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HISTORY 102
ESSAYS ON HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS
You will be required to submit three (3) four to five page typewritten essays (doublespaced) during the semester, based on your reading and interpretation of historic primary
and secondary source documents.
The first involves the analysis of a primary source document, using the textbook and
class lectures as aids in understanding the context and purpose of the document, as well
as its major points.
The second involves comparing and contrasting primary source documents and placing
them within an historical context, using both the textbook and class lectures to support
your work.
The third requires you to support a thesis based on relevant primary and secondary
source documents, including the textbook and class lectures.
You may also consult other sources beside the textbook and class lectures if you feel
it necessary. If you do, please be sure and cite them in the body of your essay.
Your essays should be written clearly and concisely, and developed logically.
Assistance with the mechanics of writing your essay may be found on a drop-in basis at
the Writing Center (Humanities 122). Bring this handout to the Writing Center and your
work in progress.
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ESSAY # 1 ANALYSIS OF AN HISTORICAL DOCUMENT
DENNIS KEARNEY “OUR MISERY AND DESPAIR” 1878
Dennis Kearney was an Irish immigrant who came to California in 1868. He became
active in the labor movement in 1877 and served as Secretary and, later, President of the
Workingmen’s Association in San Francisco. He worked for the success of the political
party formed by its members and began and ended every speech by saying “The Chinese
Must Go.” In 1878 he exhorted working people with an address entitled “Our Misery
and Despair.”
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Read and analyze Dennis Kearney's 1878 exhortation "Our Misery and
Despair." Consider the following questions as you do so:
* Who is Kearney referring to when he speaks of those who used the "flag of slavery"
against workers?
* Who does he believe is currently exploiting white workers and how are they using the
Chinese in this effort?
* What does he believe the enemies of workers have done to the nation and to California
in particular?
* What political action does he advocate for workers?
* What are the characteristics and behavior of the Chinese that make them a threat to
white workers?
* What is happening to whites, according to Kearney, as a result of Chinese
competition?
* Does Kearney spell out what should be done to the Chinese who are already living in
California?
* What is the real goal, according to Kearney, of those who oppress the workers? What
would they ultimately like to do to them?
In reading the text and discussions in lecture, consider the following:
When and why did Chinese immigrants come to California? What kind of work had they
been doing which was no longer available to them in 1878? How were the Chinese
supporting themselves? What events had taken place from 1873 to 1878, which had a
major negative impact on white workers and on their efforts to form effective labor
unions that could obtain better working conditions and salaries?
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Our moneyed men have ruled us for the past thirty years. Under the flag of the
slaveholder they hoped to destroy our liberty. Failing in that, they have rallied under the
banner of the millionaire, the banker and the land monopolist, the railroad king and the
false politician, to effect their purpose.
We have permitted them to become immensely rich against all sound republican policy,
and they have turned upon us to sting us to death. They have seized upon the government
by bribery and corruption. They have made speculation and public robbery a science.
They have loaded the nation, the state, the county, and the city with debt. They have
stolen the public lands. They have grasped all to themselves, and by their unprincipled
greed brought a crisis of unparalleled distress on forty millions of people, who have
natural resources to feed, clothe and shelter the whole human race.
Such misgovernment, such mismanagement, may challenge the whole world for intense
stupidity, and would put to shame the darkest tyranny of the barbarous past.
We, here in California, feel it as well as you. We feel that the day and hour has come for
the Workingmen of America to depose capital and put Labor in the Presidential chair, in
the Senate and Congress, in the State House, and on the Judicial Bench. We are with you
in this work. Workingmen must form a party of their own, take charge of the government,
dispose gilded fraud, and put honest toil in power.
In our golden state all these evils have been intensified. Land monopoly has seized upon
all the best soil in this fair land. A few men own from ten thousand to two hundred
thousand acres each. The poor Laborer can find no resting place, save on the barren
mountain, or in the trackless desert. Money monopoly has reached its grandest
proportions. Here, in San Francisco, the palace of the millionaire looms up above the
hovel of the starving poor with as wide a contrast as anywhere on earth.
To add to our misery and despair, a bloated aristocracy has sent to China—the greatest
and oldest despotism in the world—for a cheap working slave. It rakes the slums of Asia
to find the meanest slave on earth—the Chinese coolie—and imports him here to meet
the free American in the Labor market, and still further widen the breach between the rich
and the poor, still further to degrade white Labor.
These cheap slaves fill every place. Their dress is scant and cheap. Their food is rice from
China. They hedge twenty in a room, ten by ten. They are whipped curs, abject in docility,
mean, contemptible and obedient in all things. They have no wives, children or
dependents.
They are imported by companies, controlled as serfs, worked like slaves, and at last go
back to China with all their earnings. They are in every place, they seem to have no sex.
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Boys work, girls work; it is all alike to them.
The father of a family is met by them at every turn. Would he get work for himself? Ah!
A stout Chinaman does it cheaper. Will he get a place for his oldest boy? He can not. His
girl? Why, the Chinaman is in her place too! Every door is closed. He can only go to
crime or suicide, his wife and daughter to prostitution, and his boys to hoodlumism and
the penitentiary.
Do not believe those who call us savages, rioters, incendiaries, and outlaws. We seek our
ends calmly, rationally, at the ballot box. So far good order has marked all our
proceedings. But, we know how false, how inhuman, our adversaries are. We know that
if gold, if fraud, if force can defeat us, they will all be used. And we have resolved that
they shall not defeat us. We shall arm. We shall meet fraud and falsehood with defiance,
and force with force, if need be.
We are men, and propose to live like men in this free land, without the contamination of
slave labor, or die like men, if need be, in asserting the rights of our race, our country,
and our families.
California must be all American or all Chinese. We are resolved that it shall be American,
and are prepared to make it so. May we not rely upon your sympathy and assistance?
With great respect for the Workingman’s Party of California.
Dennis Kearney, President
H.L Knight, Secretary
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ESSAY #2 COMPARISON AND CONTRAST
The 1960’s and 1970’s was a period of great unrest in the United States, with minority
and oppressed groups of all kinds asserting themselves and demanding their civil and
human rights. The largest group pressing for change was the African-American and the
period saw milestone legislation passed in the area of civil rights.
However, many African-Americans felt that civil rights legislation did not adequately
address the problems of black people. One such group was the Black Panthers.
At the same time, many other groups were inspired by the civil rights movement and
began to organize and assert their own demands. Most notable were women,
homosexuals, American Indians, and Chicanos, each of whom spelled out why they felt
oppressed and outlined their demands for change:
Below you will find documents from each of the above-mentioned groups. Read them
and then compare and contrast any two of these groups.
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What are the complaints of each group and are they similar or different?
What are the major demands of each and are they the same in some instances but
different in others?
How do the groups plan to go about having their demands met and are they
similar or different?
Do the groups see a need to work with other groups to obtain their goals and, if,
so with which groups?
Indicate whether you think the condition of the groups you choose to write about
has improved over the last fifty years and, if so, how.
BLACK POWER MOVEMENT
The Black Panther Party was established in Oakland, California in 1966 by Huey P.
Newton and Bobby Seale, in response to police violence against black people and the
deplorable unemployment, poverty, and substandard housing conditions of the inner city.
Departing from the integrationist, non-violent approach of the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference, led by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the Panthers espoused what
became labeled a demand for “Black Power.”
PLATFORM AND PROGRAM OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY, 1966
WHAT WE WANT WHAT WE BELIEVE WE WANT freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black Community.
WE BELIEVE that black people will not be free until we are able to determine our
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destiny.
WE WANT full employment for our people. WE BELIEVE that the federal
government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed
income. We believe that if the white American businessmen will not give full
employment, then the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and
placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ
all of its people and give a high standard of living.
WE WANT an end to the robbery by the CAPITALIST of our Black Community. WE
BELIEVE that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the
overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. Forty acres and two mules was promised 100
years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of black people. We will accept
the payment in currency which will be distributed to our many communities. The
Germans are now aiding the Jews in Israel for the genocide of the Jewish people. The
Germans murdered six million Jews. The American racist has taken part in the slaughter
of over fifty million black people; therefore, we feel that this is a modest demand that we
make.
WE WANT decent housing, fit for the shelter of human beings. WE BELIEVE that if the
white landlords will not give decent housing to our black community, then the housing
and the land should be made into cooperatives so that our community, with government
aid, can build and make decent housing for its people.
WE WANT education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent
American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the
present-day society. WE BELIEVE in an educational system that will give to our
people a knowledge of self. If a man does not have knowledge of himself and his position
in society and the world, then he has little chance to relate to anything else.
WE WANT all black men to be exempt from military service. WE BELIEVE that
Black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist
government that does not protect us. We will not fight and kill other people of color in
the world who, like black people, are being victimized by the white racist government of
America. We will protect ourselves from the force and violence of the racist police and
the racist military, by whatever means necessary.
WE WANT an immediate end to POLICE BRUTALITY and MURDER of black people.
WE BELIEVE we can end police brutality in our black community by organizing black
self-defense groups that are dedicated to defending our black community from racist
police oppression and brutality. The Second Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States gives a right to bear arms. We therefore believe that all black people should
arm themselves for self- defense.
WE WANT freedom for all black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and
jails. WE BELIEVE that all black people should be released from the many jails and
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prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial.
WE WANT land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace. And as our
major political objective, a United Nations supervised plebiscite to be held throughout the
black colony in which only black colonial subjects will be allowed to participate, for the
purpose of determining the will of black people as to their national destiny. WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve
the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the
powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and
nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they
should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
WE HOLD these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever
any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to
alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to
effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long
established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all
experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are
sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.
But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty,
to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.
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WOMENS’ RIGHTS MOVEMENT
The National Organization for Women was established in 1966 in Washington, D.C. and
continues to be a national organization. The organization was established as a result of
the failure of the federal government to adequately enforce the Civil Rights Act of 1964
dealing with sex discrimination in employment. Betty Friedan, who had written The
Feminine Mystique in 1963—describing the frustration of women who were trapped in
prescribed roles and unable to attain self-actualization and fulfillment-- and Pauli Murray,
the first African-American female Episcopalian minister, co-wrote the organization’s
Statement of Purpose. This document called for women to enjoy the full equality of
opportunity and free choice as men.
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STATEMENT OF PURPOSE OF THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR
WOMEN, 1966
We, men and women who hereby constitute ourselves as the National Organization for
Women, believe that the time has come for a new movement toward true equality for all
women in America, and toward a fully equal partnership of the sexes, as part of the
world-wide revolution of human rights now taking place within and beyond our national
borders.
The purpose of NOW is to take action to bring women into full participation in the
mainstream of American society now, exercising all the privileges and responsibilities
thereof in truly equal partnership with men.
We believe the time has come to move beyond the abstract argument, discussion and
symposia over the status and special nature of women which has raged in America in
recent years; the time has come to confront, with concrete action, the conditions that now
prevent women from enjoying the equality of opportunity and freedom of choice which is
their right, as individual Americans, and as human beings.
NOW is dedicated to the proposition that women, first and foremost, are human beings,
who, like all other people in our society, must have the chance to develop their fullest
human potential. We believe that women can achieve such equality only by accepting to
the full the challenges and responsibilities they share with all other people in our society,
as part of the decision-making mainstream of American political, economic and social
life.
We organize to initiate or support action, nationally, or in any part of this nation, by
individuals or organizations, to break through the silken curtain of prejudice and
discrimination against women in government, industry, the professions, the churches, the
political parties, the judiciary, the labor unions, in education, science, medicine, law,
religion and every other field of importance in American society.
Enormous changes taking place in our society make it both possible and urgently
necessary to advance the unfinished revolution of women toward true equality, now.
With a life span lengthened to nearly 75 years it is no longer either necessary or possible
for women to devote the greater part of their lives to child- rearing; yet childbearing and
rearing which continues to be a most important part of most women’s lives — still is used
to justify barring women from equal professional and economic participation and
advance.
Today’s technology has reduced most of the productive chores which women once
performed in the home and in mass-production industries based upon routine unskilled
labor. This same technology has virtually eliminated the quality of muscular strength as a
criterion for filling most jobs, while intensifying American industry’s need for creative
intelligence. In view of this new industrial revolution created by automation in the midtwentieth century, women can and must participate in old and new fields of society in full
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equality — or become permanent outsiders.
Despite all the talk about the status of American women in recent years, the actual
position of women in the United States has declined, and is declining, to an alarming
degree throughout the 1950’s and 60’s. Although 46.4% of all American women between
the ages of 18 and 65 now work outside the home, the overwhelming majority — 75% —
are in routine clerical, sales, or factory jobs, or they are household workers, cleaning
women, hospital attendants. About two-thirds of Negro women workers are in the lowest
paid service occupations. Working women are becoming increasingly — not less —
concentrated on the bottom of the job ladder. As a consequence full-time women workers
today earn on the average only 60% of what men earn, and that wage gap has been
increasing over the past twenty-five years in every major industry group. In 1964, of all
women with a yearly income, 89% earned under $5,000 a year; half of all full-time year
round women workers earned less than $3,690; only 1.4% of full-time year round women
workers had an annual income of $10,000 or more.
Further, with higher education increasingly essential in today’s society, too few women
are entering and finishing college or going on to graduate or professional school. Today,
women earn only one in three of the B.A.’s and M.A.’s granted, and one in ten of the
Ph.D.’s.
In all the professions considered of importance to society, and in the executive ranks of
industry and government, women are losing ground. Where they are present it is only a
token handful. Women comprise less than 1% of federal judges; less than 4% of all
lawyers; 7% of doctors. Yet women represent 51% of the U.S. population. And,
increasingly, men are replacing women in the top positions in secondary and elementary
schools, in social work, and in libraries — once thought to be women’s fields.
Official pronouncements of the advance in the status of women hide not only the reality
of this dangerous decline, but the fact that nothing is being done to stop it. The excellent
reports of the President’s Commission on the Status of Women and of the State
Commissions have not been fully implemented. Such Commissions have power only to
advise. They have no power to enforce their recommendation; nor have they the freedom
to organize American women and men to press for action on them. The reports of these
commissions have, however, created a basis upon which it is now possible to build.
Discrimination in employment on the basis of sex is now prohibited by federal law, in
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But although nearly one-third of the cases
brought before the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission during the first year
dealt with sex discrimination and the proportion is increasing dramatically, the
Commission has not made clear its intention to enforce the law with the same seriousness
on behalf of women as of other victims of discrimination. Many of these cases were
Negro women, who are the victims of double discrimination of race and sex. Until now,
too few women’s organizations and official spokesmen have been willing to speak out
against these dangers facing women. Too many women have been restrained by the fear
of being called `feminist.” There is no civil rights movement to speak for women, as
there has been for Negroes and other victims of discrimination. The National
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Organization for Women must therefore begin to speak.
WE BELIEVE that the power of American law, and the protection guaranteed by the U.S.
Constitution to the civil rights of all individuals, must be effectively applied and enforced
to isolate and remove patterns of sex discrimination, to ensure equality of opportunity in
employment and education, and equality of civil and political rights and responsibilities
on behalf of women, as well as for Negroes and other deprived groups.
We realize that women’s problems are linked to many broader questions of social justice;
their solution will require concerted action by many groups. Therefore, convinced that
human rights for all are indivisible, we expect to give active support to the common cause
of equal rights for all those who suffer discrimination and deprivation, and we call upon
other organizations committed to such goals to support our efforts toward equality for
women.
WE DO NOT ACCEPT the token appointment of a few women to high-level positions in
government and industry as a substitute for serious continuing effort to recruit and
advance women according to their individual abilities. To this end, we urge American
government and industry to mobilize the same resources of ingenuity and command with
which they have solved problems of far greater difficulty than those now impeding the
progress of women.
WE BELIEVE that this nation has a capacity at least as great as other nations, to innovate
new social institutions which will enable women to enjoy the true equality of opportunity
and responsibility in society, without conflict with their responsibilities as mothers and
homemakers. In such innovations, America does not lead the Western world, but lags by
decades behind many European countries. We do not accept the traditional assumption
that a woman has to choose between marriage and motherhood, on the one hand, and
serious participation in industry or the professions on the other. We question the present
expectation that all normal women will retire from job or profession for 10 or 15 years, to
devote their full time to raising children, only to reenter the job market at a relatively
minor level. This, in itself, is a deterrent to the aspirations of women, to their acceptance
into management or professional training courses, and to the very possibility of equality
of opportunity or real choice, for all but a few women. Above all, we reject the
assumption that these problems are the unique responsibility of each individual woman,
rather than a basic social dilemma which society must solve. True equality of opportunity
and freedom of choice for women requires such practical, and possible innovations as a
nationwide network of child-care centers, which will make it unnecessary for women to
retire completely from society until their children are grown, and national programs to
provide retraining for women who have chosen to care for their children full-time.
WE BELIEVE that it is as essential for every girl to be educated to her full potential of
human ability as it is for every boy — with the knowledge that such education is the key
to effective participation in today’s economy and that, for a girl as for a boy, education
can only be serious where there is expectation that it will be used in society. We believe
that American educators are capable of devising means of imparting such expectations to
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girl students. Moreover, we consider the decline in the proportion of women receiving
higher and professional education to be evidence of discrimination. This discrimination
may take the form of quotas against the admission of women to colleges, and
professional schools; lack of encouragement by parents, counselors and educators; denial
of loans or fellowships; or the traditional or arbitrary procedures in graduate and
professional training geared in terms of men, which inadvertently discriminate against
women. We believe that the same serious attention must be given to high school dropouts
who are girls as to boys.
WE REJECT the current assumptions that a man must carry the sole burden of supporting
himself, his wife, and family, and that a woman is automatically entitled to lifelong
support by a man upon her marriage, or that marriage, home and family are primarily
woman’s world and responsibility — hers, to dominate — his to support. We believe that
a true partnership between the sexes demands a different concept of marriage, an
equitable sharing of the responsibilities of home and children and of the economic
burdens of their support. We believe that proper recognition should be given to the
economic and social value of homemaking and child-care. To these ends, we will seek to
open a reexamination of laws and mores governing marriage and divorce, for we believe
that the current state of `half-equity” between the sexes discriminates against both men
and women, and is the cause of much unnecessary hostility between the sexes.
WE BELIEVE that women must now exercise their political rights and responsibilities as
American citizens. They must refuse to be segregated on the basis of sex into separateand-not-equal ladies’ auxiliaries in the political parties, and they must demand
representation according to their numbers in the regularly constituted party committees
— at local, state, and national levels — and in the informal power structure, participating
fully in the selection of candidates and political decision-making, and running for office
themselves.
IN THE INTERESTS OF THE HUMAN DIGNITY OF WOMEN, we will protest, and
endeavor to change, the false image of women now prevalent in the mass media, and in
the texts, ceremonies, laws, and practices of our major social institutions. Such images
perpetuate contempt for women by society and by women for themselves. We are
similarly opposed to all policies and practices — in church, state, college, factory, or
office — which, in the guise of protectiveness, not only deny opportunities but also foster
in women self-denigration, dependence, and evasion of responsibility, undermine their
confidence in their own abilities and foster contempt for women.
NOW WILL HOLD ITSELF INDEPENDENT OF ANY POLITICAL PARTY in order
to mobilize the political power of all women and men intent on our goals. We will strive
to ensure that no party, candidate, president, senator, governor, congressman, or any
public official who betrays or ignores the principle of full equality between the sexes is
elected or appointed to office. If it is necessary to mobilize the votes of men and women
who believe in our cause, in order to win for women the final right to be fully free and
equal human beings, we so commit ourselves.
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WE BELIEVE THAT women will do most to create a new image of women by acting
now, and by speaking out in behalf of their own equality, freedom, and human dignity – –
not in pleas for special privilege, nor in enmity toward men, who are also victims of the
current, half-equality between the sexes – – but in an active, self-respecting partnership
with men. By so doing, women will develop confidence in their own ability to determine
actively, in partnership with men, the conditions of their life, their choices, their future
and their society.
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GAY RIGHTS MOVEMENT
On June 27, 1969 the New York City police raided a gay bar in Greenwich Village
named the Stonewall Inn. The police routinely raided bars and closed them, beating and
arresting patrons, but on this occasion there was resistance to the police ,which grew into
wide-scale riots that lasted for several days. This event is considered to be the beginning
of the Gay Rights Movement in the United States. Over time the groups included under
the umbrella of this movement have expanded, and you will often see the acronym
“GLBTQI” to include gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgender, questioning, and intersex
people.
The year after the Stonewall Riots Carl Whitman, who had been active in the Students for
a Democratic Society (SDS), wrote a defiant document which he entitled a “Gay
Manifesto,” excerpted below. In 1972 a meeting of gay organizations in Chicago put
forth a list of demands of the Federal government.
CARL WHITMAN EXCERPTS FROM “GAY MANIFESTO” 1970
San Francisco is a refugee camp for homosexuals. We have fled here from every part of
the nation, and like refugees elsewhere, we came not because it is so great here, but
because it was so bad there. By the tens of thousands, we fled small towns where to be
ourselves would endanger our jobs and any hope of a decent life; we have fled from
blackmailing cops, from families who disowned or ‘tolerated’ us; we have been drummed
out of the armed services, thrown out of schools, fired from jobs, beaten by punks and
policemen.
And we have formed a ghetto, out of self-protection. It is a ghetto rather than a free
territory because it is still theirs. Straight cops patrol us, straight legislators govern us,
straight employers keep us in line, straight money exploits us. We have pretended
everything is OK, because we haven't been able to see how to change it — we've been
afraid.
In the past year there has been an awakening of gay liberation ideas and energy. How it
began we don't know; maybe we were inspired by black people and their freedom
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movement; we learned how to stop pretending from the hip revolution. Amerika in all its
ugliness has surfaced with the war and our national leaders. And we are revulsed by the
quality of our ghetto life.
Where once there was frustration, alienation, and cynicism, there are new characteristics
among us. We are full of love for each other and are showing it; we are full of anger at
what has been done to us. And as we recall all the self-censorship and repression for so
many years, a reservoir of tears pours out of our eyes. And we are euphoric, high, with
the initial flourish of a movement.
We want to make ourselves clear: our first job is to free ourselves; that means clearing
our heads of the garbage that's been poured into them. This article is an attempt at raising
a number of issues, and presenting some ideas to replace the old ones. It is primarily for
ourselves, a starting point of discussion. If straight people of good will find it useful in
understanding what liberation is about, so much the better….
I. ON ORIENTATION
1. What homosexuality is: Nature leaves undefined the object of sexual desire. The
gender of that object is imposed socially. Humans originally made homosexuality taboo
because they needed every bit of energy to produce and raise children: survival of species
was a priority. With overpopulation and technological change, that taboo continued only
to exploit us and enslave us.
As kids we refused to capitulate to demands that we ignore our feelings toward each
other. Somewhere we found the strength to resist being indoctrinated, and we should
count that among our assets. We have to realize that our loving each other is a good thing,
not an unfortunate thing, and that we have a lot to teach straights about sex, love, strength,
and resistance.
Homosexuality is not a lot of things. It is not a makeshift in the absence of the opposite
sex; it is not a hatred or rejection of the opposite sex; it is not genetic; it is not the result
of broken homes except inasmuch as we could see the sham of American marriage.
Homosexuality is the capacity to love someone of the same sex.
Heterosexuality… reflects a fear of people of the same sex, it's anti-homosexual, and it is
fraught with frustration…. For us to become heterosexual in the sense that our straight
brothers and sisters are is not a cure, it is a disease.
Lesbianism: It's been a male-dominated society for too long, and that has warped both
men and women. So gay women are going to see things differently from gay men; they
are going to feel put down as women, too. Their liberation is tied up with both gay
liberation and women's liberation. …The existence of a lesbian caucus within the New
York Gay Liberation Front has been very helpful in challenging male chauvinism among
gay guys, and anti-gay feelings among women's lib.
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Male Chauvinism: All men are infected with male chauvinism — we were brought up
that way. It means we assume that women play subordinate roles and are less human than
ourselves…. Male chauvinism, however, is not central to us. We can junk it much more
easily than straight men can. For we understand oppression. We have largely opted out of
a system which oppresses women daily — our egos are not built on putting women down
and having them build us up. Also, living in a mostly male world we have become used
to playing different roles…. And finally, we have a common enemy: the big male
chauvinists are also the big anti-gays.
Women's liberation: They are assuming their equality and dignity and in doing so are
challenging the same things we are: the roles, the exploitation of minorities by capitalism,
the arrogant smugness of straight white male middle-class Amerika. They are our sisters
in struggle. …We must come to know and understand each other's style, jargon and
humor…
It is important to catalog and understand the different facets of our oppression. There is
no future in arguing about degrees of oppression. A lot of ‘movement’ types come on
with a line … about homosexuals not being oppressed as much as blacks or Vietnamese
or workers or women. We don't happen to fit into their ideas of class or caste. Bull! When
people feel oppressed, they act on that feeling. We feel oppressed. Talk about the priority
of black liberation or ending imperialism over and above gay liberation is just anti-gay
propaganda.
Physical attacks: We are attacked, beaten, castrated and left dead time and time again.
There are half a dozen known unsolved slayings in San Francisco parks in the last few
years. “Punks”, often of minority groups who look around for someone under them
socially, feel encouraged to beat up on “queens”, and cops look the other way. That used
to be called lynching.
Cops in most cities have harassed our meeting places: bars and baths and parks. They set
up entrapment squads…. Cities set up ‘pervert’ registration, which if nothing else scares
our brothers deeper into the closet…
Psychological warfare: Right from the beginning we have been subjected to a barrage of
straight propaganda. Since our parents don't know any homosexuals, we grow up
thinking that we are alone and different and perverted. Our school friends identify ‘queer’
with any non-conformist or bad behavior. Our elementary school teachers tell us not to
talk to strangers or accept rides. Television, billboards and magazines put forth a false
idealization of male/female relationships, and make us wish we were different, wish we
were ‘in’. In family living class we're taught how we're supposed to turn out. And all
along, the best we hear if anything about homosexuality is that it's an unfortunate
problem.
Self-oppression: As gay liberation grows, we will find our uptight brothers and sisters,
particularly those who are making a buck off our ghetto, coming on strong to defend the
15
status quo. This is self oppression: ‘don't rock the boat’; ‘things in SF are OK’; ‘gay
people just aren't together’; ‘I'm not oppressed.’ These lines are right out of the mouths of
the straight establishment. A large part of our oppression would end if we would stop
putting ourselves and our pride down.
Institutional: Discrimination against gays is blatant, if we open our eyes. Homosexual
relationships are illegal, and even if these laws are not regularly enforced, they encourage
and enforce (the) closet…. The bulk of the social work psychiatric field looks upon
homosexuality as a problem, and treats us as sick. Employers let it be known that our
skills are acceptable as long as our sexuality is hidden. Big business and government are
particularly notorious offenders.
The discrimination in the draft and armed services is a pillar of the general attitude
towards gays. If we are willing to label ourselves publicly not only as homosexual but as
sick, then we qualify for deferment; and if we're not ‘discreet’ (dishonest) we get
drummed out of the service….
We are refugees from Amerika. So we came to the ghetto — and as other ghettos, it has
its negative and positive aspects. Refugee camps are better than what preceded them, or
people never would have come. But they are still enslaving, if only that we are limited to
being ourselves there and only there. Ghettos breed self-hatred. We stagnate here,
accepting the status quo. The status quo is rotten. We are all warped by our oppression,
and in the isolation of the ghetto we blame ourselves rather than our oppressors.
Ghettos breed exploitation: Landlords find they can charge exorbitant rents and get away
with it, because of the limited area which is safe to live in openly.... Our ghetto certainly
is more beautiful and larger and more diverse than most ghettos, and is certainly freer
than the rest of Amerika. That's why we're here. But it isn't ours. Capitalists make money
off of us, cops patrol us, government tolerates us as long as we shut up, and daily we
work for and pay taxes to those who oppress us.
To be a free territory, we must govern ourselves, set up our own institutions, defend
ourselves, and use our won energies to improve our lives….Right now the bulk of our
work has to be among ourselves — self educating, fending off attacks, and building free
territory. Thus basically we have to have a gay/straight vision of the world until the
oppression of gays is ended.
But not every straight is our enemy. Many of us have mixed identities, and have ties with
other liberation movements: women, blacks, other minority groups; we may also have
taken on an identity which is vital to us… And face it: we can't change Amerika alone:
Who do we look to for collaboration?
1. Women's Liberation: summarizing earlier statements, they are our closest ally; we
must try hard to get together with them….
2. Black liberation: This is tenuous right now because of the uptightness and super-
16
masculinity of many black men (which is understandable). Despite that, we must support
their movement, particularly when they are under attack form the establishment; we must
show them that we mean business; and we must figure out which our common enemies
are: police, city hall, capitalism.
3. Chicanos: Basically the same problem as with blacks: trying to overcome mutual
animosity and fear, and finding ways to support them. The extra problem of super uptightness and machismo among Latin cultures (exists)…we're both oppressed, and by the
same people at the top.
4. White radicals and ideologues: We're not, as a group, Marxist or communist. We
haven't figured out what kind of political/economic system is good for us as gays. Neither
capitalist or socialist countries have treated us as anything other than non grata so far.
But we know we are radical, in that we know the system that we're under now is a direct
source of oppression, and it's not a question of getting our share of the pie. The pie is
rotten….
CONCLUSION: AN OUTLINE OF IMPERATIVES FOR GAY LIBERATION
1. Free ourselves: come out everywhere; initiate self defense and political activity;
initiate counter community institutions.
2. Turn other gay people on: talk all the time; understand, forgive, accept.
3. Free the homosexual in everyone…be gentle, and keep talking & acting free.
4. We've been playing an act for a long time, so we're consummate actors. Now we can
begin to be, and it'll be a good show!
We demand the enactment of civil rights legislation, which will prohibit discrimination
because of sexual orientation in employment, housing, public accommodation, and public
services.
COALITION OF GAY ORGANIZATIONS : EXCERPT FROM “MANIFESTO,”
1972
1. Amend all federal Civil Rights Acts, other legislation and government controls to
prohibit discrimination in employment, housing, public accommodations and public
services.
2. Issuance by the President of an executive order prohibiting the military from
excluding for reasons of their sexual orientation, persons who of their own volition
desire entrance into the Armed Services; and from issuing less-than- fully-honorable
17
discharges for homosexuality; and the upgrading to fully honorable all such
discharges previously issued, with retroactive benefits.
3. Issuance by the President of an executive order prohibiting discrimination in the
federal civil service because of sexual orientation, in hiring and promoting; and
prohibiting discriminations against homosexuals in security clearances.
4. Elimination of tax inequities victimizing single persons and same-sex couples.
5. Elimination of bars to the entry, immigration and naturalization of homosexual aliens.
6. Federal encouragement and support for sex education courses, prepared and taught by
gay women and men, presenting homosexuality as a valid, healthy preference and
lifestyle as a viable alternative to heterosexuality.
7. Appropriate executive orders, regulations and legislation banning the compiling,
maintenance and dissemination of information on an individual's sexual preferences,
behavior, and social and political activities for dossiers and data banks.
8. Federal funding of aid programs of gay men's and women's organizations designed to
alleviate the problems encountered by Gay women and men which are engendered by
an oppressive sexist society.
9.
Immediate release of all Gay women and men now incarcerated in detention centers,
prisons and mental institutions because of sexual offense charges relating to
victimless crimes or sexual orientation; and that adequate compensation be made for
the physical and mental duress encountered; and that all existing records relating to
the incarceration be immediately expunged.
**********************************************************************
18
INDIAN RIGHTS MOVEMENT
From 1950 to 1970 more than a hundred Indian tribes lost reservation lands and the
percentage of American Indians living on reservations dropped drastically. These
changes forced young American Indians to look for work in urban areas. In 1968 a group
of urban Indians in Minnesota established the American Indian Movement (AIM), to
fight mistreatment of Indians by police and to improve prospects for jobs, education, and
housing. Below are the Articles of Incorporation of two of the AIM chapters of the
movement, in Des Moines, Iowa and St. Paul, Minnesota.
EXCERTS FROM THE “BYLAWS OF THE A.I.M CHAPTER, DES MOINES,
IOWA” , 1968
We the concerned Indian Americans, residents of the Des Moines area, for the purpose of
forming a corporation under and pursuant to the provisions of the Chapter, do hereby
associate ourselves together as a body corporate and adopt the following By-Laws:
ARTICLE I
The name of this corporation shall be known as The American Indian Movement of Des
Moines (A.I.M of Des Moines), residents of the Des Moines and greater Des Moines
area….
ARTICLE II
The purpose of this corporation shall be to solicit and broaden opportunities for the
Indian American in order that he may enjoy his full rights as a citizen of these United
States, as well as his extended rights as a sovereign national native.
We, the concerned Indian American residents of the Des Moines area, organize to
upgrade the conditions in which the Indian lives, and to improve the image which has
been portrayed in stereotype of the Indian American both on and off reservations.
Our main objectives are to solicit and broaden opportunities for the Indian American in
order that he, as a Sovereign Citizen of these United States ,as well as an equal part of
Humanity, may enjoy his rights according to the Creed of this nation.
…Short-range Objectives
A.
B.
C.
D.
Establish a program to better the Indian housing problem
Establish a program directed toward Indian youth.
Establish a positive program for employment of Indian Americans
Establish a program to educate the industry in the area of Indian culture and its
effect on the Indian.
E. Establish a program to improve the communications between the Indian and the
community.
19
F. Establish a program to educate the Indian citizen in his responsibility to his
community.
Long Range Objectives
A.
B.
C.
D.
To generate unification within the Indian people.
To inform all Indian Americans of community and local affairs.
To encourage Indian Americans to become active in community affairs.
To bring the economic status of Indian Americans up to that of the general
community.
Article XIV
Membership
Section I. Members of A.I.M. must be of American Indian heritage, also non- Indians
who are spouses of American Indians that have Indian children’s rights to protect.
Section II. Non-Indians who have been so dedicated and interested in our Movement,
Patrol, etc., can be made honorary members by motion in a general meeting. Honorary
members shall not vote.
EXCERPTS FROM BYLAWS OF THE A.I.M. CHAPTER, ST. PAUL,
MINNESOTA ,1968
We, the concerned Indian Americans, residents of the St. Paul area, organize to upgrade
the conditions in which the urban Indian lives, and to improve the image of the urban
Indian.
We…do hereby adopt the following goals:
Our main objective is to solicit and broaden opportunities for the urban Indian in order
that he may enjoy his full rights as a citizen of these United States.
…PURPOSES
1. Articulate the need for jobs, job training, vocational counseling, housing,
educational opportunities and related services for off-reservation Indians.
2. Inform legislative and administrative bodies of local, state, and federal
government of the needs of all Indians. Support the efforts of the tribes to obtain
the kind of development programs they, as Indians, want and need.
20
3. Present an accurate and dignified image of the Indian to the American public.
Encourage a more accurate portrayal of the American Indian by mass media.
Work for a balanced and informed treatment of the Indian in public school
curricula. Support proposed improvements in Indian education that will
strengthen, not weaken, Indian personality and cultural identification, as well as
prepare him for economic fulfillment.
4. Communicate to the urban Indians and to the general public, relevant information
on Indian legislation and events, thereby strengthening the American Indian
consciousness. Also, seek to interpret aspects of urban life and culture to Indians
in order that they may adapt in the ways they feel are meaningful to themselves,
without abdicating their own identity….
******************************************************************
CHICANO MOVEMENT
The Chicano rights movement of the 1960’s was an extension of a civil rights movement
which began in the 1920’s with the establishment of the League of United Latin
American Citizens (LULAC) and continued in the 1940’s with the formation of the
American G.I. Forum, composed of returning World War II veterans. In 1968 the
Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, (MALDEF), modeled on the
NAACP, was also established.
El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan (The Spiritual Plan of Aztlan) is a manifesto advocating
Chicano nationalism and self-determination for Mexican-Americans. It was adopted by
the First National Chicano Action Youth Conference in Denver, Colorado in 1969.
“Aztlan” is the legendary ancestral homeland of the Aztec (Mexica) people. Historians
who have tried to identify the location of “Aztlan” postulate that –if real-- it was either in
northwestern Mexico or the southwestern part of the United States, acquired after the
Mexican-American War of 1846-1848
El Plan de Santa Barbara was written by the Chicano Coordinating Council on Higher
Education, as a manifesto for the implementation of Chicano studies programs
throughout the State of California. It was adopted in Santa Barbara, California in 1969
and is considered the founding document of the student group M.E.C.H.A. (Movimiento
Estudiantil Chicano(a) de Aztlan (Chicano Student Movement of Aztlan)
___________________________________________________________________
21
EXCERPTS FROM “EL PLAN DE AZTLAN” (El PLAN ESPIRTUAL DE
AZTLAN), 1969
In the spirit of a new people that is conscious not only of its proud historical heritage but
also of the brutal "gringo" (white, American) invasion of our territories, we, the Chicano
inhabitants and civilizers of the northern land of Aztlan from whence came our
forefathers, reclaiming the land of their birth and consecrating the determination of our
people of the sun, declare that the call of our blood is our power, our responsibility, and
our inevitable destiny.
We are free and sovereign to determine those tasks which are justly called for by our
house, our land, the sweat of our brows, and by our hearts. Aztlan belongs to those who
plant the seeds, water the fields, and gather the crops and not to the foreign Europeans.
We do not recognize capricious frontiers on the bronze continent
Brotherhood unites us, and love for our brothers makes us a people whose time has come
and who struggles against the foreigner "gabacho" (foreigner) who exploits our riches
and destroys our culture.
With our heart in our hands and our hands in the soil, we declare the independence of our
mestizo nation. We are a bronze people with a bronze culture. Before the world, before
all of North America, before all our brothers in the bronze continent, we are a nation, we
are a union of free pueblos, we are Aztlan….
… Program
El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan sets the theme that the Chicanos (La Raza de Bronze) (the
Bronze race) must use their nationalism as the key or common denominator for mass
mobilization and organization.
Once we are committed to the idea and philosophy of El Plan de Aztlan, we can only
conclude that social, economic, cultural, and political independence is the only road to
total liberation from oppression, exploitation, and racism.
Our struggle then must be for the control of our barrios, campos, (farms) pueblos,
(villages) lands, our economy, our culture, and our political life.
El Plan commits all levels of Chicano society - the barrio, the campo, the ranchero, the
writer, the teacher, the worker, the professional - to La Causa. (the Cause)
… Nationalism
Nationalism as the key to organization transcends all religious, political, class, and
economic factions or boundaries. Nationalism is the common denominator that all
22
members of La Raza can agree upon.
…Organizational Goals
1. UNITY: in the thinking of our people concerning the barrios, the pueblo, the campo,
the land, the poor, the middle class, the professional--all committed to the liberation of La
Raza.
2.ECONOMY: economic control of our lives and our communities can only come
about by driving the exploiter out of our communities, our pueblos, and our lands and by
controlling and developing our own talents, sweat, and resources. Cultural background
and values which ignore materialism and embrace humanism will contribute to the act of
cooperative buying and the distribution of resources and production to sustain an
economic base for healthy growth and development.
Lands rightfully ours will be fought for and defended. Land and realty ownership will be
acquired by the community for the people's welfare. Economic ties of responsibility must
be secured by nationalism and the Chicano defense units.
3. EDUCATION must be relative to our people, i.e., history, culture, bilingual education,
contributions, etc. Community control of our schools, our teachers, our administrators,
our counselors, and our programs.
4. INSTITUTIONS shall serve our people by providing the service necessary for a full
life and their welfare on the basis of restitution, not handouts or beggar's crumbs.
Restitution for past economic slavery, political exploitation, ethnic and cultural
psychological destruction and denial of civil and human rights. Institutions in our
community which do not serve the people have no place in the community. The
institutions belong to the people.
5. SELF-DEFENSE of the community must rely on the combined strength of the people.
The front line defense will come from the barrios, the campos, the pueblos, and the
ranchitos. Their involvement as protectors of their people will be given respect and
dignity. They in turn offer their responsibility and their lives for their people. Those who
place themselves in the front ranks for their people do so out of love and carnalismo.
(brotherhood) … For the very young there will no longer be acts of juvenile delinquency,
but revolutionary acts.
6. CULTURAL values of our people strengthen our identity and the moral backbone of
the movement. Our culture unites and educates the family of La Raza towards liberation
with one heart and one mind. We must insure that our writers, poets, musicians, and
artists produce literature and art that is appealing to our people and relates to our
revolutionary culture. Our cultural values of life, family, and home will serve as a
powerful weapon to defeat the gringo dollar value system and encourage the process of
love and brotherhood.
23
7. POLITICAL LIBERATION can only come through independent action on our part,
since the two-party system is the same animal with two heads that feed from the same
trough. Where we are a majority, we will control; where we are a minority, we will
represent a pressure group; nationally, we will represent one party: La Familia de La
Raza! (The family of the race)
Action
1. Awareness and distribution of El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan. Presented at every meeting,
demonstration, confrontation, courthouse, institution, administration, church, school, tree,
building, car, and every place of human existence.
2. September 16, on the birthdate of Mexican Independence, a national walk-out by all
Chicanos of all colleges and schools to be sustained until the complete revision of the
educational system: its policy makers, administration, its curriculum, and its personnel to
meet the needs of our community.
3. Self-Defense against the occupying forces of the oppressors at every school, every
available man, woman, and child.
4. Community nationalization and organization of all Chicanos: El Plan Espiritual de
Aztlan.
5. Economic program to drive the exploiter out of our community and a welding together
of our people's combined resources to control their own production through cooperative
effort.
6. Creation of an independent local, regional, and national political party.
A nation autonomous and free - culturally, socially, economically, and politically- will
make its own decisions on the usage of our lands, the taxation of our goods, the
utilization of our bodies for war, the determination of justice (reward and punishment),
and the profit of our sweat. El Plan de Aztlan is the plan of liberation!
EXCERPTS FROM “EL PLAN DE SANTA BARBARA,” MOVIMIENTO
ESTUDIANTIL CHICANO(A) DE AZTLAN (M.E.C.H.A.), 1969
For all peoples, as with individuals, the time comes when they must reckon with their
history. For the Chicano the present is a time of renaissance, of renacimiento. (rebirth)
Our people and our community, el barrio and la colonia, (neighborhood) are expressing a
new consciousness and a new resolve. Recognizing the historical tasks confronting our
people and fully aware of the cost of human progress, we pledge our will to move. We
will move forward toward our destiny as a people. We will move against those forces
which have denied us freedom of expression and human dignity. Throughout history the
24
quest for cultural expression and freedom has taken the form of a struggle. Our struggle,
tempered by the lessons of the American past, is an historical reality.
For decades Mexican people in the United States have struggled to realize the ''American
Dream''. And some, a few, have. But the cost, the ultimate cost of assimilation, required
turning away from el barrio and la colonia. In the meantime, due to the racist structure of
this society, to our essentially different life style, and to the socio-economic functions
assigned to our community by Anglo-American society - as suppliers of cheap labor and
a dumping ground for the small-time capitalist entrepreneur- the barrio and colonia
remained exploited, impoverished, and marginal.
As a result, the self-determination of our community is now the only acceptable mandate
for social and political action; it is the essence of Chicano commitment. Culturally, the
word Chicano, in the past a pejorative and class-bound adjective, has now become the
root idea of a new cultural identity for our people. …The widespread use of the term
Chicano today signals a rebirth of pride and confidence. Chicanismo simply embodies an
ancient truth: that a person is never closer to his/her true self as when he/she is close to
his/her community.
Chicanismo draws its faith and strength from two main sources: from the just struggle of
our people and from an objective analysis of our community's strategic needs. We
recognize that without a strategic use of education, an education that places value on
what we value, we will not realize our destiny. Chicanos recognize the central importance
of institutions of higher learning to modern progress, in this case, to the development of
our community. But we go further: we believe that higher education must contribute to
the information of a complete person who truly values life and freedom.
For the Movement, political action essentially means influencing the decision-making
process of those institutions which affect Chicanos, the university, community
organizations, and non-community institutions. Political action encompasses the elements
which function in a progression: political consciousness, political mobilization, and
tactics. Each part breaks down into further subdivisions.
The result of… domestic colonialism is that the barrios and colonias are dependent
communities with no institutional power base and significantly influencing decisionmaking. Within the last decade, a limited degree of progress has taken place in securing a
base of power within educational institutions.
…Commitment to the struggle for Chicano liberation is the operative definition of the
ideology used here. Chicanismo involves a crucial distinction in political consciousness
between a Mexican American (or Hispanic) and a Chicano mentality. The Mexican
American or Hispanic is a person who lacks self-respect and pride in one's ethnic and
cultural background. Thus, the Chicano acts with confidence and with a range of
alternatives in the political world. He is capable of developing an effective ideology
through action.
25
…M.E.Ch.A. is a first step to tying the student groups throughout the Southwest into a
vibrant and responsive network of activists who will respond as a unit to oppression and
racism and will work in harmony when initiating and carrying out campaigns of
liberation for our people. … The spirit of M.E.Ch.A. must be one of hermandad
(brotherhood) and cultural awareness.
The ethic of profit and competition, of greed and intolerance, which the Anglo society
offers, must be replaced by our ancestral communalism and love for beauty and justice.
M.E.Ch.A. must bring to the mind of every young Chicano that the liberation of this
people from prejudice and oppression is in his hands and this responsibility is greater
than personal achievement and more meaningful than degrees, especially if they are
earned at the expense of his identity and cultural integrity.
M.E.Ch.A., then, is more than a name; it is a spirit of unity, of brotherhood, and a resolve
to undertake a struggle for liberation in society where justice is but a word. M.E.Ch.A. is
a means to an end.
.
M.E.Ch.A. must be able to relate to all segments of the barrio, from the middle-class
assimilationists to the vatos locos. (crazy men)
Obviously, every barrio has its particular needs, and M.E.Ch.A. people must determine
with the help of those in the barrio where they can be most effective. There are, however,
some general areas which M.E.Ch.A. can involve itself. Some of them are:
1) Policing social and governmental agencies to make them more responsive in a
humane and dignified way to the people of the barrio.
2) Carrying out research on the economic and credit policies of merchants in the
barrio and exposing fraudulent and exorbitant establishments.
3) Speaking and communicating with junior high and high school students…
supporting their actions.
4) Spreading the message of the movement by any media available.
5) Exposing discrimination in hiring and renting practices and many other areas
It may mean at times having to work in conjunction with other organizations. If this is the
case and the project is one begun by the other organization, realize that M.E.Ch.A. is
there as a supporter and should accept the direction of the group involved. Do not let
loyalty to an organization cloud responsibility to a greater force - la Causa.
Working in the barrio is an honor, but is also a right because we come from these people,
and… mutual respect between the barrio and the college group should be the rule.
26
Understand at the same time, however, that there will initially be mistrust and often envy
on the part of some in the barrio for the college student. This mistrust must be broken
down by a demonstration of affection for the barrio and La Raza through hard work and
dedication. If the approach is one of a dilettante or of a Peace Corps volunteer, the people
will know it and act accordingly. If it is merely a cathartic experience to work among the
unfortunate in the barrio - stay out.
Of the community, for the community. Por la Raza habla el espiritu (Through the Race
the Spirit Speaks).
27
ESSAY #3 ARGUING A THESIS
Throughout American history immigration and anti-immigrant sentiment has been a
major issue. While immigration of some Asian groups was restricted in the late 19th and
early 20th century there were no global, generalized restrictions until 1917, 1921, and
1924. Since these restrictions have been in place, one can speak of legal and illegal
immigration to the United States. Common parlance often refers to illegal immigrants in
the US today as “undocumented residents.”
In the last several decades there have been three major efforts to address border security,
legal immigration, and the status of the undocumented.
In 1986 Congress, during the administration of Ronald Reagan, passed the Immigration
Reform and Control Act, which addressed issues of border security and provided
amnesty to 3,000,000 undocumented residents.
In 2007, during the administration of George W. Bush, Congress failed to pass the
Comprehensive Reform Immigration Act, which would have provided amnesty
(legalization) and a path to citizenship for approximately 12,000,000 undocumented
residents and enhanced border security.
And in 2013 the Senate, guided by eight of its most respected members, passed but the
House of Representatives failed to pass the Border Security, Economic Opportunity,
and Immigration Modernization Act. This legislation would have allowed millions of
undocumented residents to gain green cards and eventually—after thirteen years—obtain
citizenship. It would have also put in place a mandatory workplace verification system
for employers; implemented a program to give visas to lesser skilled workers; and shifted
the legal immigration system away from a family-based system to one based on work
skills.
In 2013 the White House strongly supported the immigration bill and in late 2014, in
response to Congress’ failure to once again pass immigration reform, President Obama
issued an Executive Order protecting up to 5,000,000 undocumented residents from
deportation because of their status, an act which Republican leaders argued was an
overreach of presidential authority and unconstitutional, citing the Constitution, Article 1,
Section 8, which gives Congress the authority to determine how an immigrant can
become naturalized.
While the question of immigration reform that includes legalization of the status of
undocumented residents and a path to eventual citizenship is not strictly partisan (there
are Democrats and Republicans on both sides of the issue), the issue is largely seen today
as one of major difference between the nation’s two political parties.
Read the following documents on immigration:
28
SUPPORTING LEGALIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED RESIDENTS AND
EVENTUAL CITIZENSHIP


Excerpts from Fixing Our Broken Immigration System: A Path to Citizenship,
The White House, 2013
President Obama’s Speech on Immigration, 2014
OPPOSING LEGALIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED RESIDENTS AND
EVENTUAL CITIZENSHIP


Republican Party Platform on “Immigration,” 2012
Excerpts from Senator Jeff Sessions’ Handbook on Immigration for the
Republican Majority, 2015
Then, please support ONE of the following theses:

Congress needs to pass immigration legislation that will approve the
objectives of President Obama’s 2014 Executive Order and ,further, should
provide undocumented residents with legal status and a path to citizenship
because it is the right thing to do morally, it will benefit the nation’s economy
and institutions and it will improve our fiscal stability.
OR

Congress should not pass immigration legislation that will approve the
objectives of President Obama’s 2014 Executive Order and, further, should
not at this time provide undocumented residents with legal status and a path
to citizenship because it is not the right thing to do morally, it will harm the
nation’s economy and institutions, and will have a negative impact on our
fiscal stability.
In preparing your essay you might consider the following questions:
* What moral arguments did the White House use to support legalization and a
path to citizenship for undocumented residents in 2013? What moral argument
did the Republican Platform in 2012 take on the issue of legalization of
undocumented residents?
*What were the reasons President Obama felt that his Executive Order was
needed in 2014 and why did Republicans strongly oppose it?
* What are the economic rationales for each side on the issue of legalization
and/or a path to citizenship?
29
* What would the impact of proposed legalization and/or a path to citizenship be
on both civil society and institutions, according to each side?
* What historical events or facts does each side use to support its viewpoint?
* How does each side use the status of border enforcement to support its
position?
* How does each side use public opinion to supports its position?
In setting forth your thesis, keep in mind the following events discussed in the textbook
and lectures during the semester, and how they relate to American attitudes on
immigration and the views of the documents’ authors.









Nativist anti-immigrant sentiment from 1880- 1920
Social Darwinism
Chinese Exclusion Act 1882
Gentlemen’s Agreement 1907
Anti-German sentiment during World War I
Emergency Quota Act 1921
Immigration Act 1924
Relocation of Japanese-Americans during World War II
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965
EXCERPTS FROM “FIXING OUR BROKEN IMMIGRATION SYSTEM: THE
ECONOMIC BENEFITS OF PROVIDING A PATH TO CITIZENSHIP,”
WHITE HOUSE 2013
“We all know that today we have an immigration system that’s out of date and badly
broken…. But for comprehensive immigration reform to work, it must be clear from the
outset that there is a pathway to citizenship. We’ve got to lay out a path—a process that
includes a background check, paying taxes, paying a penalty, learning English, and then
going to the back of the line, behind all the folks who are trying to come here legally,
That’s only fair. So that means it won’t be a quick process but it will be a fair process.
And it will lift these individuals out of the shadows and give them a chance to earn their
way to a green card and eventually to citizenship.” President Barack Obama, January
29, 2013
Today, there are 11 million undocumented immigrants living and working in the shadow
economy. At the same time, too many employers hire undocumented workers,
undercutting businesses that play by the rules. Neither is good for the economy or the
country.
30
The bipartisan Border Security, Economic Opportunity and Immigration Modernization
Act (S. 744) passed by the Senate is an opportunity for our country to finally fix its
broken immigration system. This commonsense legislation, drafted and supported by
both Democrats and Republicans, has four pillars: (1) continue to strengthen our
borders; (2) crack down on companies that hire undocumented workers; (3) hold
undocumented immigrants accountable before they can earn their citizenship by
requiring them to pass background checks, pay penalties and their taxes, learn English,
and go to the back of the line; and (4) streamline the legal immigration system for
families, workers, and employers.
A majority of Americans support a path to earned citizenship. However, some in
Congress have suggested that immigration reform should provide only legal status,
without any opportunity for those who are getting on the right side of the law to earn
their way to citizenship. This “legalization- only” approach violates a basic principle of
our country: that anyone, no matter where they came from, can become an American
citizen if they’re willing to work for it and take on the responsibilities of citizenship. We
cannot afford a system that creates a group which can never become fully American,
denying equal rights to people who pay the same taxes and play by the same rules even
after they've paid a penalty and gotten on the right side of the law.
While the bipartisan bill passed by the Senate creates a path to earned citizenship, the
path is long, and by no means easy. No one would automatically gain citizenship, but
rather only those that meet several criteria – including paying penalties, fines, and their
taxes, learning English, passing extensive background checks, and going to the back of
the line – would have the opportunity to earn citizenship.
Our country is stronger when everyone has a stake, everyone pays their taxes and fulfills
their responsibilities, and everyone is equally invested in our common future. It makes
no sense to tell a major and sizeable group of people who are willing to work hard, learn
English, pay taxes, and raise American children that they can never have access to full
citizenship in this country. Indeed, this would undercut the very values that make our
country strong.
An approach to immigration reform that leaves out a path to earned citizenship would
jeopardize not only a core principle underlying commonsense immigration reform but
also some of its economic and fiscal benefits. As highlighted in this report, a range of
economic research has shown that the roughly 11 million immigrants living and working
in the United States without authorization are earning far less than their potential,
paying much less in taxes, and contributing significantly less to the U.S. economy than
they would if they were given the opportunity to gain legal status and earn U.S.
citizenship. And in particular, this research has shown the significant economic costs – in
terms of lost growth, earnings, tax revenues, and jobs – associated with failing to
provide a path to earned citizenship for these families. Moreover, the “legalization-only”
approach would apparently impose so many restrictions on the legal status available to
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current undocumented immigrants that many might be afraid to come forward. Thus,
they might also jeopardize the economic gains that come from bringing undocumented
workers out of the shadows.
Economists, business leaders, and American workers agree – we must take advantage of
this historic opportunity to fix our broken immigration system in a comprehensive way.
To this end, the President urges the House of Representatives to take action and stands
willing to work with all parties to make sure that common sense immigration reform
becomes a reality as soon as possible.
This report highlights the economic benefits of citizenship – and what it would cost the
country if we were to fail to provide a path to earned citizenship to millions of legalizing
workers.
ECONOMIC BENEFITS OF A PATH TO CITIZENSHIP
Citizenship comes with rights but also responsibilities. According to the Migration Policy
Institute, every immigrant-receiving country in the industrialized world provides a route.
for immigrants to become citizens. This process typically requires naturalizing
immigrants to demonstrate that they have achieved a certain level of integration into
the host society by meeting a set of eligibility criteria to apply for citizenship. The
annual number of people who have naturalized has continued to increase over the last
several decades, with an average of 680,00 naturalizing between 2000 and 2009. In
2012, there were approximately 757,000 U.S. naturalizations. Creating a path to earned
citizenship will allow us to continue in our rich tradition as a nation of immigrants and a
nation of laws. This legacy has made the United States to be the envy of the world and
a global economic engine.
The independent Social Security Actuary (SSA), nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office
(CBN) and others have estimated that undocumented immigrants will pay more in both
federal and state taxes once they can come out of the shadows and work legally, in part
because legal status leads to a rise in income. According to the CBO, the additional
taxes paid by new and legalizing immigrants would not only offset the cost of the Senate
immigration bill but would be substantial enough to reduce the deficit by nearly $850
billion over the next twenty years. And because providing an earned path to citizenship
would allow currently undocumented workers to work above board, the Institute for
Taxation and Economic Policy estimates that they would pay as much as $2 billion per
year in additional sate and local taxes—beyond the $11 billion in taxes these workers
already pay each year.
Research shows that citizenship yields even greater economic benefits than legalization.
The Migration Policy Institute has found that, between 1993 and 2010, naturalized
citizens earned between 50 and 70 percent more than non-citizens, and also were
employed at higher rates in 2010 and 2011. Most of the wage difference is explained by
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the fact that naturalized immigrants have, on average, higher educational achievement,
better English language ability, higher representation in high-wage sectors, and more
work experience in the U.S. … a number of studies have found that citizenship itself is
associated with an additional boost in wages of 5 percent or more…. This Is
documented both in studies that compare naturalized immigrants to non-citizen legal
residents with the same demographic characteristics, education, language skills, and
work experience in the United States, and in studies that examine how immigrants’
earnings change after naturalization.
The economic benefits of providing a path to earned citizenship compared to legal
status alone, 2013-2022
* US GDP
 Total Income


+569 billion gross domestic product by 2022
+321 billion in additional income for all Americans by
2022
Federal/State taxes
+75 billion more taxes paid by undocumented immigrants
New jobs
+820,000 more jobs for all U.S. workers
Source: “The Economic Effects of Granting Legal Status and Citizenship to
Undocumented Immigrants,” Center for American Progress, March, 2013.
CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRANT EARNINGS
Research suggests that citizenship provides significant economic and practical benefits to
workers, families, and the U.S. economy. Indeed, a number of studies have identified a
statistically significant relationship between naturalization and increased earnings,
employment, and purchasing power, which bring concomitant benefits for the overall
economy….
ECONOMY-WIDE BENEFITS OF PROVIDING A PATH TO EARNED
CITIZENSHIP
…As Lynch and Oakford note in their study, those (wage) gains (from naturalized status)
are not enjoyed only by the workers themselves: “The resulting productivity and wage
gains ripple through the economy because immigrants are not just workers—they are also
consumers and taxpayers. They will spend their increased earnings on the purchase of
food, clothing, housing, cars, and computers. That spending, in turn, will stimulate
demand in the economy for more products and services, which creates jobs and expands
the economy.”
…while a “legalization-only” approach would have some positive economic impacts,
providing citizenship would yield far greater economic benefits…. …the scenario (over
a ten year period) in which immigrants are granted legal status only would increase
cumulative gross domestic product by $832 billion, increase cumulative personal income
by $470 billion, result in $109 billion in additional state and federal taxes paid by
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currently undocumented workers, and lead to 1.2 million new jobs (while the scenario)
granting citizenship was estimated to increase gross domestic product by $1.4 trillion,
increase cumulative personal income by $791 billion, result in $184 billion in additional
state and federal taxes paid by currently undocumented workers, and lead to 2 million
new jobs compared to the status quo.
WHY A PATH TO CITIZENSHIP HAS ADDITIONAL ECONOMIC BENEFITS
Researchers have suggested and tested a number of different explanations for the
identified citizenship earnings premium. The mechanisms that contribute to the
citizenship premium are likely to include a number of factors, including the ability to
obtain jobs and licenses for which citizenship is required; jobs that require travel, which
is often easier for those with U.S. passports; and citizenship serving as a signal to
employers that a person means to stay in the U.S. (in addition to a guarantee that they are
legally present).
…As workers solidify their commitment to the United States by naturalizing, and feel
secure that they will reside here permanently, they are more likely to acquire additional
skills valued in the U.S. labor market or make other productive investments. …This
greater certainty may lead to a range of new investments that raise workers’ productivity
and benefits the economy at large, for example: obtaining tailored education and
vocational training, starting a new business in the U.S., making deeper investments in
their local communities and labor markets—investments they might not make if they
were unsure whether they could remain in the U.S….
SUPPORT FOR A PATH TO CITIZENSHIP
The American people strongly support immigration reform, particularly the path to
earned citizenship. Indeed, polling has consistently shown that there is a broad support
across political parties, race and ethnicity, regions/states, voters and others….
In a recent poll 78% of Americans voiced support for a path to earned citizenship for
undocumented immigrants if they meet certain requirements. And 70% of Republican
voters supported a path to earned citizenship.
There continues to be strong support for immigration reform that includes a path to
earned citizenship among the Latino community. But there is also strong support for a
path to citizenship among other groups, including African-Americans (66%), and AsianAmerican voters (66%)
…There is also strong support for immigration reform with a path to earned citizenship in
states across the country.
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PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA’S SPEECH ON IMMIGRATION REFORM.
NOVEMBER 20, 2014
My fellow Americans, tonight I’d like to talk with you about immigration. For more than
200 years, our tradition of welcoming immigrants from around the world has given us a
tremendous advantage over other nations. It’s kept us youthful, dynamic, and
entrepreneurial. It has shaped our character as a people with limitless possibilities. People
not trapped by our past, but able to remake ourselves as we choose.
But today, our immigration system is broken, and everybody knows it. Families who
enter our country the right way and play by the rules watch others flout the rules.
Business owners who offer their workers good wages and benefits see the competition
exploit undocumented immigrants by paying them far less. All of us take offense to
anyone who reaps the rewards of living in America without taking on the responsibilities
of living in America. And undocumented immigrants who desperately want to embrace
those responsibilities see little option but to remain in the shadows, or risk their families
being torn apart.
It’s been this way for decades. And for decades we haven’t done much about it. When I
took office, I committed to fixing this broken immigration system. And I began by doing
what I could to secure our borders.
Today we have more agents and technology deployed to secure our southern border than
at any time in our history. And over the past six years illegal border crossings have been
cut by more than half.
Although this summer there was a brief spike in unaccompanied children being
apprehended at our border, the number of such children is actually lower than it’s been in
nearly two years. Overall the number of people trying to cross our border illegally is at its
lowest level since the 1970s. Those are the facts.
Meanwhile, I worked with Congress on a comprehensive fix. And last year 68 Democrats,
Republicans, and independents came together to pass a bipartisan bill in the Senate. It
wasn’t perfect. It was a compromise. But it reflected common sense. It would have
doubled the number of Border Patrol agents, while giving undocumented immigrants a
pathway to citizenship, if they paid a fine, started paying their taxes and went to the back
of the line. And independent experts said that it would help grow our economy and shrink
our deficits.
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Had the House of Representatives allowed that kind of bill a simple yes or no vote, it
would have passed with support from both parties. And today it would be the law. But for
a year and a half now Republican leaders in the House have refused to allow that simple
vote. Now I continue to believe that the best way to solve this problem is by working
together to pass that kind of common sense law. But until that happens, there are actions I
have the legal authority to take as president, the same kinds of actions taken by
Democratic and Republican presidents before me, that will help make our immigration
system more fair and more just.
Tonight I’m announcing those actions.
First, we’ll build on our progress at the border with additional resources for our law
enforcement personnel so that they can stem the flow of illegal crossings and speed the
return of those who do cross over.
Second, I’ll make it easier and faster for high-skilled immigrants, graduates and
entrepreneurs to stay and contribute to our economy, as so many business leaders
proposed.
Third, we’ll take steps to deal responsibly with the millions of undocumented immigrants
who already live in our country.
I want to say more about this third issue, because it generates the most passion and
controversy. Even as we are a nation of immigrants, we’re also a nation of laws.
Undocumented workers broke our immigration laws, and I believe that they must be held
accountable, especially those who may be dangerous.
That’s why over the past six years deportations of criminals are up 80 percent, and that’s
why we’re going to keep focusing enforcement resources on actual threats to our security.
Felons, not families. Criminals, not children. Gang members, not a mom who’s working
hard to provide for her kids. We’ll prioritize, just like law enforcement does every day.
But even as we focus on deporting criminals, the fact is millions of immigrants in every
state, of every race and nationality still live here illegally.
And let’s be honest, tracking down, rounding up and deporting millions of people isn’t
realistic. Anyone who suggests otherwise isn’t being straight with you. It’s also not who
we are as Americans.
After all, most of these immigrants have been here a long time. They work hard ,often in
tough, low paying jobs. They support their families. They worship at our churches. Many
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of the kids are American born or have spent most of their lives here. And their hopes,
dreams, and patriotism are just like ours.
As my predecessor, President Bush, once put it, they are a part of American life.
Now here is the thing. We expect people who live in this country to play by the rules. We
expect those who cut the line will not be unfairly rewarded. So we’re going to offer the
following deal; if you’ve been in America more than five years; if you have children who
are American citizens or legal residents; if you register, pass a criminal background check
and you’re willing to pay your fair share of taxes-- you’ll be able to apply to stay in this
country temporarily without fear of deportation. You can come out of the shadows and
get right with the law. That’s what this deal is.
Now let’s be clear about what it isn’t. This deal does not apply to anyone who has come
to this country recently. It does not apply to anyone who might come to America illegally
in the future. It does not grant citizenship or the right to stay here permanently, or offer
the same benefits that citizens receive. Only Congress can do that. All we’re saying is
we’re not going to deport you.
I know some of the critics of the action call it amnesty. Well, it’s not. Amnesty is the
immigration system we have today. Millions of people who live here without paying their
taxes or playing by the rules, while politicians use the issue to scare people and whip up
votes at election time. That’s the real amnesty, leaving this broken system the way it is.
Mass amnesty would be unfair. Mass deportation would be both impossible and contrary
to our character.
What I’m describing is accountability. A common sense middle- ground approach. If you
meet the criteria, you can come out of the shadows and get right with the law. If you’re a
criminal, you’ll be deported. If you plan to enter the U.S. illegally, your chances of
getting caught and sent back just went up.
The actions I’m taken are not only lawful, they’re the kinds of actions taken by every
single Republican president and every single Democratic president for the past half
century.
And to those members of Congress who question my authority to make our immigration
system work better or question the wisdom of me acting where Congress has failed, I
have one answer: Pass a bill. I want to work with both parties to pass a more permanent
legislative solution. And the day I sign that bill into law, the actions I take will no longer
be necessary.
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Meanwhile, don’t let a disagreement over a single issue be a deal breaker on every issue.
That’s not how our Democracy works, and Congress shouldn’t shut down our
government again just because we disagree on this.
Americans are tired of gridlock. What our country needs right now is a common purpose,
a higher purpose. Most Americans support the types of reforms I’ve talked about tonight,
but I understand the disagreements held by many of you at home.
Millions of us, myself included, go back generations in this country, with ancestors who
put in the painstaking work to become citizens. So we don’t like the notion anyone might
get a free pass to American citizenship.
I know some worry immigration will change the very fabric of who we are, or take our
jobs, or stick it to middle-class families at a time they already feel they’ve gotten a raw
deal for over a decade. I hear those concerns, but that’s not what these steps would do.
Our history and the facts show that immigrants are a net plus for our economy and our
society. And I believe it’s important that all of us have this debate without impugning
each other’s character.
Because for all the back and forth in Washington, we have to remember that this debate is
about something bigger. It’s about who we are as a country and who we want to be for
future generations. Are we a nation that tolerates the hypocrisy of a system where
workers who pick our fruit and make our beds never have a chance to get right with the
law? Or are we a nation that gives them a chance to make amends, take responsibility,
and give their kids a better future?
Are we a nation that accepts the cruelty of ripping children from their parents’ arms, or
are we a nation that values families and works together to keep them together? Are we a
nation that educates the world’s best and brightest in our universities only to send them
home to create businesses in countries that compete against us, or are we a nation that
encourages them to stay and create jobs here, create businesses here, create industries
right here in America? That’s what this debate is all about.
We need more than politics as usual when it comes to immigration. We need reasoned,
thoughtful, compassionate debate that focuses on our hopes, not our fears. I know the
politics of this issue are tough, but let me tell you why I have come to feel so strongly
about it. Over the past years I’ve seen the determination of immigrant fathers who
worked two or three jobs without taking a dime from the government, and at risk any
moment of losing it all just to build a better life for their kids. I’ve seen the heartbreak
and anxiety of children whose mothers might be taken away from them just because they
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didn’t have the right papers. I’ve seen the courage of students who, except for the
circumstances of their birth, are as American as Malia or Sasha, students who bravely
come out as undocumented in hopes they could make a difference in the country they
love. These people, our neighbors, our classmates, our friends, they did not come here in
search of a free ride or an easy life. They came to work, and study and serve in our
military. And, above all, contribute to American success.
Now tomorrow I’ll travel to Las Vegas and meet with some of these students, including a
young woman named Astrid Silva. Astrid was brought to America when she was 4 years
old. Her only possessions were a cross, her doll, and the frilly dress she had on. When she
started school, she didn’t speak any English. She caught up to other kids by reading
newspapers and watching PBS. And then she became a good student. Her father worked
in landscaping. Her mom cleaned other people’s homes. They wouldn’t let Astrid apply
to a technology magnet school, not because they didn’t love her, but because they were
afraid the paperwork would out her as an undocumented immigrant. So she applied
behind their back and got in.
Still, she mostly lived in the shadows until her grandmother, who visited every year from
Mexico, passed away, and she couldn’t travel to the funeral without risk of being found
out and deported. It was around that time she decided to begin advocating for herself and
others like her. And today Astrid Silva is a college student working on her third degree.
Are we a nation that kicks out a striving, hopeful immigrant like Astrid? Or are we a
nation that finds a way to welcome her in?
Scripture tells us, we shall not oppress a stranger, for we know the heart of a stranger. We
were strangers once, too.
My fellow Americans, we are and always will be a nation of immigrants. We were
strangers once, too. And whether our forbearers were strangers who crossed the Atlantic,
or the Pacific or the Rio Grande, we are here only because this country welcomed them in
and taught them that to be an American is about something more than what we look like
or what our last names are, or how we worship. What makes us Americans is our shared
commitment to an ideal, that all of us are created equal, and all of us have the chance to
make of our lives what we will. That’s the country our parents and grandparents and
generations before them built for us. That’s the tradition we must uphold. That’s the
legacy we must leave for those who are yet to come.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless this country we love.
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PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY ON “IMMIGRATION,” 2012
The Rule of Law: Legal Immigration
The greatest asset of the American economy is the American worker. Just as immigrant
labor helped build our country in the past, today’s legal immigrants are making vital
contributions in every aspect of our national life. Their industry and commitment to
American values strengthens our economy, enriches our culture, and enables us to better
understand and more effectively compete with the rest of the world.
Illegal immigration undermines those benefits and affects U.S. workers. In an age of
terrorism, drug cartels, human trafficking, and criminal gangs, the presence of millions of
unidentified persons in this country poses grave risks to the safety and the sovereignty of
the United States. Our highest priority, therefore, is to secure the rule of law both at our
borders and at ports of entry.
We recognize that for most of those seeking entry into this country, the lack of respect for
the rule of law in their homelands has meant economic exploitation and political
oppression by corrupt elites. In this country, the rule of law guarantees equal treatment to
every individual, including more than one million immigrants to whom we grant
permanent residence every year. That is why we oppose any form of amnesty for those
who, by intentionally violating the law, disadvantage those who have obeyed it. Granting
amnesty only rewards and encourages more law breaking.
We support the mandatory use of the Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements
(S.A.V.E.) program – an internet-based system that verifies the lawful presence of
applicants – prior to the granting of any State or federal government entitlements or IRS
refunds.
We insist upon enforcement at the workplace through verification systems so that jobs
can be available to all legal workers. Use of the E-verify program – an internet-based
system that verifies the employment authorization and identity of employees – must be
made mandatory nationwide.
State enforcement efforts in the workplace must be welcomed, not attacked. When
Americans need jobs, it is absolutely essential that we protect them from illegal labor in
the workplace. In addition, it is why we demand tough penalties for those who practice
identity theft, deal in fraudulent documents, and traffic in human beings.
It is why we support Republican legislation to give the Department of Homeland Security
long-term detention authority to keep dangerous but un-deportable aliens off our streets,
expedite expulsion of criminal aliens, and make gang membership a deportable offense.
The current Administration’s approach to immigration has undermined the rule of law at
every turn. It has lessened work-site enforcement – and even allows the illegal aliens it
does uncover to walk down the street to the next employer – and challenged legitimate
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State efforts to keep communities safe, suing them for trying to enforce the law when the
federal government refuses to do so. It has created a backdoor amnesty program
unrecognized in law, granting worker authorization to illegal aliens, and shown little
regard for the life-and-death situations facing the men and women of the border patrol.
Perhaps worst of all, the current Administration has failed to enforce the legal means for
workers or employers who want to operate within the law. In contrast, a Republican
Administration and Congress will partner with local governments through cooperative
enforcement agreements in Section 287g of the Immigration and Nationality Act to make
communities safer for all and will consider, in light of both current needs and historic
practice, the utility of a legal and reliable source of foreign labor where needed through a
new guest worker program. We will create humane procedures to encourage illegal aliens
to return home voluntarily, while enforcing the law against those who overstay their visas.
State efforts to reduce illegal immigration must be encouraged, not attacked. The pending
Department of Justice lawsuits against Arizona, Alabama, South Carolina, and Utah must
be dismissed immediately. The double-layered fencing on the border that was enacted by
Congress in 2006, but never completed, must finally be built. In order to restore the rule
of law, federal funding should be denied to sanctuary cities that violate federal law and
endanger their own citizens, and federal funding should be denied to universities that
provide in-state tuition rates to illegal aliens, in open defiance of federal law.
We are grateful to the thousands of new immigrants, many of them not yet citizens, who
are serving in the Armed Forces. Their patriotism should encourage us all to embrace the
newcomers legally among us, assist their journey to full citizenship, and help their
communities avoid isolation from the mainstream of society. To that end, while we
encourage the retention and transmission of heritage tongues, we support English as the
nation’s official language, a unifying force essential for the educational and economic
advancement of – not only immigrant communities – but also our nation as a whole.
EXCERPTS FROM SENATOR JEFF SESSIONS’ “ HANDBOOK ON
IMMIGRATION FOR THE REPUBLICAN MAJORITY, JANUARY 2015
INTRODUCTION
“Immigration reform” may be the single most abused phrase in the English language. It
has become a legislative honorific almost exclusively reserved for proposals which
benefit everyone but actual American citizens.
Consider the recent Obama-backed “immigration reform” bill rejected by Congress. That
bill—the culmination of a $1.5 billion lobbying effort—doubled the influx of foreign
workers to benefit corporate lobbyists, and collapsed enforcement to benefit groups in the
Democratic political machine that advocate open borders.
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But for American citizens, the legislation offered nothing except lower wages, higher
unemployment, and a heavier tax burden.
Those who suggest the only problem with the “Gang of Eight” bill was that it was
“comprehensive” instead of “piecemeal” are missing the point. Whether in one part, five
parts, or ten, the underlying policy would have been no less disastrous.
The last four decades have witnessed the following: a period of record, uncontrolled
immigration to the United States; a dramatic rise in the number of persons receiving
welfare; and a steep erosion in middle class wages. But the only” immigration reforms”
discussed in Washington are those pushed by interest groups who want to remove what
few immigration controls are left in order to expand the record labor supply even further.
The principal economic dilemma of our time is the very large number of people who
either are not working at all, or not earning a wage great enough to be financially
independent. The surplus of available labor is compounded by the loss of manufacturing
jobs due to global competition and reduced demand for workers due to automation.
What sense does it make to continue legally importing millions of low-wage workers to
fill jobs while sustaining millions of current residents on welfare? Indeed, the same
companies demanding a large boost in foreign labor are laying off American workers en
masse.
The question is not whether one supports or opposes “immigration reform.” It is an
incoherent question. Nobody says opponents of tax hikes oppose “tax reform,” or that
opponents of cap and trade oppose “energy reform.”
If asked for one’s opinion on “immigration reform.” one can reply: I am opposed to any
immigration policy which makes it harder for the unemployed to find jobs and easier for
employers to keep pay low. If by “immigration reform” you mean helping the
unemployed return to the work force, limiting work visas so wages can rise, and
establishing firm control over entry and exit to the United States, then I am for it. Which
do you mean? ….
Democrats have already answered this question. In the House and Senate, they were
virtually unanimous in their support of the 2013 “Gang of Eight” immigration bill. But
their strategy—appealing to interest groups, donors, advocacy coalitions, and media
personalities who oppose any sensible immigration controls—rests on the assumption
that Republicans will compete for the same audience.
But we were not elected to clamor for the affections of Washington pundits and trendy
CEOs.
The largest untapped constituency in American politics are the 300 million American
citizens who have been completely left out of the immigration debate. Speak to that
constituency—with clarity and compassion—and change the issue forever.
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…Republicans can not win…unless they prove that they are willing to break from the
donor class and defend the working class. Donors don’t win elections; voters win
elections.
And the voters need our help.
…according to the BLS (Bureau of Labor Statistics), all net employment gains since the
recession have gone to foreign workers ,while 1.5 million fewer Americans hold jobs
today than they did then—despite the total population of the U.S.-born adults increasing
by 11 million over that same time.
On no issue is there a greater separation between the everyday citizen and the political
elite than on the issue of immigration. For decades the American people have begged
and pleaded for a just and lawful system of immigration that serves their interests—but
their demands are refused. For years Americans have been scorned and mocked by the
elite denizens of Washington and Wall Street for having legitimate concerns about how
uncontrolled immigration impacts their jobs, wages, schools, hospitals, police
departments, and communities. But those who do the mocking are often ensconced
behind gated compounds, guarded private schools, chauffeured SUV’s and fenced-off
estates.
Our message to the American people: you are right. And you’ve been right from the
beginning. We hear you and we will deliver.
We need make no apology in rejecting an extreme policy of sustained mass immigration,
which the public repudiates and which the best economic evidence tells us undermines
wage growth and economic mobility. Here again, the dialect operates in reverse: the
“hardliners” are those who refuse even the most modest immigration controls on the
heels of four decades of large-scale immigration flows (both legal and illegal) and
increased pressures on working families.
Conservatism is by its nature at odds with the extreme, the untested, the ahistorical. The
last large-scale flow of legal immigrants (from approximately 1880-1920) was followed
by a sustained slowdown that allowed wages to rise, assimilation to occur, and the middle
class to emerge….
EXECUTIVE AMNESTY
The 114th Congress opens under the shadow of President Obama’s recent immigration
orders. President Obama has declared null and void the sovereign immigration laws of
the United States in order to implement immigration measures the Congress has
repeatedly and explicitly rejected. His order grants five million illegal immigrants work
permits, Social Security, Medicare, and free tax credits—taking jobs and benefits directly
from struggling American workers.
U.S. citizens have been stripped of their protections they are entitled to under law.
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President Obama himself once admitted that only an Emperor could issue such edicts.
Yet here we stand today in 2015, living under imperial decrees that defy the will of the
people, the laws their government has passed, and the Constitution we took an oath to
uphold.
How Congress responds to this emergency will define its legacy.
Days before the last election, the Chairman of our party pledged: “We will do everything
we can to make sure it doesn’t happen. We can’t allow it to happen and we won’t let it
happen. I don’t know how to be any stronger than that. I’m telling you, everything we
can do to stop it we will.” This is the commitment the American people heard and
affirmed with their votes.
Exit polls were unequivocal. More than 3 in 4 voters cited immigration as an important
factor in their vote, believed that U.S. workers should get priority for jobs, and opposed
the President’s plan for executive amnesty.
..Congress has the power to stop this action by denying funds for its implementation….
..This effort could be complemented by common sense enforcement-only measures like
universal E-verify, ending catch-and-release, mandatory repatriation for unaccompanied
alien minors, ending asylum loopholes, and closing off welfare for illegal immigrants.
No enforcement plan can be successful that does not block the President from continuing
to release illegal immigrants into the United States and providing them with immigration
benefits.
ENFORCEMENT COLLAPSE
President Obama’s former ICE Director, John Sandweg, famously concluded” if you’re a
run-of-the mill immigrant here illegally, your odds of getting deported are close to zero.”
Since entering office, President Obama has engaged in a sustained campaign to collapse
immigration enforcement…. …As long as the President continues to ignore the law,
order his officers to free illegal immigrants, and refuse to remove individuals who are
here illegally, the problems will only get worse.
Increasing the budget for DHS in the form of additional Border patrol agents, vehicles,
etc. will not stem the tide of illegal immigrants as long as catch-and-release continues and
as long as interior enforcement remains gutted. No amount of additional resources will
work if our law enforcement officers cannot carry out their duties. Absent such reform,
we are just using those resources to facilitate the transfer of illegal immigrants from south
of the border to north of the border.
Interior deportations have fallen 23 percent since last year alone, and have been halved
since 2001—when then ICE Director Morton issued the so-called Morton Memos
exempting almost all illegal immigrants from enforcement and removal operations.
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The effective result of the Administration’s non-enforcement policy is that anyone in the
world who manages to get into the interior of the United States—by any means, including
overstaying a visa—is free to live, work, and claim benefits in the United States at
Americans’ expense. In particular, immigration benefits for illegal immigrant minors
(and their relatives) has created an enormous enforcement loophole and magnet—what
U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services union president Kenneth Palinkas likened to
birthright amnesty for any foreign-born youth in the world (and, in turn, their families)
who can manage to enter the United States.
He also issued the following warning:
“The 9/11 hijackers got into the U.S. on visas and now, 13 years later, we have around 5
million immigrants in the United States who overstayed their visits—many from high risk
regions in the Middle East. Making matters more dangerous, the Obama
administration’s executive amnesty, like S.744 that he unsuccessfully lobbied for, would
legalize visa overstays and cause millions additionally to overstay—raising the threat
level to America even higher….
And because there is largely no consequence for overstaying visas, in 2012 alone 250,000
individuals are estimated to have overstayed their visas and remained in the country
illegally. Overall, in 2014 only a miniscule 0.05% of the nation’s roughly 12 million
illegal immigrants were removed who were not explicit agency “priorities.” If you don't
meet a “priority,” you are basically immune from enforcement. Even including “priority”
cases, 99% of illegal immigrants were still placed beyond the reach of immigration law.
Even the removal of criminals has continued to fall and has been cut in half since 2011.
DHS documents show that the Administration freed 30,000 convicted criminals into U.S.
communities in 2014. Overall, there are 167,000 convicted criminal aliens who were
ordered removed that are now at large in the United States, and almost as many at large
who were released before being ordered removed.
In recent months President Obama has also unilaterally removed restrictions on the
admission of foreign nationals with limited terror ties, increased the admission of foreign
workers by 100,000, expedited chain immigration from Haiti; expanded amnesty
provisions for Honduran and Nicaraguan nationals, and attempted to recruit illegal
immigrants for military positions even as American service members are being laid off.
What then is the path forward? The GOP should focus on discrete, targeted enforcement
measures designed to have an outsize effort on reducing illegality, empowering
immigration officers, restoring enforcement, and putting a stop to catch-and-release….
Chris Crane, president of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Council, wrote one
year ago…
ICE officers are forced every day to release violent offenders back into the streets; we
are prohibited from enforcing immigration violations and document fraud and from
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cracking down on illegal employment; we are prohibited from enforcing public charge
law to protect taxpayers; and we are forced to catch-and-release illegal aliens who are
not “priorities” even when officers believe there is a threat to the public safety.”
What, then, is the path forward? The GOP should focus on discrete, targeted
enforcement measures designed to have an outsize effect on reducing illegality,
empowering immigration officers, restoring enforcement, and putting a stop to catch-andrelease. These (could include)
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Mandatory E-Verify to protect American jobs and wages
Ending tax credit and welfare payments to illegal immigrants
Closing asylum and refugee loopholes
Cancelling federal funds to sanctuary cities
Empowering local officials to coordinate with ICE officers
Establishing criminal penalties for visa overstays
Ending catch-and-release on the border with mandatory detention and expedited
deportations….
IMMIGRATION AND THE ECONOMY
…The total number of working age U.S.-born Americans without jobs now stands at 58
million.
... The U.S. Department of Commerce informs us that “today’s typical 18 to 34 year old
earns about $2,000 less per year (adjusted for inflation) than their counterparts in 1980.”
What has happened in the labor market since 1990?
The Census Bureau explains: “From 1930 to 1950, the foreign-born population of the
United States declined from 14.2 million to 10.3 million. …(But) since 1970, the foreign
–born population of the United States…increased rapidly due to large-scale
immigration,” and has now quadrupled to more than 41 million. …(It is) estimated that
current immigration rates produce an annual net loss of $402 billion for American
workers who compete with foreign labor. …Simply put we have more job seekers than
jobs.
The White House itself has said that there are three unemployed persons for each job
opening. The Economic Policy Institute estimates that in one industry, construction,
there are as many as seven unemployed persons for each available job opening.
…This report just published in the New York Times illustrates just how many Americans
have been left behind:
Working in America is in decline. The share of prime-age men—those 25 to 54 years
old—who are not working has more than tripled since the late 1960s, to 16 percent.
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More recently, since the turn of the century, the share of women without paying jobs has
been rising too. The United States, which had one of the highest employment rates
among developed nations as recently as 2000, has fallen toward the bottom of the list….
At the same time it has become harder for men to find higher-paying jobs. Foreign
competition and technological advances have eliminated many of the jobs in which high
school graduates…once could earn $40 an hour, or more.
…There had been a great wave of immigration in the four decades leading up to the
Coolidge administration, This substantial increase in the labor pool had created a loose
labor market that tilted the balance of power to large employers over everyday workers.
Coolidge believed it was rational and sensible to swing the pendulum back towards the
average wage-earning American. He explained in a speech to naturalized citizens: “ We
want to keep wages and living conditions good for everyone who is now here or who may
come here. As a nation, our first duty must be to those who are already our inhabitants,
whether native or immigrants To them we owe an especial and a weighty obligation.”
The labor market tightened substantially as a result of policy changes, boosting wages for
both the native-born and the millions of immigrants who had arrived previously—helping
the great American middle class to emerge.
…We have an obligation to those we lawfully admit not to admit such a large number
that their own wages and job prospects are diminished. A sound immigration policy must
serve the needs of those already living here.
…Unsurprisingly, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office projected that the result
of ( the 2013 immigration bill) would be lower wages, higher unemployment and reduced
per capita GDP.
…So whether comprehensive, piecemeal, step-by-step, incremental, or whatever other
process one conceives, the question that must be asked is this: will the legislation make
life easier or harder for American workers? Will it help or hurt cash-strapped schools?
Will it reduce or increase poverty?
There are plenty of Democrats willing to fight to help global corporations get more guest
workers. There are plenty of progressives eager to fight for amnesty. There are plenty of
far-left advocates eager to fight for unchecked immigration. The cause that doesn't have
an organized champion—but desperately needs it—is the cause of the American worker
whose wages have stalled and whose dreams have been put on hold. Why can’t American
get representation in their own Congress?
IMMIGRATION AND THE WELFARE STATE
A bedrock principle common to all advanced nations is that those who seek entrance to a
country must be able to support themselves financially. This is an explicit and
unambiguous tenet in federal immigration law. It is also arguably the least enforced
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element of federal immigration law. We continue to lawfully admit millions who arrive
in the U.S. only to become reliant on federal taxpayer support. … despite laws to the
contrary, no one is being turned away from the United States based on inability to support
themselves financially.
…food stamp usage among immigrants has quadrupled since 2001
…Against this backdrop, it should come as no surprise that an analysis by the Center for
Immigration Services found that 36% of immigrant-headed households received at least
one welfare benefit in 2010 (including public housing). …The Heritage Foundation’s
Robert Rector offered this mathematical analysis in 2007: “On average, low-skill
immigrant families receive $30,160 per year in government benefits, while paying
$10,573 in taxes, creating a net fiscal deficit of $19,587 that has to be paid by higherincome taxpayers. It takes the entire net tax payments (taxes paid minus benefits
received) of one college-educated family to pay for the net benefits of one low-skill
immigrant family.”
Honest immigration reform would establish rules and enforcement that promote selfsufficiency, reduce poverty, strengthen the family, and promote our economic values.
Such an approach benefits the host country, the immigrant seeking entry, and the
communities that most need our help. Unfortunately, the only “reform” bills considered
in Congress would expand and cement the welfare state even more deeply.
IMMIGRATION POLLING AND MESSAGING
…Immigration policy directly affects voters in ways that Washington “experts” do not
see or understand. It impacts their jobs, wages, hospitals, schools, communities, and
security. …Imagine for a moment immigration policy from the perspective of an
American worker who has lost his job to lower-paid labor from abroad. Many inside the
DC bubble have no awareness that immigration rates have quadrupled to record levels,
that all net employment growth over the last 14 years has gone to foreign workers, or that
studies indicate the surplus of labor being brought into the U.S. has been driving a
precipitous decline in workers’ wages. And while these realities are never covered by the
Beltway media, they are experienced by working people across the nation.
…Republicans …must define themselves as the party of the American worker, the party
of higher wages, and the one party that defends the American people from Democrats’
extreme agenda of open borders and economic stagnation.
…Here are the findings from a poll of likely U.S. voters commissioned by GOP pollster
Kellyanne Conway:
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77% of respondents said jobs should go to current U.S.-born workers or legal
immigrants already in the country—instead of bringing in new workers to fill
those jobs.
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80% of respondents said businesses should recruit the currently unemployed
instead of expanding the labor supply with new workers from other countries
86% of black voters and 71% of Hispanic voters said companies should raise
wages and improve working conditions instead of increasing immigration
76% of respondents said people who overstayed their visas should be encouraged
to return home
By a 2-1 margin, respondents said illegal immigrants should be encouraged to
return home by closing off access to jobs and welfare benefits
Three in four respondents wished to see substantial immigration cuts.
…Hard-hit working people need to see Republicans go into the ring and throw some real
punches on their behalf. They want to see the Republican look them in the eye and say:
“I am going to fight for you. I am going to fight for your jobs. I am not going to let
President Obama give your job away to the highest bidder. I am not going to let openborders extremists push their agenda at the expense of your family and your income. I
stand with you…. “ How are Democrats going to explain why they are determined to
provide instant work permits to every illegal immigrant and visa overstay in the country?
…How are they going to explain they voted for legislation that will surge the labor
supply at a time when wages are down and a record number of Americans can’t find
work?”
…This is our chance to stand up and fight for millions of loyal struggling citizens who
have been neglected. This is our chance to stand up and fight for the good and decent
people of this country who pay their taxes, fight our wars, follow the rules, love their
country, and only expect in return that their country will defend their legitimate
interests….
CONCLUSION
The immigration debate can be reduced to three essential questions:
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Is America a sovereign nation that has the right to control its borders and decide
who comes to live and work here?
Should American immigration laws serve the just interests of the country and its
citizens?
And do these citizens have the right to expect and demand that the laws passed by
their elected representatives be enforced.
If we believe the answers to these questions are “yes,” then we have no choice but to
fight—and to win.
Why were we elected, if not to serve the people who sent us here?