Introduction
The management and organization of health care is complex (Pettigrew et al. 1992). This complexity stems from the range of stakeholders, consumers and professionals that seek to influence and shape health care policy and practice (McNulty and Ferlie 2002). Health care crosses many dimensions: social, political, legal, economic, medical and environmental. It is influenced at many different levels by individuals, groups, communities, businesses, governments and families (Buchanan et al. 2007).
It is not surprising, therefore, that change choices are often made in the context of competing and shifting perspectives and needs (McKee et al. 2008). Effective communication between participants in health care is central to successful outcomes, yet it is often partial, fragmented and partisan with limited empathetic understanding of other interests and perspectives (Bloor and Dawson 1994).
Our research attempts to engage with these multiple health care stakeholder issues that cut across organizational boundaries and create ‘wicked’ problems that are difficult to resolve (Marciano et al. 2011). ‘Wicked’ is a term often used in the health management literature to refer to intractable complex problems (in contrast to complicated but scientifically resolvable problems), where there is no clear solution that can be readily accepted by stakeholders (the solutions are often inherently contestable) as they change the environment in which the problems arise often changing structures and established relationships (Grint 2005). Our research focuses on how to tackle the problem of facilitating the effective movement of people with intellectual disabilities into aged care facilities that also secures the well-being of clients, carers and other stakeholders. Both the
Disability and Aged Care Sectors recognise the difficulties for people with intellectual disabilities who due to improvements in health provision are now often living longer than their family carers (usually parents) and come up against funding barriers and inter-organizational constraints that prevent effective action (Productivity Commission 2011a, Productivity Commission 2011b), even though it is generally recognised that the intellectually disabled experience ageing issues earlier than other people.
In our study we examine two health care provider organizations funded by different government departments, AAC (an aged care provider) and Southern Disability Services (whose names have been changed to provide anonymity), in order to investigate some of the personal, familial and inter-organizational issues that arise when the family carer (often a parent) of somebody with intellectual disabilities requires aged care and is no longer able to provide the home-based support and care for their son or daughter. In analysing these complex issues, we highlight the value of a storytelling approach to identifying and clarifying the nature of the problem as well as providing space for co-constructing stories that engage stakeholders in a dialogue that opens up new potential pathways to managing these transitions. Our attention is focussed on the conception of a need for

change that includes problem recognition and characterisation, the search and identification of possible solutions, and the initiation of actions to resolve a longstanding but increasingly vexatious gap in service provision. Previous attempts to tackle this problem have proven ineffectual at the inception phases due to the structural and perceptional barriers to change, such as, funding, policy, stakeholder differences, historical legacy and the general belief that the problem is too complex and unresolvable. Our study sets out to demonstrate how stories can engage stakeholders in coconstructing action possibilities and the development of innovative pathways in championing transitioning opportunities during the early processes of change.
There is a considerable body of research on storytelling organizations (Boje 1991, 2008;
Gabriel 2000; Reissner 2008), and the way change generates stories (Letiche et al. 2008; Fronda and
Moriceau 2008; Steuer and Wood 2008; Corvellec and Hultman 2012) that are used to make sense of (Sims et al. 2009; Brown and Humphreys 2003; Boyce 1995; Thurlow and Mills 2009; Islam 2013) and resist change (Dawson and McLean 2013; Vickers 2008), with rather less attention being given to stories as a way of engaging participants in an early dialogue on the need and parameters for change (Briody et al. 2012; Jabri 2012). Although there is a growing interest in organizational and individual readiness for change (Rafferty et al. 2013; Haffar et al. 2014) as well as the development of new ideas in the search and selection of innovation opportunities (Tidd and Bessant 2013) the use of stories and the storying process during the initial conception of innovation and change remains largely unexplored (Denning 2008). Our aim is to further research in this area through spotlighting the use and place of stories during the early phases and emergence of change.
In our examination of the two care providers, we explore the way stories are used by participants in the early stages of change especially as a vehicle for constructing new terrains that allow for longstanding problems to be repositioned through recursive stakeholder dialogue. We aim to further our understanding of the lived experience of the residents and employees of care facilities, to shed insight on how to facilitate processes of change across two organizations with different funding arrangements and policy initiatives, and to illustrate how stories not only capture sensemaking processes but also act as transitioning devices that give sense to future change opportunities. A key finding of our study centres on the importance of stories at the early stages of change in widening the arena of innovative opportunities, in facilitating collective acceptance of new ideas and in initiating action to resolve problems. We demonstrate how stories are used not only in retrospective sensemaking of existing problems but also in giving prospective sense to the possibilities for resolving protracted problems through innovative solutions that in turn facilitates a level of collective acceptance and commitment to opening up new pathways for change.

The storying canvas for prospective change
In developing a framework for understanding stories as retrospective sensemaking devices that also afford new pathways in changing organizations through giving sense to new possibilities we draw on process studies (Pettigrew 2012; Langley and Tsoukas 2010), the storytelling work of Boje (2006) as well as those who have written directly on change stories (Brown et al. 2009;Buchanan and Dawson
2007; Reissner 2008; Jabri 2012). In incorporating the temporality of past, present and future we move beyond the retrospective ‘after-the-event’ analysis to include an examination of the ongoing present and projected future and in this, we draw on studies of time in organizations (Ancona et al.
2001; Araujo and Easton 2012; Gell 2001; Roe et al. 2009). Our concern with stories and temporality highlights the processes by which individuals and groups make and give sense to experience and thereby draws attention to the work of Weick (1995, 2001) as well as the more prospective sensemaking and sensegiving (which seeks to influence the sensemaking of others) as illustrated in the work of Gioia and Chittipeddi (1991) and Gioia, Corley and Fabbri (2002).
In line with the main body of work in this area we support the view that change generates stories (Reissner 2008), but contend that these stories not only involve people making sense of their experiences but also of giving sense to their expectations of what lies ahead (Dawson et al. 2011) and that central to these dynamic processes of change is the notion of movement and time (Weibe
2010). The temporality of change is captured in both conventional notions of time in a progression from some current position through transition to a future state (Beckhard and Harris 1987) as depicted in the three phases of planned change in the classic formulation of Lewin (1947, 1951), to the way that time is made sense of by individuals and groups in a socio-cultural historical context
(Frank 2012) through to more processual non-linear conceptions of time (Langley 2009). Weibe
(2010) for example, illustrates how managers use different conceptions of time in framing the events and processes of organizational change. They are seen to draw on continuity/discontinuity as modes of understanding the relationship of past, present and future, in which they tend to focus on a dominant temporality (Weibe 2010, pp. 230-231). Stories of change can thereby characterise time in different ways and in our study, attention is given to the way stories can open up new ways of seeing future possibilities (Gephart et al, 2010) and are not only used as devices for retrospective sensesmaking (Weick 1995).
Boje (2008) complements this perspective in contrasting the linearity and coherence of modernist conceptions of narrative (Czarniawska 1998; Gabriel 2000) with the polyphony and unfinalised dynamic of storying in the here-and-now (Boje 2001; Collins and Rainwater 2005). For
Boje (2008, p. 1) narrative has served to present reality in an ordered fashion (a centripetal force), whereas stories are at times able to break out of this narrative order and offer a more diverse,

fragmented and muddled view of reality (a centrifugal force). The importance of accommodating polyvocal accounts in collecting data on the way different groups and stakeholders make sense of and give sense to their own experiences of change is also highlighted by Buchanan and Dawson
(2007). They argue for the need to be aware of the way that collective stories not only provide sensemaking accounts of change but also, to the way that they can give sense - plausible stories that influence the sensemaking of others - and hence potentially steer the process in certain preferred directions. This orientation of sensemaking to the future that can influence outcomes or the closure of disputes and produce and sustain institutional legitimation is taken up by Gephart, Topal and
Zhang (2010) in a study of a public hearing of the Alberta Energy & Utilities Board (AEUB). Unlike the cognitive process approach of Weick, future-oriented sensemaking is shown to be a visible social process that can be studied and observed, one that is intersubjectively produced and sustained
(Gephart et al. 2010, pp. 297-299). It is seen as processes (situated practices) that create interpretative schemes and through which different meanings may compete in establishing a dominant framework and how ‘future-oriented sensemaking is part of an unfolding sensemaking process that incorporates past and present orientations’ (2010, p. 297). In our research the concern is not with the way stories shape the implementation of change but rather, on how stories offer a canvas of possibilities in the characterisation and re-characterisation of existing problems – which in our case examples manifests as a protracted wicked problem – and in the co-construction of innovative realisable opportunities during the early stages of change. In breaking open established ways of seeing a problem and in opening up a new dialogue on potential solutions, we contend that stories enable the past to be repositioned in the present in prospective sensemaking of possible futures.
A final element that we seek to include in our analysis is the way that objects and material entities shape actions and experiences informing sensemaking and sensegiving in the coconstruction of stories. On this count the more recent work of Boje (2012) contests the structuring of narrative, arguing that stories differ from structured narratives, existing and operating in multiple and sometimes fragmentary forms and entangled in socio-material practices. We have also sought to counter-balance the dominance of language and narrative in rebalancing the place of the material through drawing on the work of Barad (2007, 2003) and those who have developed, discussed and employed her entanglement theories of matter and meanings (see for example, Leonardi 2012;
Leonardi and Barley 2008; Orlikowski 2010). In the context of aged care and the disabled, for example, materiality is evident not only in the use of devices for movement, hearing and vision, but also through affective events, such as, meal times, that spotlight the blurring of social-material relations and the importance of affective dimensions to understanding lived experience (see for

example, Thrift 2008; Sedgwick 2003). In drawing on these literatures in our analyses of the empirical data, we aim to further our understanding of the lived experience of the residents and employees of care facilities, to shed insight on how to facilitate processes of change across two organizations with different funding arrangements and policy initiatives, and to illustrate how stories not only capture temporal sensemaking but also act as transitioning devices that afford new pathways in changing organizations.
Setting the scene: Intellectual disabilities and aged care in Australia
An Australian study into the transition arrangements for ageing people with intellectual disabilities was carried out by the authors across two separately funded community organizations based in
NSW, Australia. As mentioned earlier, these comprise: Southern Disability Services (hereafter called
Disability Services) who provide training and support services to people with disabilities and AAC, which is one of Australia’s largest community based, retirement living and aged care providers. Both organizations operate under different funding models and it is only through ‘crisis’ situations that people with intellectual disabilities from organizations like Disability Services, are able to move across to aged care prior to meeting the appropriate age criteria. Aged Care Services are targeted at people aged over 65 years who are frail/aged and who have limitations in performing core activities.
Increasingly services are provided within the person’s family home through a range of community packages and clients only transition into a residential facility when they are much older, and are too frail (and their care needs too high) to access services at home. Aged Care providers are funded to accommodate the special needs of some groups who are aged 50 years and older (for example,
Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islanders), however people with intellectual disability are not identified as having special needs under the Aged Care Act 1997. Aged Care Assessors are required to assess people with intellectual disability in the same way as they assess the general ageing community, often finding it difficult (with current assessment tools) to differentiate whether behaviours and limits on core activities are disability or age-related. This is significant, as an increase in challenging behaviours in people with disability may be age-related but they are often assessed as ineligible for services due to having an intellectual disability, whereas members of the general public with similar challenging behaviours (dementia-related) would be eligible for aged care services.
People with intellectual disabilities often show the signs of ageing earlier than the general population and may require access to aged care services at an earlier chronological age. They can also have severe limitations to core activities, but may not meet the frail/aged criteria required by
Aged Care Assessors. This group also often withdraws from supported employment services due to early ageing once aged related decline reduces a person’s capacity to continue working (beginning

mid to late 40’s or early to mid-50’s). This group is transitioning out of Disability Services (including supported employment) but is often not eligible to gain access to aged care services. For this group, access to aged care is usually the result of a crisis situation (for example, the parent/carer reaches an age where they require their own ageing care but face the concern of how to ensure that care and social supports are maintained for their disabled daughter or son), this poses a ‘wicked’ problem for service organizations that is difficult to overcome and manage. The focus of our research centered on investigating such problems through examining the arrangements within an aged care and disabilities service organization.
Research strategy and methodology
A participatory action research methodology (Reason and Bradbury 2001) was used in examining the process of managing the transition of people with intellectual disabilities into aged care day services.
The research was conducted over two phases: first, through a series of exploratory interviews with staff and management at each organization, and second, through a 10 week Pilot Project undertaken, one day per week, to trial the provision of disability day service programs within an aged care setting.
In the exploratory study staff in both organizations were encouraged to reflect on past experiences and were prompted for ideas for improved frameworks and possible models to facilitate the ‘problem’ of transition. All interviews were recorded using an audio-digital recorder and transcribed prior to data analysis. Staff at both Disability Services and AAC recognised the problems of establishing collective engagement and collaboration over time and the practical difficulties of managing transition arrangements. In particular, the need for a smooth, well prepared transition
(planned in advance) with support from carers, and the need for communication and social supports both during and after the transition. When asked to rank the importance of the transition phase, staff responses ranged from ‘very, very important’ to ‘vital’ and noted that the transition can be the difference between success and failure for people accessing aged care services. In reality, there is often very little or no time for the transition, with access to residential aged care most frequently the result of crises. When the primary carer dies, decisions about placement for a person with intellectual disability are being made by families during their period of grief and the focus is on finding a safe and secure environment to provide the family with peace of mind.
These initial findings were used to support and develop recommendations for the commencement of a 10 week Pilot Project that trialled the provision of disability day service programs for ageing Disability Services clients within an AAC Care Centre site. The recommendations were accepted by the senior executives of both organizations and a Pilot Project management team

was formed that was made up of four senior and frontline managers from each organization and one of the researchers to work collaboratively in planning, coordinating, and negotiating appropriate practices for the Pilot.
Pilot Project management meetings were scheduled monthly and provided an opportunity to implement ongoing evaluation through the use of an action research methodology, for example, feedback, planning, reviewing, monitoring all occurred in these meetings (McDermott et al. 2008).
This approach was sensitive to, and inclusive of the views and responses of members of highly vulnerable stakeholders, including residents, clients and their carers as well as staff and other management (see for example, Reason and Bradbury 2001; Selener 1997; Greenwood and Levin
2008). Given the action orientation of the research that sought effective change and not to merely observe, the researchers were expected to engage, reflect and support active discussions (see,
Iedema and Carroll 2010).
The Pilot Management team considered that, as an initial transition step to meet the gap in service provision, the commencement of a day program linking Disability Services clients and AAC aged care residents in joint programs, was more achievable than attempting forms of residential transition. Workers from the Disability Services with whom the clients were familiar would participate with the clients, aged care workers and residents. Client concerns about the new environment and aged care resident concerns about visitors with disabilities could thus be addressed in a less threatening and more controlled environment. At the same time, organizational managers had an opportunity to trial collaborative approaches to service delivery, address individual organizational changes to policy, routines and practices and examine possible collaborative funding opportunities.
The management team included members from both organizations who had responsibility for care and recreational activities. Early discussions in team meetings focused on how the pilot might work most effectively. The managers responsible for the care and recreational needs of clients and residents were instrumental in driving the design decisions that shaped the Pilot. The AAC managers contacted their front-line recreational and carer staff colleagues who quickly warmed to the idea of the Pilot and opened conversations with aged care residents to ascertain their views about the possibility of commencing the Pilot project. Residents were generally accepting of the idea of shared recreational activities at the aged care facility. At the same time the Disability Services clients were invited by their workers to participate in the Pilot. Their response was very positive with most clients communicating enthusiastically about the opportunity to participate. In this way, communication was opened and developed with participants including the service users and providers of all levels of relevant services.

Participants from Disability Services were assessed for the Pilot on the basis that they were generally communicative, without significant behavioural issues and were most likely to require aged care services in the future. These clients were currently living in the community or with parents/carers. Careful consideration was given to which staff to allocate and care was taken to match their skills and training, as well as to the types of activities that would be appropriate for joint engagement. An AAC Lifestyle Officer and Disability Services Retirement Options (GRO) worker were allocated to supervise these activities. The clients travelled in a bus to the aged care facility where they participated in scheduled activities including various craft activities, gardening, musical activities, and conversations around newspaper readings. Lunch was provided by AAC and clients and residents ate hot meals together in the dining room.
Data were collected to ascertain current stories and practices throughout the Pilot both on site during the Pilot and in project management meetings. A range of compatible ethnographic methods were used (Yanow 2012; Yanow and Schwartz-Shea 2006) such as: transcripts of twelve, forty minute semi-structured interviews of staff and managers; field notes taken during weekly, 3-4 hour observations of work practices by one or more researchers during the Pilot Project; and the collection of organisational artefacts, for example, policy documents, organisational procedures and photographs. Feedback obtained from on-site staff was used to inform adjustments made both by the project management team and on-site staff to the operations of the Pilot. At the end of the project the research team facilitated a workshop for the project management team and representatives of on-site staff. The workshop was used to: reflect on the effectiveness of the pilot and the knowledge and learning acquired through the scheme; to further co-construct stories around innovative solutions to this protracted problem as well prospective possibilities for future actions; and to discuss opportunities for further collaborative action research initiatives.
Stories from the field: Disability Services and AAC
In drawing from our fieldwork data we present an analysis of some of the stories that are well established in one or other of the organisations. These well-known stories fit with Gabriel’s (2000) notion of a good narrative with a recognisable beginning, middle and end. They provide retrospective sensemaking of disturbances and uncomfortable happenings in the everyday of events and conversations, whilst also offering the potential for dialogue and debate about the now and future of possible change pathways that may or may not occur. As such, they present a forum from which discussions can flow and ebb around a range of dimensions that may be brought into play by participating audiences. There was one particular story, which we refer to as Nadia’s story (a pseudonym) that was used repeatedly by staff and managers in different contexts and times over

the period of the research, to explain the complex and vexatious nature of the issues. It provides an ideal typical characterisation of the wicked problem linked to the issue of transitioning people with intellectual disabilities into aged care facilities. Unlike ‘tame’ problems that are resolvable requiring managers to identify the most appropriate procedures for resolution, ‘wicked’ problems are far more complex with each solution often presenting new problems (Grint 2005). In these situations a simple search and assessment of answers (solutions) are unlikely to produce the desired outcome as the problem requires wider reflection among stakeholders through ongoing dialogue prior to consideration of potential pathways for change. This particular story relates to a past event in which a person with intellectual disability suffers the bereavement of her mother (last surviving family member) and finds herself labelled as an outsider within the institution she is located (by some of the residents within an aged care facility) whilst also no longer being officially eligible to receive care within the institution in which (up until the time of this incident) she has been a co-resident with her mother. This person then becomes a representation of a wicked problem under current procedural arrangements causing high levels of concern, stress and emotionality among residents, staff, managers, friends and relatives, as well as the person in question.
The story (which we explain in further detail later) is a past event that continues to have considerable leverage for engaging others in dialogue through retrospective sensemaking, in discussing current issues and in projecting forward to anticipated future occurrences. In this way the stories and dialogues do, among other things, give sense to what is seen to be needed to be done even if a realisable solution cannot be readily identified. Different interpretations and views emerge in which there are a range of voices (polyvocality) that interweave and compete in collective sensemaking, which we found especially evident among key stakeholder groups. These multiple stories do not just reflect backwards but make sense of what has occurred in terms of what their present experiences are as well as their expectations for the future. The stories look backwards and forwards are often incomplete and fragmentary and are not imprisoned by a narrative structure
(Boje 2006). They open up pathways for further dialogue within and across groups, which create further opportunities for inter-organizational storying in giving sense to the potential for collaborative action. The structural barriers to change (through existing funding models and policy documents) move from foreground to background as the drivers of the imperative to develop transition strategies take on a higher priority that is seen to be realisable. Areas that have previously been closed are opened and in so doing, the commercial and economic inhibitors are reassessed; the social, economic and political costs of not taking action become a backdrop to participant engagement by key stakeholders in what is seen as a significant social innovation (Mulgan et al.
2007; Goldsmith et al. 2010). Through storying the leaders of the collaborating organizations

instigate a new agenda that is seen to have the potential to impact beyond the organizations themselves in policy care developments that would necessitate a rethinking by governments at both
State and Federal level. The longstanding constraints of change are replaced with a dialogue through storying that engages stakeholders not only in the possibilities for change, but in the excitement and challenge of a significant innovation that could improve the well-being of disadvantaged people in society. However, Nadia’s story is in itself incomplete and partial, relaying a positive slant on developments and skirting over some of the issues, concerns and contradictions that emerge in the stories as they are told in our case organizations. In returning to these stories, we present accounts around the well held notion of a ‘crisis event’ through Nadia’s story that centres on the unanticipated transition of someone with a disability into aged care.
Bridging the divide between aged and disability care: Nadia’s story
During the research a number of stories emerged that sought to capture some of the issues and difficulties of bridging the divide between aged and disability care. These stories recounted problems stemming from separate funding arrangements that constrained meaningful collaboration between AAC and Disability Services. At a policy level, there was a clear divide established both in terms of client definition and in relation to the monies that would support ongoing care and new initiatives. The bridgeless divide was brought into stark relief when the intractable issue of managing the unplanned admission of disabled clients into aged care environments occurred. These situations called for immediate response and liaison between two separate organizations that operated in different sectors, each with their own sets of procedures and policies. Both parties were well aware that these ‘crisis events’ would occur but their exact timing could not be pre-planned. An example of such an unplanned event would be when the parents of a disabled son or daughter were
– through perhaps their own ill-health or incapacity through natural ageing – no longer able to provide the life-long support that they had sustained previously. Whilst both organizations were well aware that these situations occurred (they had done in the past and they were going to reoccur in the future), there was no way of predicting the actual occurrence of such events. As such, each
‘crisis event’ was dealt with at the ‘time of the event’ with no pre-planning and this caused not only procedural and staffing strains on the organizations, but also ‘personal crisis’ (stress, fear, anxiety, confusion, guilt, sadness, loss, et cetera) for the home carers and the disabled client who was lifted from a secure known environment into a strange and unknown institutional setting. In addition, the residents within the aged care facilities, most of whom lived through the period in which the dominant Australian social policy separated people with disability from the general population, often did not take kindly to the sudden arrival of a disabled person who was chronologically young and

potentially, very demanding on services. The regular occurrence of this issue provided material for stories that sought to make sense of this wicked problem and their immediate implications ( for example, the human cost, carer demands, resident concerns and management issues) whilst capturing the inanity of formalised bureaucratic procedures and the short-sightedness of policy developments. These retrospective replays of events and the personal stories of families highlighted the plight of people and the travesty and injustice of procedural arrangements that were unable to accommodate to the real needs faced by those in need of care and those working within the caring profession.
A classic story that was well known by the staff and management of Disability Services centred on the admission of an elderly lady and her intellectually disabled daughter, Nadia. This story was repeated a number of times by Disability Services staff and management, both in separate individual interviews and in meetings before, during and after the research. The story is of a longterm Disability Services client who had made the transition to an AAC residential care centre – the story became known as the Nadia Story (pseudonyms are used throughout for reasons of confidentiality). The main dimensions to this story centred on Nadia who was being cared for by her mother up until her mother reached the age at which she herself required aged care. In entering as an aged care resident, Nadia joined her and they lived together within an AAC residential care centre. During her stay at AAC Nadia developed dementia and her mother died. A resident who recalled watching Nadia walking around in a nightie clearly showing signs of having cognitive problems made his view known, namely, that someone under the chronological age of 65 she should not be allowed to stay and should be requested to leave. A part of the story is recounted in the quotation that follows:
I can use names because you said it’s confidential, Nadia moved into the residential setting and, I think, again she moved there with her mum and then when her mum passed away…there was some resistance from some of the people that were there that thought that she would then move on and when she didn’t move on there was one particular fellow that was making it very, very clear that he didn’t think she should be there. And I know one of the managers (Julie) went out…and spoke to him and tried to find out what his concerns were…He basically said to Julie that Nadia didn’t belong and she shouldn’t be here, that she was only here because her mother was here. And when Julie said, well that lady’s obviously got a disability, because he said, well if she’s got a disability she shouldn’t be here…Lovely. Charming. So that was his attitude.
Here the aged care resident argues that as Nadia had a disability when she entered the aged care service (with her ageing mother), she, in contrast to the resident who had age-related disability, developed dementia after admission into care, and therefore ought not to be in the aged care

service but in a disability specific service. Unfortunately, such an option does not exist under current services in Australia.
The story highlights the exclusion and discrimination that Nadia experienced as she moved into residential aged care. The discursive/affective power of this is evident in that the story was told by Disability Services management and staff on multiple occasions – in the initial interviews, prior to the Pilot, then again during the Pilot by several staff and even in the final wrap-up meeting. The story gives sense to problems encountered by care staff under current funding and policy arrangements that perpetuate a divide and separateness between aged and disabled care. This division is generally accepted by aged care residents who belong historically to a generation where the separation and exclusion of people with disability was naturalized in most social domains and therefore they have little awareness of the issues faced by ageing parents who care for their stigmatized children. The story that emerges from the resident shows how he is unable to make sense of the decision for Nadia to remain in an environment that is not – in the collective view of the residents in making sense of their own lived experience – appropriate or designed to accommodate residents like Nadia. The division at policy level is replicated in a modified form at residential level where a common sense of identity emerged based on an understanding of age and frailty. A conception of time as chronological clock time pervades collective sensemaking as the sharing of individual stories that explains their current place in residential aged care temporally align (they have all passed the formal age requirement) even if they have followed different routes to their current position. There is a collective understanding and identity that is formed that is further reinforced through interaction and activities in the care facilities. Under these circumstances, the younger person with disability (in chronological age) stands out as an ‘outsider’ and at times
‘intruder’ to their shared world.
This story is not about Nadia per se, but Nadia as an archetypal figure. The Disability
Services managers and employees know that this is not a one-off event, situations will recur and their annoyance and irritation – in a sense of powerlessness to change this situation – emerges in the story with which they can all engage and use as an opportunity to speak of their frustrations through commenting on the event. For these employees, the understanding and engagement of a broader group of stakeholders is missing, there is a need for change but as the story captures, there is no solution forthcoming. The story thus provides a platform for discussing a longstanding issue - which given the context of an ageing population and the lack of change to this area of policy in recent reports – is likely to occur with greater regularity in the future. As such, talk around this subject is not so much about the sensemaking within the story construction but to the different ways that sense is given to the story in the present when considering previous cases (retrospective

sensemaking) and anticipated issues (prospective sensemaking) that are likely to arise in the future.
It provides an opportunity for stimulating dialogue and debate.
At an organizational level there has been awareness of the problem and of the need for some form of change but this has been viewed as a policy and funding issue. The inadequacy of formalized procedures and the lack of integrating mechanisms have set a hard face on potential futures and have done little to alleviate the concerns and anxieties of elderly parental carers. As the following quotation captures, there is a lot of emotionality, feelings of hopelessness and loss that often accompany these crisis situations:
And people are shattered at the time because they’re in crisis and emotions are raw and people, especially if you’ve got an old parent, older carer, it’s just all too much, all too much and the process just shouldn’t be that bad for them, but they’ve worn enough guilt in their life with what people with disabilities have gone through over the years. And a lot of your older carers, and I’m talking 85, 90, 92 some of them, with a daughter or son home that’s
55 or 60, and they’re still caring for them and then all of a sudden they fall, break their hip, crisis, no one can care for them…Then people start to pick up, oh, they can’t go back to a day program, they can’t go into normal accommodation, they’ve got dementia, they’ve got, and bingo, next minute, crisis. They’re in an aged care facility and you’ve got the person with the disability in one and the parent in one, and it could happen in like months just because of one crisis thing.
The absence of options and the failure to plan for such contingencies is viewed as a significant failing of the current system. This is especially the case where the disabled daughter or son is not eligible for aged care because they are below the required chronological age, even though it is well documented that problems of dementia tends to occur far earlier in disabled people rather than those with normal health profiles. Ageing and associated illnesses are not fixed by clock time, even though policy and regulatory procedures often find this method of measurement the easiest to employ in administering and regulating aged health care. The dislocation that impacts when these crisis situations occur goes beyond the merely emotional to the affective (Clough and Halley 2007) in the separation from familiar place and space to the hopelessness of having nowhere to go. The affect embedded in the specificity of the socio-materiality of a known environment – like the home, bedroom, lounge or garden – has a temporality of meaning that extends beyond the present in memories of the past and anticipations and expectations of future events and happenings (Duff
2010). The color and shape of the plants in the garden, the texture of the handle on the front door, the sound of the kettle in the kitchen and the shape of the wall hanging in the bathroom – produce their own image, memories and meaning and evoke affectivity – the materiality is felt, touched, smelt and remembered and forms part of the social process of sensemaking. These affective relations through socio-material engagement often provide a sense of belonging, of order and place

in the world, a sense of security and of continuity and safety. Disruptions and displacement break the routine of the familiar in relocating situated practices to an alien or unknown environment where everyday activities can create anxiety and fear rather than the knowingness and security of the familiar.
For Disability Services and AAC the trigger for change is seen to rest on the development and implementation of new policies rather than emerging from the proactive decisions of managers acting for two separate organizations. The organizational and geographical divide combine with social and cultural differences that present perceived obstacles to collaborative change that is further reaffirmed by the policy barriers and procedural regulations within the wider operating environment. Legacies of the past and structures of the present are seen to inhibit alternative scenarios of the future that do not simply build on what has gone before. Linear conceptions that had predominated among both service providers are called into question when Nadia’s story is used to critically reflect on past interpretations and current assumptions. The emotionality through the sense of loss, bereavement and hopelessness are raised in discussions and debate and the story enlivens a collective sense of injustice that is taken up by the CEO of Disability Services who relays another version of the story to the Chief Operating Officer (COO) of AAC. The story is told and retold as it moves from lower levels within the organization to a meeting and conversation between the senior managers who represent the two organizations. The linear trajectory of change and the lack of choice is further questioned in following a successful pilot project that engages stakeholders in a new set of possibilities for change.
Engaging stakeholders in collaborative sensemaking: the management story
At the outset managers from the two different organizations held different perspectives and interpretations on the nature of the problem posed. These different views largely derived from their involvement in issues that were organizationally based and their limited exposure to broader interorganizational problems and concerns. Moving outside of organizational boundaries to engage with wicked problems that required inter-organizational collaboration and understanding started to challenge the usefulness of conventional solutions to longstanding problems. In forming a Project
Management Team comprising managers and staff from both organizations as well as a number of academic researchers a range of different views and interpretations were voiced. After some initial communication challenges, where AAC staff were unaware of their roles in the project and the team members repositioned themselves as part of a new formed ‘collaborative’ group, new stories began to emerge that accommodated viewpoints from different stakeholders. In ongoing discussions and conversations of key issues and obstacles a dialogue became established within this AAC and

Disability Services collaboration and the storying and co-storying of potential pathways started to dominate the attention of participants during the management team meetings. Anecdotes were relayed on the positive effects of the pilot on staff and clients and a new sense of optimism energised the team who in presenting their stories raised a new sense of possibilities for mobilizing resources to affect change. Eventually new co-constructed stories started to emerge on the prospective ways forward – involving practical strategies for securing inter-organizational collaboration and possibilities for gaining funding and influencing policy - which were continually revised and developed in response to other stories. For example, a number of supporting stories were presented that recast relations between the clients of AAC and Disability Services in a positive light, common accounts from the pilot emphasised how Disability Services clients were generally accepted by the aged care residents and staff. The stories illustrated not only how they added a sense of enthusiasm and fun often missing for the aged care residents but also how emotional engagement and conversations developed between the residents and clients. For example, in our observations of the musical activities, we experienced the affective flows both bright and happy, sentimental and pensive, and were moved as we observed residents and clients powerfully affected by music. As one researcher noted:
The affective dimension of the music was very powerful. It was clear that most of the residents loved to hear the music as their faces reflected joy, sadness perhaps attached to sentimental memories and even frustration when they knew a tune but couldn’t remember the name. Some sang along or hummed, tapped and were momentarily somewhere else. Alex (AAC Lifestyle Officer) put a lot of himself into this activity both in terms of his song selection and performance. I think he was momentarily somewhere else as well. The Disability Services group also enjoyed this activity and became very animated and excited especially when Alex played songs that they knew.
The affective power of music is well known and here barriers melted as music played (Hennion
2001). As stories such as these were enthusiastically relayed by workers back to the Pilot Project management team, the sense of effective possibilities transferred to the management meetings that now became more affectively charged with feelings of optimism, hope and humour. Confidence grew in the possibility of new stories affirming the hopeful in what has occurred and in supporting future-oriented possibilities for further collaborations.
The Pilot provided a forum for not only bringing the clients and staff of the two service organizations together but also for allowing the further establishment of relationships and engagement in storying opportunities from reinterpretations of past accounts and ongoing developments. Expectations of the future were not simply based on the present but through reflection and reinterpretations of the past. For example, during an interview with the Chief
Operating Officer (COO) of AAC, the significance of a meeting held with the former CEO of Disability

Services about eighteen months prior to the commencement of the Pilot was highlighted. He relays a story of a meeting in which he was made aware of the plight faced directly by Disability Services of the growing numbers of carers who were unable to find aged care services for their children with disability. The COO described how as ‘the disability sector is crying out for change’ he became strongly aware that ‘we’ve got a problem’ with increasing numbers of people requiring access to aged care services. He repeated several times during the interview that the driver for developing collaborative relations with Disability Services in the Pilot was that: ‘we have heard the voice of the disability sector’. He relates his interpretation of the Nadia story and how this encapsulates a need to address the dominant narrative at senior management and policy levels that exclude people with disability from aged care service provision. The recounting of the Disability Services story captures the affective power of this retrospective story describing the plight of the disabled sector in the here-and-now and is interwoven with prospective storying of future possibilities. A story taken from the past is reinterpreted and given sense in a present context to engage a particular audience about possibilities for the future. The story is used in constructing a partial future-oriented account - what
Boje (2011) refers to as an antenarrative or a bet on the future – the manager uses the stories and interpretations of significant others in opening up a dialogue on what should and could be done by
AAC to remedy the situation.
Our research spotlight how stories were being reconfigured and co-constructed to provide a bridge that established firmer links between aged and disability care that offered new strategic choices in not simply being determined by environmental change but in shaping possible futures and in scripting alternative and more collaborative ways forward. At an individual and collective level, stories provided an avenue for greater emotional and cognitive engagement in the possibilities of change. There was a greater belief among the stakeholders that change could be achieved, that it would be beneficial for clients, staff and their respective organizations, that staff and senior managers were building a greater commitment for change and that action would be forthcoming if the appropriate strategy could be developed. Action in taking change forward has prompted dialogue on broader funding options but rather than seeing these in reactive mode the decision has been made to take proactive action in seeking to secure funds and to engage in wider debate and dialogue. Stories once again play a key role in not only describing existing conditions and future possible scenarios but in shaping the views and actions of other stakeholders. A clearer conception of the current state of play and the desired state has been identified but further dialogue is required to identify the appropriateness and achievability of a range of possible change options.
In the final de-brief meeting staff described the Pilot Project team members very positively despite it being ‘designed to succeed’ in terms of the selection of clients facility and participation.

Disability Services staff suggested that the transition and the Pilot ‘are part of their grand plan thinking about ageing clients’. They suggested that the Disability Services clients were ‘happy about the Pilot as they liked to have a bit of fun’. AAC staff endorsed the Pilot by their comments that their residents demonstrated increased levels of participation in activities and developed new relationships with the Disability Services clients. Greater collaboration between the two organizations had been achieved with managerial staff from both sides referring to the collaborative relationship as being effective and strong with the atmosphere at the meetings being positive, interspersed with humour and goodwill. A platform for ongoing dialogue in storying opportunities has been established and a number of options for future developments have been confirmed and our engagement in further research has been requested. At the time of writing, our case organizations are looking at the possibility of developing a new build facility that could test the waters for future policy developments in managing the wicked problem of the transitioning of people with intellectual disabilities into aged care facilities.
Conclusion
Our research highlights the importance of stories in the early stages of change in identifying and characterising problems, engaging stakeholders in discussion and dialogue, and in the development and assessment of innovative solutions to longstanding protracted problems. In illustrating how stories afford new pathways in changing organizations we have set out to show how stories are not simply retrospective sensemaking devices but are part of everyday lived experience that assimilates the past and future within the ongoing present. Time is often marked out by the clock, by the chronological time of being over 65 years of age for retirement purposes, but time is also lived time through performativity, reflection and anticipation. Our study illustrates how the circulation of retrospective stories are re-worked prospectively as organizational actors engage in dialogue and storying through collective practices and changing temporal and socio-material contexts.
Established stories are retold not as simple illustrations of intractable problems but as offering platforms for dialogue and collaborative engagement in creating story space for breaking down old divisions and boundaries through co-constructing new stories that temporally merge past, present and future in formulating stories that give sense to new possibilities. These stories arise within a context, time and space in the meetings, activities and lunch time discussions that generate further stories that are variously reformed, replaced and reinforced over time. Dialogue and the performance of managing and providing care activities as well as residents co-involvement in new practices are all part of the social processes that are entwined in material and affective entities.
Time, affect and sociomateriality all come into play in the spaces and places where stories are co-

constructed and reconstituted to afford innovative pathways to change. New stories, more fragmented and terse and not yet part of organizational memory, emerged with creative power to shape the present during the initial conception of change and provides opportunities for dialogue in considering innovative solutions to longstanding problems. In this way, the sensemaking power of stories is used to relate and represent events that have occurred, whilst also giving sense and shaping meaning of what is occurring and enabling a prospective sensemaking of future possibilities.
We contend that stories are more than what are represented in their various forms and cannot be wholly explained by narrative analyses. Beyond the narration and the written document there is the image, the emotion, the affectivity, the social and material intertwining as stories are continuously constructed, revised and reshaped. These variously emerging and established stories shape the processes of change that they describe and are reconstituted through the unfolding of time in which the past may be reinterpreted in giving sense to a future that has not yet occurred but just remains a possibility. As collective sensemaking devices they can partition, divide and create barriers to change, but as our Nadia story usefully illustrates, the story may also move from a depiction of ‘a problem’ to a story that provides ‘a forum’ to collective engagement in the restorying of collaborative possibilities. The affective dimension of music that interweaves in the stories of lived experience also provides a good illustration of the bridging and collaborative developments that can occur, whilst also attending to the import of affect that is not separate/reducible but a part of ongoing stories. As such, the blurring of boundaries and time and the notion that everything exists in relation to everything else all comes into play in understanding the place of stories in changing organizations.
For us there are a number of implications arising from our study for further theoretical/conceptual research, for practices of care management and governmental policy, and for larger questions around the type of society that we want to build. On the first of these there are some intriguing conceptual concerns around the paradox of time and the way our temporal gaze is limited by a heavy emphasis on clocks and calendars that standardizes intervals and elevates chronological time to self-evident causal relations (people at age x generally require care package y).
Research on the way that dialogue and the co-creation of stories can broaden temporal sensemaking and loosen the shackles of clock time on creative thinking is worthy of further study. On the practices of care management and governmental policy, the Australian government has identified
Ageing Well, Ageing Productively as a National Research Priority and within this priority area we suggest there is a need not only for further research on the problems and practices of managing the ageing population generally but also on the implications of the extended life expectancy of those with intellectual disabilities for service provision and in particular, on care facilities for the increasing

numbers who are likely to outlive their carers (an issue that has arisen as a result of health care improvements for the intellectually disabled). Studies in different national contexts as well as comparative studies on the way these issues are tackled or not, could usefully contribute to a wider debate on policy developments and governmental support. Finally, wider societal issues on the social political system and the economic redistribution and allocation of income towards creating a sustainable and realisable system of care for a growing ageing population and the increasing life expectancy of people with intellectual disabilities, all offer material for reflection on the multiple possibilities for the development of future research.
Although no long-term and widespread policy change occurred in dealing with this difficult transition issue during the period of our study, the storying process enabled the re-characterisation of an intractable (wicked) problem into an ultimately resolvable, yet complex issue that requires further dialogue and collaborative engagement among multiple stakeholders. During the early stages of change, storying work proved influential in establishing and sustaining collaborative commitments and actions; and in this, new innovative solutions and possibilities were enacted in new stories. As senior managers discussed the creative possibilities in the funding and policy space, middle managers and front line staff operationalized and implemented important collaborative steps bridging divisions and separations. In the future, if the more challenging options are to be fully realised of mainstreaming the day care activities undertaken as part of the Pilot, to the multiple AAC sites and/or to include people with more challenging disabilities such as behavioural issues, then much work remains that can be supported by participative action research that engages with stories for affording the identification of innovative pathways during the early (pre-implementation) periods of change.
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