Genta Stafaj
Professor Seeley
December 10, 2010
Introduction to Cultural Psychology
The Intergenerational Acculturation Gap: Family Conflict and Youth Maladjustment
Imagine a young Nicaraguan girl trying to explain to the doctor why her mother
refuses to get a vaccination. Now imagine the mother confused and exasperated, having to
wait on her daughter to translate why the doctor insists on driving a needle into her skin.
In this culture clash, the child is caught in between as a cultural broker while the mother is
forced to take on a passive role. As the example demonstrates, in immigrant families the
process of acculturation can be severe, often disrupting family arrangements and
emotional ties. The younger generation is able to adapt to the new culture quickly, learning
the language and customs while the adult family members suddenly find their social status
diminish due to the lack of education and language deficiencies. Their assimilation into
American society therefore, rarely conforms to the ideal “melting pot” whereby immigrants
are expected to shed their native cultural identity and uptake the values, beliefs and
behaviors of the new culture. The process of acculturation itself however, is dependent on
factors such as the nature of immigration, context of reception into the host country, and
the age of immigration and time spent in the host country. Consequently, for many
immigrant families, the process of acculturation challenges their self-worth, beliefs, and
cultural practices resulting in family conflict and youth maladjustment.
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Acculturation is the process of cultural adaptation that results from contact between
members of two or more cultural groups (Berry, 1997). In his article “Immigration,
Acculturation, and Adaptation,” Berry (1997) goes on to identify four major modes of
acculturation that immigrants undergo: assimilation, characterized by strong ties with the
host culture and resistance of the native culture; separation, which involves retaining the
native culture and rejecting the host culture; integration, characterized by an identification
with both the native and host culture; and, marginalization, which occurs when individuals
do not affiliate with either their native or host culture and reject both. Research has
demonstrated that of the different acculturation patterns, integration is the most
psychologically adaptive pattern whereas marginalization leads to the most psychological
distress (Farver et al., 2002). Nonetheless, the mode of acculturation adopted by an
immigrant can result in a number of psychological problems, especially when a parent’s
and child’s modes of acculturation are mismatched (e.g., assimilated parent, separated
child). Such cases give rise to an acculturation gap which is believed to result in significant
stress, family conflict, and associated youth problems (Birman, 2006).
What is the consequence of this acculturation gap? Lim et al., (2009) set out to
answer this question by examining mother-child acculturation gap in relationship to
intergenerational conflict and resulting youth distress. The authors hypothesized that in
Chinese American families, acculturation gaps would be associated with greater distress
and parent-adolescent conflict as parenting styles become more overprotective. In fact,
their findings supported their hypothesis that acculturation gaps would lead to higher
levels of distress, specifically, higher levels of depression, and physical and psychological
aspects of somatization. Interestingly though, these results did not hold for cases in which
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the youth was more acculturated than the parent, termed “problematic” mismatches, but
rather in cases in which the youth was less acculturated than was the parent, termed
“benign” mismatches. In the latter form of acculturation gap, the youth had higher
depression scores and higher psychological symptoms of somatization. More importantly,
the less acculturated youth may have less social support from peers, and greater difficulty
negotiating their surroundings which in turn leads to greater stress. Since their parents are
better adjusted and do not experience such difficulties, the less acculturated youth will also
lack comfort from the family.
Berry and Annis (1974) argue that a partial explanation for the results obtained by
Lim et al. (2009) is the cultural gap between immigrants’ native and host culture: the
greater the cultural discontinuities between the two cultures, the greater acculturative
stress experienced by immigrant families. Chinese culture emphasizes a collective identity
characterized by dependence on others, obligations, in-group solidarity, and a hierarchical
family structure. When families from China migrate to America, they find that their native
culture is in almost direct opposition to their host culture. Western cultures emphasize an
individual identity that is characterized by autonomy, independence from others, and
dominance of personal goals. In negotiating these conflicting cultural demands, parents
attempt to hold on to the norms and values of their native culture while their children find
it easier and are more willing to accept the norms and values of the host culture (Lim et al.,
2009). The resulting discrepancy in acculturation between generations is believed to be a
major source of family conflict and youth distress in immigrant families (Birman, 2006).
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In another study of Chinese Canadian immigrants, Tardif and Geva (2006) explored
the assumption that the acculturation gap resulting from different cultural views of the self
can be disruptive in immigrant families. The authors found a strong association between
acculturation disparity and greater number of family conflicts reported. More significantly,
for the high acculturation disparity group, conflicts centered more on interpersonal issues
as mothers and adolescents attempted to negotiate their desynchronized cultural values
and attitudes. The negative communication between parents and adolescents only
heightened the family conflict. Yet this lack of communication is also apparent in AngloCanadian families and is more culturally accepted. What differs in Chinese immigrant
families is the negative view of open confrontation as a direct threat to the harmony of the
collective family (Tardif & Geva, 2006). When an acculturation gap emerges therefore, the
respect for authority, the expected child compliance, and the traditional hierarchical
structure of the family break down resulting in greater stress and conflict for both the child
and the parent.
Not surprisingly, adolescents’ ethnic identity is significantly affected by their
parents’ relationship to their native and host culture. If the parent is trying to integrate or
assimilate into the new culture along with their children, then there will be less family
conflict. On the other hand, a separated or marginalized style of acculturation instigates
family conflict as adolescents struggle to find a coherent sense of self-identity. Growing up
in contrasting but parallel cultures, adolescents in immigrant families are expected to
maintain their traditional values and beliefs at home but want to fit in with peers at school
or other social events. Trying to balance these conflicting commitments while developing
an ethnic and individual identity can be taxing for adolescents who consequently
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experience low self-esteem, poor school performance, and higher anxiety (Farver et al.,
2002). If they reject their native culture, they lack assurance that they will be accepted into
their new culture and risk alienation from their ethnic group. On the other hand, if they
retain their native culture, they will most likely be rejected by their peers.
As Farver et al. (2002) point out, the role of the family becomes especially important
in such cases by setting the tone for their children’s successful functioning in both cultures.
In families where the parents develop separated or marginalized acculturation styles, the
conflict with their children is greater and this conflict is only heightened by a mismatch
between the adolescents’ and parents’ styles of acculturation (Fraver et al., 2002). As a
result, adolescents who integrate and assimilate report higher self-esteem, and in cases
where there is no acculturation gap, they also report less anxiety and stress, fewer
psychological problems, and less family conflict than adolescents who develop separate or
marginalized acculturation styles (Fraver et al., 2002).
This is consistent with the findings Crane et al., (2005) report in their study of
Chinese American adolescents and their parents. Low family cohesion due to parent-child
conflicts can lead to an internalization or externalization of emotional problems by
adolescents. Not surprisingly, differences in acculturation between parents and adolescents
correlated positively with adolescent depression and delinquency and negatively with
adolescent’s social initiative (Crane et al., 2005). When considering family conflict and
adolescent distress for immigrant families however, one cannot help but wonder if the
results obtained are related to parenting styles. As children begin to acculturate, their
parents can become more nurturing and less controlling or they can become even more
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controlling in an effort to discourage their children from becoming westernized and to
preserve traditional values instead (Lim et al., 2009). The parenting style adopted
therefore, can either heighten or diminish the family conflict that arises from the different
acculturation pace between parents and children.
The question then arises: do the same acculturation problems arise in refugee
families where immigration was not voluntary but rather forced? Because in such cases
families did not want to leave their native land but are forced to do so because of
persecution, they are much less willing to acculturate to their host culture. On the contrary,
they try to keep their native language, customs, and culture alive by instilling it in their
children. Birman (2006) addressed the question of acculturation gap with respect to
American and Russian culture in their study of former Soviet Union Jewish refugees. The
authors highlighted the need in such cases to consider not only acculturation gaps that
emerge with respect to the host culture but also the acculturation gap with respect to the
native culture. The biggest gap found between parents and adolescents was language, with
parents’ Russian language competence being higher and English language competence
being lower than that of their children. Contrary to the family conflicts that arise in
voluntary immigrant families due to English language gaps, family disagreements in
refugee families results from Russian language gaps due to adolescents’ low level of native
language competence (Birman, 2006). The American language gaps were not considered a
problem by parents who encouraged their children to learn English in order to succeed in
the host country.
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The emergence of an American behavioral acculturation gap resulted in greater
conflicts and disagreements as well (Birman, 2006). Adolescents were able to adopt and
engage in American behavioral patterns much more often than their parents. Despite the
higher level of competence in English language and American behavior however, data on
Russian and American identity acculturation dismiss the assumption that immigrant
children come to identify more with the host culture and less with their native culture
(Birman, 2006). Although adolescents were higher than their parents in American identity,
they were also more Russian identified than their parents. A possible explanation for a
greater identification with their native culture stems from the development of ethnic
identity in adolescence. As adolescents struggle to develop a sense of self, they downplay
their American identity in favor of their ethnic Russian identity (Birman, 2006). Moreover,
since children feel like they did not make the decision to immigrate, they may be less
willing to exchange their native culture for their host culture. Accordingly, the Russian
identity gap that emerged did not have a negative impact on family adjustment while the
American identity gap led to greater conflict and disagreement in refugee families (Birman,
2006).
These findings highlight a number of important aspects of immigration that need to
be considered when studying the emergence of acculturation gaps. For one thing, not all
immigration is voluntary; refugees who were forced to immigrate have a much stronger
hold on their native culture and try to resist the host culture. They see their host country as
a temporary safe haven that they will leave once they can safely return to their own
country. Consequently, they have no interest nor are they willing to learn the new
language, customs and behaviors appropriate in the new culture. Moreover, the term
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acculturation gap usually encompasses a range of language, behavioral and ethnic identity
issues that emerge during resettlement in a new country. Though in some immigrant
families language may be the strongest predictor of conflict, others may find disagreement
in terms of ethnic identity. Despite the fact that parents may decide to isolate themselves
from the host culture by living in small clusters with other refugees from their native
culture, they cannot prevent their children from being exposed to the language and
customs of the host country.
In addition the distinction that needs to be drawn between voluntary and
involuntary immigration, cultural psychologists need to also consider the historical
background and time frame within which the immigration occurred. Typically, the first
wave of immigrants, also known as ‘push’ immigrants, consist mainly of upper class people
and professionals who resettle into the new country because they feel forced from their
homeland. These immigrants are not necessarily attracted to the host country but often
have little adjustment difficulties. The later waves of immigration are ‘pulled’ to the new
country by factors such as better education, greater economic opportunity, and policy
changes in favor of immigration (Gil & Vega, 1996). While they may have strong ties with
their native country, they are also not satisfied there and make a free-will choice to
emigrate. As a result, the effect that an acculturation gap has on immigrant families is also
related to the wave of immigration they belong to.
In a study of psychological distress in Vietnamese immigrants, Shapiro et al., 1999)
found that while the first wave of immigrants adapted well to life in America, subsequent
waves of immigrants suffered greater adjustment difficulties. More importantly, the
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problems that each generation faced were also very specific to their age group. The elderly
immigrants struggled with mastering daily living skills, learning the language and acquiring
the new social customs. The middle-aged group experienced trauma related to the Vietnam
War and separation from the family whereas the younger group experienced cultural
conflict (Shapiro et al., 1999). As expected, the younger generation in the later waves of
immigration was the most acculturated and reported themselves as healthiest and least
depressed. Surprisingly though, PTSD symptoms did not differ significantly in young adults
compared to the older generational groups. At the same time, the younger generation
reported the most dissatisfaction with their lives in the U.S. and the most family conflict,
both of which predicted mental distress (Shapiro et al., 1999). In these cases, acculturative
skills such as mastery of English or ability to socialize with non-Vietnamese people, actually
led to greater psychological distress. A possible explanation for this finding is that while the
older generation may have found comfort within the Vietnamese community, the younger
generation may have felt like they were not affiliated with either culture. The pressure on
the younger generation to acculturate and advance socially in the host country could also
have led to a greater dissatisfaction with life in America and increased distress.
The hypothesis of a sensitive period of acculturation attempts to explain why this
acculturation gap emerges between generations of immigrants. Children acculturate at a
faster rate than their parents, learning the language and behaviorally participating in the
host culture rapidly, partially because they are believed to have weaker ties with their
native culture than their parents do (Cheung, Chudek and Heine, in press). Children are
also exceptionally plastic however, and have a long developmental period which makes it
easier for them to pick up the new language and customs (Cheung et al., in press). The
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sensitive period of acculturation thus suggests that children’s gradual change in
identification with the host culture depends on their age of immigration while the
alternative hypothesis argues that peoples’ rate of acculturation is independent of their age
of immigration; rather, the longer time one spends in a new culture, the more they will
adjust to it. Despite the fact that immigrant parents and their children usually spend the
same period of time in their host country however, studies continue to show the emergence
of an intergenerational acculturation gap (Lim et al., 2009).
Cheung et al., (in press) designed a study to disambiguate whether acculturation
differences between immigrant adults and children are driven by exposure during a
sensitive period of development or by duration of exposure to the new culture. Their
analysis provided support for a sensitive period of acculturation as the younger the people
were when they emigrated from Hong Kong, the faster they came to identify with Canada.
Identification with the host culture also increased in younger immigrants the longer they
stayed in Canada (Cheung et al., in press). This faster acculturation can be attributed to the
mastery of the nuances of language-learning which allow them more access into the host
culture. The older immigrants on the other hand, came to identify less with the new culture
the more years they spent in Canada (Cheung et al., in press) which may be due to the older
generation becoming increasingly frustrated with the environment in which their cultural
phenotype fits poorly with their host culture’s norms. Surprisingly, the age of immigration
and the number of years spent in Canada did not seem to affect immigrants’ identification
with Chinese culture (Cheung et al., in press). The large Chinese community housed in
Vancouver probably serves as a cultural buffer, allowing Hong Kong immigrants to
maintain their ethnic identification through regular exposure to their native language.
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In face of these findings, one cannot help but wonder if the acculturation gap that
results from a sensitive period of acculturation necessarily gives rise to family conflict and
youth maladjustment. Lau et al. (2005) tested this acculturation gap-distress hypothesis in
a sample of 260 high-risk Mexican American families. Contrary to the findings presented
previously in research with Asian immigrants (Lim et al., 2009; Fraver et al., 2002; Birman,
2006), Lau et al. (2005) found that although acculturation gaps were common, parentyouth discrepancies towards the host and native cultures were not related to an increase in
family conflict nor did they result in youth conduct problems. This cultural difference
reported in the literature may be attributed to the fact that parent-adolescent acculturation
gaps are better accepted and regarded as an asset for adolescents to help their parents
navigate the new culture in Hispanic but not in Asian families (Bacallao & Smokowski,
2007). This may also explain why adolescents’ greater acculturation with the host culture
did not lead to an increase in conduct problems, on the contrary, more youth conduct
problems were reported in families in which the youth identified more with the native
culture than the parent (Lau et al., 2005).
The aforementioned findings call into question the assumption that the more rapid
acculturation of adolescents unavoidably leads to distress in immigrant families. The
authors hypothesize that instead, rapid parental acculturation can result in the erosion of
parenting practices and consequently lead to less parental monitoring and greater youth
conduct problems such as oppositionality, aggression, destructiveness, and other antisocial
behavior (Lau et al., 2005). Traditionally, Mexican families are hierarchical with high
parental involvement and control. As parents acculturate towards American norms, they
allow their children more autonomy and less strict monitoring and discipline. The demands
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of the new environment (e.g. new jobs) also play a role as parents are forced to spend less
time with their children. This in turn is associated with adolescents’ increase in loneliness,
isolation, and risk-taking behaviors (Bacallo & Smokowski, 2007). As is emphasized in
these studies, the emergence of family conflict and youth maladjustment in immigrant
families may not be due so much to an acculturation gap as it may be the result of a
disruption in family cohesion and parenting practices. Beyond the differences in
acculturation rates between parents and adolescents, researchers must keep in mind that
the new environment also places heavy demands on immigrant families.
The result of these environmental demands is clearly demonstrated in cases where
the culture of origin between two groups is similar. Gil and Vega (1996) studied the
difference in acculturation stress and adaptation between Cuban and Nicaraguan families
that emigrated to the U.S. The variation in exposure to social experiences and conditions
significantly impacted the Nicaraguan and Cuban immigrants’ resettlement experience.
Despite the similar Hispanic cultural backgrounds, Nicaraguan immigrant families suffered
greater acculturation stress than Cuban families (Gil & Vega, 1996) which may have been
caused by a difference in experience between the two groups: Nicaraguan immigrants may
have been new to the already well- developed Cuban enclave in Miami which offered
greater economic and social opportunities for Cuban families. Nonetheless, the greatest
problems for both groups arose because of intergenerational differences in English
language ability. Due to the large Hispanic community in Miami, the older generation had
no trouble initially adjusting to American culture, however, over the years, the language
barrier became more and more pronounced, especially when communicating with the
more acculturated, younger generation. For both Cuban and Nicaraguan families, family
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cohesion deteriorated as a result of acculturation and time lived in the U.S. (Gil & Vega,
1996). The significance of the results lies in that the acculturation gap and the consequent
family conflict and adolescent maladjustment can be as much contingent on the context of
immigrants’ exit from their native country as it is on the context of reception into the U.S.
The extensive body of research on the intergenerational acculturation gap that
emerges in immigrant families generally supports the idea that a mismatch between parent
and child acculturation styles leads to greater family conflict and adolescent
maladjustment. Yet one of the issues that seems to arise is that acculturation is not
unidirectional as so commonly believed but rather bidirectional in nature: the parentadolescent acculturation gap can result from a disparity in affiliation with either the native
or host culture. The research discussed in this essay also generally fail to extensively
address factors such as voluntary or involuntary (refugee) immigration, waves of
immigration, a sensitive period of acculturation, and the context of exit from native country
and reception into the host country, which can significantly heighten or lower the
acculturation gap and the consequent family conflict and youth maladjustment. With
globalization, our society is becoming more and more conscious and accepting of different
cultures but this does not necessarily mean that the effects of immigration on family and
the individual are diminishing. Future studies in cultural psychology should consider the
effects of technological development on the acculturation gap in immigrant families while
keeping in mind the close interplay between acculturation and family conflict and youth
maladjustment.
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References
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system changes after immigration. Family Relations, 56, 52-66.
Berry, J.W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An
International Review, 46(1), 5-68.
Berry, J.W., and Annis, R.C. (1974). Acculturative stress: The role of ecology, culture and
differentiation. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 5(4), 382-406.
Birman, D. (2006). Acculturation gap and family adjustment: Findings with Soviet Jewish
refugees in the United States and implications for measurement. Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 37 (5), 568-589.
Cheung, B.Y., Chudek, M., and Heine, S.J. (in press). Evidence for a sensitive period for
acculturation: Younger immigrants report acculturation at a faster rate. Psychological
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Gil, A.G., and Vega, W.A. (1996). Two different worlds: Acculturation stress and adaptation
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