsh truth. While the
Indian beauty industry has promoted free choice for women, the number of choices
available is surprisingly limited. India’s globalization has lead to redefining what makes an
Indian woman beautiful. As this paper will attempt to discuss, the idea of a beautiful Indian
woman has become somewhat of a paradox. For western influence has become so strong
that Indians have looked to the outside world in determining what aspects of appearance
are acceptable. The definition of beauty has become quite narrowed and is harder for the
Darby 9
typical Indian woman to attain. Creating such unrealistic standards is not uncommon for
many cultures, especially in western societies. Promoting the idea in women that the ability
to achieve these preconceived narrow standards determines one’s worth can have both
psychological and physiological implications on the individual. India is no exception and
women find themselves facing an entirely new set of issues that has never been seen before
in this culture.
Skin preference has been and still is a major topic in Indian society that has political,
social, economic, and geographic roots. For centuries light skin has been indicant of high
caste and is typically viewed as an asset (Bahl 444). The implications of this bias have
created deep-seated issues within the culture, both mentally and physcially, and an entire
paper could be devoted to exploring this topic in depth. With that being said, this piece
will limit the scope of discussion to the context of the beauty industry’s standards and an
individual’s reactions to these standards.
The preference towards fair skin has existed in India for centuries, but it has only
been within the last forty years or so that is has begun to permeate in the consumer culture
and have a strong effect on the definition of beauty. India’s major shift to fairness
preference is obvious when examining the beauty industry. When comparing current
models, Bollywood actresses, and beauty queens of India most have one very strong
commonality; they look generally western and in some cases could even be perceived as
Caucasian (Gelles 13). In 1966, India’s first international beauty queen, Reita Faria, won
Miss World. Faria emulated the more traditional Indian look with a medium complexion
that has been described as “dusky.” However, almost all pageant winners since then have
had fair skin suggesting to women that fair skin is a major component of beauty (Munshi
Darby 10
78). Another indication of this standard is marriage advertisements. As discussed
previously, it was acceptable to describe a young woman as having a medium complexion, a
more realistic standard for India. However, today’s marriage ads only describe women as
having a fair or very fair complexion (Gelles 13). The fact that a woman with a skin tone
that would be classified as something other than fair would be deemed an unsuitable
candidate for marriage could create an attitude of desperation and worthlessness. But
what has caused this major shift in perception of beauty? A monumental event that helped
spark the fairness craze was the introduction of Fair and Lovely in 1975. Fair and Lovely,
one of the most popular beauty-care products in India, is a skin lightening cream design to
increase one’s fairness (Gelles 13). For the first time, with the introduction of Fair and
Lovely and dozens of other similar products, women began to believe that skin tone was not
only a trait they could control, but also one that they should control.
Since the inception of fairness as a definitive component of the beauty industry,
women in India are constantly reminded of this standard they are expected to live up to.
Fairness is no longer a measure of physical appearance but is now an indicator of quality of
character. One of Fair and Lovely’s most popular phrases, “Take care of your skin from
harsh effects of sun rays and pollutants, thus making skin fair and charming,” has equated
the idea of fair and charming (Gelles 13). In India, fair skin has also become synonymous
with happiness and success. Fair and Lovely ads have become formulaic over the last three
decades, and typically show a young dark skinned woman depressed at being unable to
reach her life goals whether it is in the form of a job or man. However, after the use of Fair
and Lovely, the woman’s skin is lightened and she is able to overcome all of her obstacles
(Gandhi 1).
Darby 11
It is not uncommon for beauty companies to play on the consumer’s insecurities in
order to sell their product and in India’s case these companies play on a woman’s self doubt
at not being perceived as a good Indian woman. While companies such as Fair and Lovely
and Lotus Herbals White suggest that skin tone is something that can be controlled, they
also suggest that fairness is inherently Indian and a trait that is within all women.
Companies of skin lightening products are very purposeful in promoting themselves as
Indian businesses and typically use Indian models (Reedy 72). While most of the models
used in skin lightening cream advertisements are Indian, they almost always share very
similar western features that include light skin. The women in these promotions are also
styled with minimal makeup so as to suggest that the fair skin they have is very natural
(Bahl 447). All of these factors help to legitimize the fairness ideal and instill in women a
need to conform if they do not attain these standards. With such a harsh label on dark skin,
it is no wonder that skin-lightening products have such a large presence in the beauty
industry. Today it is a $400 million business and with over 60% of Indian women actively
using these items it is debatably the most sought out beauty product (Basu 1). But at what
price are these women and even men willing to pay in order to fit into the impossibly small
category of having light skin?
The consistent use of skin lightening products can have detrimental effects on both
the body and mind. Many companies advertise that these products are beneficial for the
skin not only by lightening it but also by making it appear younger, healthier and pore less
(Bahl 446). On the surface these products seem to be the solution to most skin issues, but
upon closer inspection they seem to be doing more harm than good. While a main
component of these treatments is sunscreen to protect the skin from powerful UV rays,
Darby 12
certain brands have been found to contain harmful ingredients such as steroids and traces
of mercury. Hydroquinone, a bleaching compound that can cause dermatitis, skin
discoloration, and cataracts is also a standard component of several skin lightening creams.
Continuous use of such products can create negative long-term effects on the body
including acne, thinning of the skin, visible capillaries, elevated blood sugar and even
hypertension (Saint Louis 1). With such heightened risks it is a wonder that anyone uses
these products at all, however, many companies do not disclose proper ingredient
information. Additionally, the supposed scientific research and government stamp of
approval that accompanies many of these products create the illusion of legitimacy
(Goldstein 1).
Although many women are not fully aware of the harmful effects that can be caused
by such popular skin creams, full knowledge might not even make a difference in usage.
The need to be fair is so deeply rooted in Indian society, it is possible women would not be
affected by learning of some product’s actual ingredients. Fair skin has become a
requirement for a beautiful Indian woman and with the idea that is something everyone
should achieve, even if they can’t, skin lightening practices have become standard. 78% of
Indian women would prefer to be two shades lighter than their natural skin tone as it
makes them feel more beautiful and confident. Fair skin has always been preferred in this
culture but today it is the only acceptable shade in the beauty industry (Gelles 30). This
mind set as well as others forces women to compromise their natural appearance and
overall well being in order to perpetuate a societal norm.
Today, in most western cultures, being considered thin is a major component of the
definition of beauty. This idea is perpetuated in nearly every media outlet, including
Darby 13
advertisements, television and film, and it has become a generally accepted truth in North
American and European countries (Talukdar 110). Just as the fairness ideal as become
more and more prominent in India due to increased globalization so to has the value of a
thin body. Before this shift, having extra weight in India was a sign of good fortune. It
showed that one’s family was a good provider. As stated earlier at one point, a curvy figure
with extra fat around the stomach area was idolized because it not only gave intellect to a
prominent background, but it also suggested a good fit for reproduction. This notion held
until the 1980s when advertisements in India still used voluptuous women creating more
realistic ideals (Gelles 18). Yet as could be expected, the development of the beauty
industry redefined the ideal Indian body.
As globalization increased in the 1990s and beauty became industrialized, India
began to gravitate toward the sculpted body ideal. Because western cultures were
perceived to be more economically stable and prosperous, their culture began to be
associated with modernism. Thus the thin ideal, which plays such an intricate role in the
outlook of westerners, was adopted by Indian beauty. In the 1990s, the very thin image
began to appear in India media, especially Bollywood and beauty pageants, highly
influential sources in the society (Talukdar 111). Today repercussions of this idea are
emerging in subtle tones. Creating the perfect body is highly valued and viewed as a
professional skill. Indian women are bombarded with fitness advertisements that advocate
changing one’s physique through exercise and following a strict diet. The “tyranny of
slenderness” as it has often been labeled has now become a major occupation for Indian
women and created never before seen issues for this culture (Munshi 86).
Darby 14
Narrowing the definition of a beautiful body can lead to a dangerous mindset that is
more prone to go to extremes in order to fit into this definition. Reflective of the mindset of
many western women, when polled most Indian women were hard pressed to articulate
what they most valued in their body. However, when asked what they wished to change
they immediately gave more than an adequate response, listing up to several traits, most
including their weight (Gelles 23). The value women place on their bodies is rapidly
deteriorating and leading to foreign practices. This narcissistic body requires extreme
attentiveness on the part of the individual. Dieting, a previously unknown concept to
Indian culture is gaining a place in the beauty industry and is becoming a cause of
controversy for women. In a country where so many are suffering from starvation and
malnutrition, the practice of purposefully limiting intake of food and creating selfstarvation has created a cultural anomaly. Dieting has a negative connotation in India as a
highly restrictive practice that has dangerous repercussions (Talukdar 112). Many fear
that this western influence will cause women to have detrimental relationships with their
bodies, and to some extent it has already happened. Most Indian women will not claim to
diet due to its perception in society yet their eating habits are not reflective of such. It is
becoming more and more common for women to monitor their intake of food and to cut
out certain food groups such as carbohydrates, essentially dieting without the label
(Talukdar 113).
An extreme example of the effects of the thin mindset is the rise of eating disorders
in India. Once a problem that affected a negligent proportion of the population and hardly
received attention, it is now becoming more prominent and acknowledged in society.
Psychiatrists claim that over the past decade the number of eating disorder cases in India
Darby 15
has risen anywhere from five to ten times. Most alarming is not only the increasing number
of cases but also the increasing range of demographics that are affected by these diseases.
Each year eating disorder patients are becoming younger and younger, a harsh indicator on
the reaches of the beauty industry and media (Gelles 27).
Despite popular thought the act of dieting does not always have to be a source of
negative repercussions. Watching ones weight does not necessarily have to serve the
purpose of fulfilling fashion and beauty requirements. The body is a tangible reflection of
self-beliefs and can serve as an outlet for certain ideals such as health and fitness. Dieting
can help foster an intimate relationship with the body and provide a sense of
empowerment and control (Talukdar 110). However, when the standards to which women
are expected to achieve are unrealistic, not meeting these them can lead to a sense of
failure and resentment. A person can begin to focus on the negatives of their body and what
it is not rather than celebrate what it is.
Today Indian women find themselves in a difficult position when dealing with their
physique and overall approach to their appearance. The beauty industry’s obsession with
the ideal body conflicts with traditional Indian views. Creating the perfectly sculpted body
serves as an expression of a woman’s modernism and independence. However, at the same
time it can also serve as a disregard of traditional values and cause tension in such an
interdependent society. Women must fit the skinny ideal without being “too skinny” and
risk looking more Western (Talukdar 112). This can be a source of inner turmoil and
pressure for a woman, as she must decide what type of Indian woman she wants to be
perceived as.
Darby 16
Over the past decades, the Indian woman has been challenged, restructured,
and redefined. At first glance all of these changes appear to be for the better. The image of
a modern Indian woman is one of independence, a woman who has the freedom to make
her own choices and whose main concern is fulfilling her wants and needs. The rise of the
beauty industry has perpetuated this ideal with the continuous promotion that taking
ownership of one’s appearance can be a source of empowerment. However the question
remains is the modern Indian woman better off than those before her? Although she is
fortunate enough to be more in control of her body, the standards to which she is held have
narrowed significantly. Western influence has created a much stricter definition of what it
means to be a beautiful woman. In many cases Indian models, actresses and beauty queens
look more western than Indian suggesting that typical Indian traits are not attractive or
acceptable. Physical appearance is now greatly emphasized and often times serves as an
indicator of worth, thus those deemed unattractive by these standards are instilled with
frustration and disappointment with one’s body.
The question posed at the beginning of this paper has no concrete answer, as
control over one’s body is a relative idea and self worth is influenced by countless factors
besides the media and the beauty industry. Additionally how one may perceive the images
produced by the industry may be different than another eliciting different reactionary
responses. As India is such a diverse and populous nation it was hard to speak for every
group affected by this issue and many generalizations were made throughout this paper.
This paper’s main purpose was not to categorize or stereotype but rather to facilitate a
discussion based on the premise that modernization and globalization are not always
beneficial to a society and the individuals that comprise it. It does provide incredible
Darby 17
opportunity and interconnectedness but at what cost? By claiming to modernize in
actuality we are also asking cultures to compromise.
Darby 18
Works Cited
Bahl, Salini, Hyun Jeong Min, Russel W. Belk, Junko Kimira, and Eric Li, P.H. Skin Lightening
and Beauty in Four Asian Cultures. Thesis. York University, Canada, 2008. N.p.:
Association for Consumer Research, 2008. Print.
Basu, Moni, and Mallika Kapur. "'White Is Beautiful:' Why India Needs Its Own Oprah
Winfrey." CNN. Cable News Network, 01 Jan. 1970. Web. 04 May 2014.
Black, Paula. The Beauty Industry: Gender, Culture, Pleasure. London: Routledge, 2004.
Google Books. Web. 17 Mar. 2014.
<http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=wbGw5BsO_SkC&oi=fnd&pg=PP1
&dq=beauty+industry&ots=Kqwnf0pPH1&sig=sS_1f9NMmwSANpxANB1xXLPh0U#v=onepage&q=beauty%20industry&f=false>.
Das, Suranjan. The Nehru Years in Indian Politics. Thesis. University of Calcutta, 2001. N.p.:
n.p., n.d. Print.
Gandhi, Devadatta. "Devadatta Gandhi: Fair and Lovely?" The Michigan Daily. N.p., 03 June
2007. Web. 04 May 2014.
Gelles, Rebecca, "Fair and Lovely: Standards of Beauty, Globalization, and the Modern
Indian Woman" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. Paper 1145.
http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1145
Goldstein, Rebecca. "Time for a Reality Check on Skin Lightening Creams." The
Conversation. N.p., 11 Sept. 2012. Web. 04 May 2014.
"Indian and Global: New Ideas about Beauty in India." Globalization Seminar Davidson. N.p.,
n.d. Web. 03 May 2014.
Darby 19
"Indian Beauties Who Won International Beauty Pageants." Www.mensxp.com. N.p., n.d.
Web. 04 May 2014.
Saint Louis, Catherine. "Skins Offering Lighter Creams May Bring Risks." The New York
Times. N.p., 15 Jan. 2010. Web. 14 Mar. 2014.
Sad, Gaad. "Beauty: Culture-Specific or Universally Defined?" Psychology Today: Health,
Help, Happiness + Find a Therapist. N.p., n.d. Web. 04 May 2014.
Talukdar, Jaita. Thin but Not Skinny: Women Negotiating the "never Too Thin" Body Ideal in
Urban India. Thesis. Loyola University, 2012. New Orleans: Elsevier, 2012. Print.
Vanita Reddy (2006) THE NATIONALIZATION OF THE GLOBAL INDIAN WOMAN, South
Asian Popular Culture, 4:1, 61-85, DOI: 10.1080/14746680600555691.