BREAKING FROM THE PAST OR WALKING THE SAME STEPS: THE CASE OF UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI’S STUDENT UNION, SONU BY WILLIS OUMA OKUMU PRESENTED TO INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES (IDS) UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI 2006 1 DECLARATION This research project is my original work and has not been presented anywhere. ____________________________________________________ WILLIS OUMA OKUMU This project has been submitted with my approval as the project coordinator. Prof. Ng’ethe, N Project coordinator Professor at the Institute for development studies (IDS) University of Nairobi 2 LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS CAE- College of Architecture and Engineering CAVS- College of Veterinary Sciences CBPS- College of Biological and Physical Sciences CEES- College of Education and External Studies CHS- College of Health Sciences CHSS- College of Humanities and Social Sciences Congress- SONU institution comprising of all the elected persons representing the Halls of residence, Faculty Representatives and the SONU Executive DVC AA- Deputy Vice- Chancellor Academic Affairs FGD- Focused Group Discussions GBC- Gender-biased-campaign KBC- Kenya Broadcasting Co-operation Kamukunji- Political gathering organized by SONU officials or aspiring SONU officials either to campaign or to articulate student welfare MCCU- Main Campus Christian Union Module II- Self Sponsored Undergraduate students at the University of Nairobi MP- Member of Parliament NUSO- Nairobi University Student’s Organisation SONU- Student Organisation of University of Nairobi SONU PAC- The Parliamentary Accounts Committee of the student union SONU Executive-Top officials of the University of Nairobi’s student union including the Chair, the two Vice-Chair’s, the Secretary General, the Treasurer, the Organizing Secretary, the Secretary for Legal Affairs, the Secretary for Health and Accommodation, the Secretary for Sports and all the Campus Representatives. STEMC- Student Tension Management Committee UNESCO—United Nations Education Science and Cultural Organisation VC- Vice Chancellor 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE 1.1 Background to Campus Politics 1.2 Forms of Political Activity in Campus 1.3 Problem Statement CHAPTER TWO 2.1 Literature Review CHAPTER THREE 3.1 Research Methodology 3.2 Data Collection Methods CHAPTER FOUR 4.1 Data Analysis 4.2 Levels of Student Participation in Campus Politics 4.3 Awareness and Relevance of the SONU Constitution 4.4 The Credibility of SONU Leaders 4.5 Effectiveness of SONU Parliamentary Accounts Committee in Enhancing Accountability in SONU 4.6 Female Student’s Participation in Campus Politics 4.7 Factors that prevent Female Student’s from Participating in Campus Politics 4.8 Tribalism in Campus Politics 4.9 How Poverty Affects Student Politics 4.10 The Role of University Administration in Student Politics 4.11 Should Module II Vote in SONU Elections? CHAPTRER FIVE 5.1 Conclusions and Recommendations 5.2 References LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Awareness of SONU Constitution…………………………………………..32 Figure 2: Does Poverty Levels Affect student Politics?.................................................40 Figure 3: What Role does the University Administration play in Campus Politics?......40 Figure 4: Should Module II vote in SONU Elections?.................................................41 4 ABSTRACT This paper seeks to trace and evaluate student politics at the University of Nairobi by analyzing the effectiveness of the student body; Students’ Organization of the University of Nairobi (herein known and referred to as SONU). This paper looks into institutional weaknesses, corruption, gender insensitivity, the role of University Administration, the effect of poverty and how tribalism affects students’ politics. The writer makes an analysis into the effectiveness of the student organization in its core role: student representation and developing the students’ self esteem in regards to widening their world view and making them productive members of our society today. It is also worth noting that the student union is characterized by continuity through change and the writer attempts to draw comparisons on different approaches to student leadership and their resultant effects on the student constituency . The writer also looks at the issue of Module II and their apparent exclusion from student leadership through the student union. Cross cutting issues in student lives such as poverty and gender mainstreaming are also looked into and their effects on the quality of student leadership. 5 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND TO CAMPUS POLITICS A University bears in its name and on its face the impress of universality and unity. Idealism and devotion to great causes breathe from its structure and are enshrined in the nature of its constitution. The reputation and quality of a University depends essentially on the quality of the students and the quality of their activity, though the quality of the staff is of great import. In the university the principle instrument which the student body functions is the Students Union. The initial student union at the University of Nairobi was the Nairobi University Students Organization- NUSO. According to The Anvil of 6th March 1978, NUSO through its Chair Mr. Mukumu Muchina who was elected in March 1978 after strongly denouncing ‘the politics of stone throwing and violence’, since then campus politics has evolved with the increase in student population bringing in diversity in political and cultural orientation with each and every batch of students . Campus politics has been remarkably characterized by continuity through change. The leadership of the students’ body i.e. Students Organization of the University of Nairobi (SONU) has strived to remain relevant to the realities of the day while at the same time trying to secure, maintain, strengthen and protect its role in campus administration. In the 1970’s, student leadership was recognized by a larger constituency than now. The effect of campus politics attracted the politicians who saw campus politics as a reflection of the political machinations and re-alignment of the day. Student leadership at those times was agitative, it served the wider national need to expand democratic space and its effects were felt by the part played by university students in condemning the J. M Kariuki murder in 1975. The 1980’s also witnessed continued agitation by the student leadership, with remarkable performance of Mwandawiro Mgangha. During these times, campus politics bordered national politics with Mgangha’s “guard of honour” in the late 1980’s being the epitome of the feat. The 1990’s was characterized by the introduction of Structural Adjustment Programmes that seeked to reduce government funding in the education sector. As has been witnessed in other African countries such as Zambia, the 6 “IMF riots” rocked campus, especially with the introduction of self-sponsored student programmes which had the net effect of stretching student facilities to the limit. Student leadership at this juncture gravitated upon the common enemy; self –sponsored students, more so because of the perceived special treatment by the university administration of this class of students hence the 1990’s witnessed a renewed form of militaristic campus politics embedded in riots and massive and unwarranted student deaths at the hands of the police, one good example is example the death of Solomon Muruli- a student leader at Kikuyu Campus. This sparked riots and demonstrations in campus. The dawn of a new millennium saw renewed energies and efforts by the students’ leadership to steer campus politics with the lifting of the ban on SONU in 2003, and the pardoning of formerly expelled or suspended student leaders. The holding of SONU 2003 elections that ushered in the first batch of student leaders after 5 years of numbness of campus politics. The revival of SONU’98 coincided with the election of Kenya’s 3 rd president, H.E Mwai Kibaki, who delegated his duty as Chancellor. Thus campus politics was once again on the rise, characterized by several demands on the administration, this culminated into unprocedural resignation of a college principal. Campus politics at this moment can be termed as influential because its effects were felt in the administrative and policy making core of the university. However, with the increment of fees in September 2004, campus politics was once again thrown off its feet following the student riot that led to the suspension of SONU 2004 office holders, the closure of campus and the resignation of the Vice-Chancellor. The bold act of suspending most the SONU Executive by the administration instilled fear on the would- be dissenters, leading to apathy in campus politics for fear of victimization. Subsequently, the current SONU office, exhibits yet another facet of political mutations; they have kept a low profile, often consulting with the administration. The leaders have blocked downward flow of information to the larger student constituency and therefore managed to steer clear of student militarism that has characterized past campus politics. 7 1.2 FORMS OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CAMPUS In the past outright militarism coupled with violence, defiance and wanton destruction of private property by students in the name of drawing administrative and public attention to student grievances has been the hallmark of student politics. Student’s have joined campus and quickly inherited the unforgivable hatred for the laws of their motherland and hatred for policemen etc. The resultant effect has been violent confrontations with the police, leading to the shooting of a number of students for example the late Mr. Ken Mugambi who was shot by police during a student riot in the early days of re-agitation for the uplifting of the ban on SONU ’98 in the year 2003. The mainstay of student politics however can be best captured in the following sentiments as expressed in, The Anvil in its issue of 6th March 1978; ’‘Riot police squads armed with guns, batons, shields and tear gas moved into campus before 7;30 am after students had blocked the State House Road. Several vehicles, including police cars, were stoned by the demonstrating students. Police used tear gas to disperse the students from campus. Campus politics can also be termed as periodic. This means that students tend to be politically active at certain times of the semester or the academic year. For instance, student riots occur often when students have exhausted their loans and when students are approaching exams. The tendency for violent student political activity to occur at these times is usually high and it is always said that there is tension in campus during these times. On the contrary at the beginning of an academic year there is a lull in student politics as everyone is stress free and capable of coping financially. It is a fact that SONU ’98 was banned in August 1992 at the end of an academic year this further exemplifies the correlation between student’s disability to cope financially by meeting their daily basic needs and the propensity of student strikes. The political hotbed of campus politics at the University of Nairobi is the main campus. Many at times, students from Chiromo and Kenyatta National Hospital campus have 8 accused students from main campus of being idlers thus causing the many strikes that have occurred. The centrality of main campus to student politics manifested in its contribution to the SONU leadership in the current SONU office as the two Vice- Chairs’ are Faculty of Arts students. Main campus also plays a pivotal role in student organization in that it is the venue for major “kamukunji’s”. The role of other campuses like the K.N.H is insignificant as far as student politics is concerned. This is because of the perceived ‘busy’ nature of their academic schedule. SONU as a student body has had frosty relations with the Module II students it is a fact that SONU ’98 was banned after student riots that basically was a protest over the introduction of parallel students’ programme. Over the years SONU has tried to ignore the Module II even though they make up 60 per cent of the University population today. The student constituency as stipulated in Article 9, Section 2 of the SONU constitution does not give representation to the parallel students hence it can be argued that the student body is note innovative and adaptive to the realities of University education in Kenya since in the Faculty of Arts alone the number of parallel undergraduate students is over 1000 students. Further, the fact that campus politics is a preserve of the regular students reveals minority control in campus politics.. In summary campus politics today is bedeviled by a myriad of issues from outright corruption, University Administration interference, gender imbalance, tribalism, poverty, religious interplay, domination by students from rural areas and the non-representation of the Module II students in SONU. 1.3 PROBLEM STATEMENT The University as an apex of learning is a place where noble dreams of reality are given a free reign. Students are moulded to become critical thinkers, where the mission is fulfilled when they are given an opportunity to apply the force of an argument rather than an argument of force. The Anvil of 6th February 1978 declares; 9 “that the student community has little concern beyond their basic needs of food, lodging and academic pursuits. This narrow approach to problems has led to a situation which depicts the dictum; each man for himself and God for us all. It is time that the student body should reorganize itself so as to be able to make itself heard in other spheres of national development. The student community should restore its credibility and carve itself a role in the making a conscience for this nation. At the moment NUSO holds out little or no hope for achieving these noble aimsat least in the near future. Oloo Manyolo (2003) in his article, “SONU: Through the Prism, A Critical Look” charges that: “Although a Strategic Plan for SONU was mooted it has not been availed even after a two –day workshop that was meant for its development”. Although the unveiling of SONU parliament has been lauded as a step forward, the lack of a public gallery and its “members only” outlook entrenches suspicion and distrust within the student body while at the same time introducing the notion of student leadership as “masters of the student community” as opposed to “servants of the student community. The student body SONU through its parliament is constituted of a Parliamentary Accounts Committee. The fact that there is no member (student) inspection of the PAC report at the Annual General Meeting which according to SONU constitution is mandatory every twelve months leaves credibility and accountability of SONU only to one’s imagination. Factionalism, tribalism and regionalism pervade students’ politics negatively to this date. The 2004 SONU Office had to contend with the unofficial grouping called Student Tension Management Committee (STEMC)-a group composed of election losers in the 2004 elections. Amazingly, this group thrived with the full knowledge and backing of the University Administration. This puts into spotlight the alternate roles that University Administration may play in regards to student politics. The role of election losers in 10 campus politics is further depicted by this article that appeared in the Daily Nation on 10th July 1999: “Fighting broke out at the University of Nairobi yesterday over the swearing-in ceremony of the newly elected student leaders. Two groups engaged in a one-hour battle, some demanding that the ceremony be conducted while others wanted it stopped. Hundreds of the students had gathered at the Great Court on the Main Campus at 3 p.m. to witness the swearing-in of the SONU leaders when a group led by Christopher Owiro, alias Karl Marx, lobbied three tear gas canisters at them. Marx then moved to the dais and snatched a microphone from the SONU SecretaryGeneral Joseph Kioko, demanding that the union’s financial reports be released at the meeting before the swearing-in. The group of about 50 students drew out knives and whips and started beating their colleagues who in turn armed themselves with stones and chairs and struck back. The students engaged in running battles that drove the group out of the compound upto the gates of the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation” Oloo Manyolo(2003) in his analysis on the effectiveness of SONU 2004 Office cites” the constitutional leverage and ambiguity on powers to be assumed by the SONU Executive and Parliament as a constant source of conflict, especially with the constitutionally undefined role of speakers, clerk and their deputes (emphasis mine) . Ocholla George (2003) in his article “Of Imaging and Responsibility” charges that: “The option for an authentic responsibility at personal and leadership levels in the varsities is an option for the good of the whole society”. This study is intended to investigate the nature of past and present student political activity, how the student’s perceive their own political organization and the inherent problems that continue to undermine the effectiveness of student representation. 11 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction to literature review Available literature on student politics depicts the age-old antagonistic nature of the relationship between the University Administration and the students. In an article in the Daily Nation dated Thursday, August 27, 1992, Wamahiu Muya covered the summon by the University of Nairobi of the banned SONU 92 officials, among the suspended students are Mr. Godfrey Kabando, Mr. Kamau wa Mbugua, Mr. Michael Otieno, Mr. Otieno Achoka, Miss Judith Muthoni, Mr. Moses Kuria, Miss Jane Mungai, Mr. Allan Nguri and Mr. Jacob Mutunga. They face the following accusations: (i) That they called for the removal of the Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Francis Gichaga, The Deputy Vice-Chancellor in charge of Academic Affairs Prof. Onesmus Mutungi and the Director of the Student’s Welfare Authority, Mr. Jeremiah Leanoi during an illegal “kamukunji” on July 29, at the Lower Kabete Campus. (ii) That they suggested that the Chancellor’s Court at the Main Campus be renamed Adungosi Court in memory of Tito Adungosi, a student leader who died serving a 10 year prison term. (iii) That they participated in illegal meeting called by SONU leader Kabando wa Kabando. (iv) That during the meeting they used derogatory words against the Head of State by declaring that he was unfit to be Chancellor of the University. (v) That they invited external speakers to the campus without the authority of the university. (vi) That they disrupted a Senate meeting and demanded to be addressed by Prof. Gichaga. (vii) That they organized illegal processions to the All Saints Cathedral on March 23rd and campaigned for the registration of SONU. Wamahiu Muya is an article tilted” “Varsity Closure Order Criticized” gives the import of student feelings during an abrupt and (in their opinion) unprocedural closure of the University of Nairobi (August 1st 1992) In the article, the student leaders claimed that the 12 University Senate had not resolved the closure of the University hence giving credence to political interference from outside in the day to day running of the University. According to the article the University was closed at 7pm on 31st of July one hour after the students, who apparently were unaware of the impending University closure. The students further claimed that the closure was announced to the students over KBC radio further depicting the communication gap within the university community. The students through their leader Mr. Kabando wa Kabando said the V.C. had addressed the meeting the government was describing as illegal, he pose: “How can a Vice- Chancellor address an illegal meeting in his own university? He does not need a license to address his own students in the campus”. According to the students the university closure “was to preempt their marching to parliament, which had been scheduled for the previous day, to protest against the presidential bill which was unpatriotic”. Among the demands of the students in that article are; (i) The reinstatement of student and lecturers expelled for political reasons (ii) That Vice-Chancellors’ be elected and not appointed. (iii) The abolition of admission on quota system by The Joint Admissions Board. (iv) That SONU be registered by the Attorney General (v) The improvement of catering services by the Students Welfare Authority (vi) That public lectures be open to all speakers. The student’s criticized the government for adopting the World Bank –imposed costsharing system without preparation and consultation. The banning of SONU’92 and the governments’ subsequent order for university students to report to their area chiefs is a further demonstration of the government interference in the running of public universities. SONU’92 Chairman Godfrey Kabando castigated the government for the order, terming it “colonial, illegal and unconstitutional”. The contestation of these draconian and ad hoc rules is further depicted in an article in the Daily Nation (8/8/92) by Michael Njuguna and Peter Oriare, in which a group of 2 nd year law students’ of the University of Nairobi voiced their determination to defy the order to report to the chiefs. The nationalistic nature of student politics at this time is captured in their statement which reads; 13 The de-registration (of SONU) comes at the wrong time when the wind of change is sweeping across (the world) and the era of freedom of association and expression is taking root effectively.”(Daily Nation 8/8/92) Today district associations which are tribal outfits are marshaled to garner votes and to influence those undecided students. It is in this perspective that the tribal organizations approach politicians to fund their candidate so that they can influence the distribution of scarce resources within the university for their own gain as opposed to equitable distribution of scarce resources to Today there is the phenomenal presence of the socalled district or cultural associations it is almost fashionable for students to belong to these associations. In his address to University of Nairobi students during a Gandhi Memorial Lecture in October 1978 the speaker, Nazareth J.M stated; “But as a form of organization among students they are likely to destroy or undermine the unity of the student body. The unity of the student body you will agree with me; ought to be regarded as of paramount concern to the students. Disunity among students on tribal lines is likely in turn to undermine and damage the unity of the nation. Any good that such cultural or tribal associations in the university could possibly do is therefore small; almost one might feel negligible compared to the insidious damage that they would almost certainly cause. They must therefore, be regarded as a luxury and an indulgence that the students, who have matters of more, immediate and greater interest and concern to deal with cannot possibly afford.” Tribalism as a factor of campus politics is captured by a Daily Nation article by Sekoh and Ndichu (18/2/95) during a public forum for collation of views by the commission for 14 Higher Education in which the then Rift Valley Provincial Commissioner, Mr. Ismael Chelang’a charged that, “The University of Nairobi’s Faculties of Medicine and Engineering were dominated by members of two ethnic groups”. Mr. Chelang’a further proposed the “vetting of university staff members to avoid politics and tribalism in the institutions”. Police brutality and student politics converge on the issue the late Mr. Solomon Muruli, a Kikuyu Campus student leader who was tortured and later burnt to death in unexplained inferno in his room. In an article by Adonijah Abayo (then a student at Kikuyu Campus) he says: “Mr. Muruli had been subjected to a lot of animosity and brutality by police before he met his death. He was abducted and tortured, probably to warn him that his days were coming to an end. During investigations, Mr. Muruli is reported to have pointed out a senior. Police officer at an identifications parade as one of the people who had abducted, held him incommunicado and tortured him for several days. A day before he went to the police station for the identification parade, Mr. Muruli had received a threatening letter. He was warned not to go to the identification parade or he would be killed. All these threats put him through intense psychological torture.” (Daily Nation 11/3/98). Scholars have however viewed campus politics differently, Egara Kabaji in an article tilted “Campus Rumpus and the Education System,’ asserts that, “By and large, university students have demonstrated beyond any reasonable doubt to any average Kenyan, that they are suffering from infantile deviancy of unimaginable magnitude”. In his reference to the riotic nature of campus politics, Kabaji goes on to raise the question; why don’t our students rise above illogical reactions and search for answer to our society?. In Kabaji’s view, campus politics is a demonstration of irrationality. However, I do concur with Kabaji when he says, 15 “Its not a surprise then to note that the most thriving enterprise among our university students is the formation of the so-called cultural associations identified with this tribe or that and which in actual fact are political groups masquerading as cultural bodies. Their main objective is one: To receive handouts from politicians and distribute them among themselves” (East African Standard, 6th, March 2000). According to Kabaji, it is a mirage, to imagine that students can be useful citizens if they idolize politicians drenched in greed and ethnic hatred. According to comprehensive report by an international task force convened by the World Bank and UNESCO titled: Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril and Promise” in Sub-Saharan Africa: “Governments have undermined academic freedom and university autonomy. Political activism on the part of students means that students are holding academic pursuits ‘hostage’ by spending a large proportion of their time on politics rather than education. This has lowered academic standards in many universities (East African Standard 25th, March, 2000). In my view, the purpose of an organization and a student organization for that matter is to advocate for the best conditions for its membership in return for the allegiance support membership. Hence to keep at par with the rest of students’ organizations and movements in the world, we must mature from “accommodation and jackpot politics” that has permeated through our leadership and its agenda. 16 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.1 STUDY SITE This research is to be conducted in the University of Nairobi.. This study covers the seven campuses that comprise the University of Nairobi. These are; 3.2 DATA COLLECTION METHODS Since the research study is qualitative, longitudinal and descriptive in nature, it is appropriate to apply the following methods:1] Participant observation method. Being a student and therefore part of the student body, it is possible to monitor and participate actively in the political processes in campus, with an eye into the input in terms of time availed by the student leaders to political issues raised by the students. Initiating conversations with the current student leaders [informally] on various pertinent issues concerning majority of students for instance will enrich this study with first hand data. Participant observation is significant in this study since it allows for in-depth study of respondents. It will be vital in capturing gestures and respondents’ sentiments regarding student leadership. 2. Structured but open-ended questionnaires; This method will be applicable in gathering views, attitudes, feelings, understandings and opinion of the sample population of 144 students across the 7 campuses. Since Main Campus hosts two Colleges a total of 32 questionnaires will be administered to a selected sample of 16 students-half male-half female per College in other campuses, a total of 16 questionnaires will be administered taking gender considerations into mind.. 3. Documentary Study; This will be vital in extracting information on student political activity that has been documented. This will be obtained through the Office of the Dean of Students, newspaper pull-outs such as the Standard’s ‘School and Career’ and campus magazines such as the Campuserian, the Comrade among others 17 CHAPTER FOUR: DATA ANALYSIS 4.1 Students participation in politics The research involved a total of 126 respondents all of whom are undergraduate University of Nairobi students. 60.3 per cent of the respondents were male while 39.7 per cent of the respondents were female. The research was conducted in all the 7 campuses that make up the University of Nairobi. The research also took into careful consideration the six colleges that the University of Nairobi is composed. Further, the research took into consideration the variations in levels of study in the student community with an aim to capturing the divergence of opinion across the board The research established that students at the University of Nairobi believe firmly in their role and right to political participation as this is the only sure way of keeping the student union alive to the issues that arise in the day to day life of a student. In participating in the political process of campus the research established that the majority of the students saw it as an effective way of effecting change within the student union in particular and the University of Nairobi as a whole. Levels of participation in student politics is also a reflection of political awareness of students at the University of Nairobi. According to the research findings voting is seen by many students as the most legitimate way of political participation. The implicative meaning of this is that the student community has come of age as far as political maturity is concerned. This also shows that students at the University of Nairobi are pursuing liberal democratic principles in the quest to seek representation and participation in the administration of the university. The research established that kamukunji’s are becoming unpopular with the students hence fewer and fewer numbers of students sees it as a proper avenue of political participation. The declining choice of riots by students as a mode of political expression is also captured in this research findings and this means that student perception towards the 18 administration as far as university administration is concerned has tremendously changed over the last few years and this can further be attributed to changes in the university administrative policies. The research also established that a good number of students who are either serving as congress persons or in the SONU executive of the current or past SONU offices were seen as an elite lot in campus with most of them befitting the title of opinion shapers in campus politics. 4.2 Awareness and relevance of the SONU constitution The research shows that even though there have been no concerted efforts by past and current SONU offices to publicize the SONU constitution personal efforts of a majority of the students have ensured their familiarity with this vital document. The fact that a over 37 per cent are not aware of the existence of the constitution is attributable to the fading effectiveness of SONU as a representative student body in advocating and articulating student-oriented issues Figure 1: Awareness of SONU Constitution AWARENESS AND RELEVANCE OF THE SONU CCONSTITUTION NO 37% YES YES 63% NO Source: Field Data 2006. 19 The research findings show that the constitution of SONU as it is at the moment is irrelevant to the needs of the majority of the students at the University of Nairobi. This can be attributed to the fact that this constitution seems to concentrate power at the SONU executive in the hands of the chair, the secretary general, the treasurer and the organizing secretary. Again the constitution of SONU does not establish checks and balances for the executive apart from blatantly ignoring the creation of independent institutions with which student issues can be articulated and addressed appropriately. The research also establishes that the SONU constitution at the moment serves only the socalled SONU-elite this group comprises of those currently serving in SONU, past SONU officials etc. According to the research findings, many students are of the feeling that SONU suffers institutional weakness and as a result overhauling the current constitution and re-writing a more representative one should be of agent priority. The use of membership contribution is also a matter of concern to the students as established in the research. The membership of SONU through the research findings shoe that that they have no confidence in the way the membership funds are utilized. The research also established that general accountability within SONU is wanting and the respondents advocate for a more accountable student union. The research findings also revealed that SONU as a student body is not representative of all the students of the University of Nairobi and hence the need to open SONU membership to the wider student fraternity at the university. 4.3 The credibility of SONU leaders The research has established that a greater majority of students have lost faith in the effectivity of SONU as a student body to articulate student issues objectively and purposefully. This is a further indication of disillusionment by the student fraternity in the operations of the student body a factor that is attributable to lack of institutional frameworks within which SONU as an organ of student representation operates. Faith in the organs of representation is vital and core in the ensuing relations between the university administration and the student body hence there s urgent need for 20 institutionalization of SONU in order to embolden its significance in the eyes of the students and at the same time to make it relevant to the current and posterity needs of the university students. The research has also authoritatively established that allowances and privileges is the nerve centre of student leadership. This means that, the quality of student leadership deteriorated considerably as compared to a situation where leadership is issue –oriented. The fact that personal gain stands out as the chief motivator of student politics is also a pointer to some policies within the university that over-reward the SONU officials this has had the net effect of encouraging self-seekers into student leadership thus degenerating the mission and vision of student leadership. According to the research findings SONU elections at times degenerate into popularity contests. This is an indication of loss of focus as far as the ideals of leadership are concerned. It is notable however that only 4.8 per cent of the respondents feel that leaders are motivated by a calling to serve the university studentship, this is a reflection of the society and Kenya as a country where most leaders are serving their own personal interest as opposed to the societal obligation. 4.4 Effectiveness of SONU Parliamentary Accounts Committee in enhancing accountability in SONU The research shows that SONU parliament is operating as an exclusive club of campus elites. The fact that about one third of the respondents are not aware of its existence is an indication of lack of efforts on the part of the student body to gain the attention and the confidence among the students. This is necessarily so because SONU parliament is the first core institution that has been developed in the long history of student leadership and as a pioneer institution it is wanting to have a parliament that is not only nonrepresentative e but also unknown among the very constituency it purports to represent. The research also reveals the disquiet among a majority of students who have for long questioned the way in which SONU is constituted. Generally it is felt that SONU parliament is it is constituted now ignores the different interests within campus who 21 cannot get elected through the SONU elections due to a variation in perception between the students hence it is in order that SONU parliament be re-constituted to incorporate all the groups in campus without discriminating. The research also found that accountability within SONU is wanting this is especially because the PAC report that should be published at the AGM every year has never been published. The Treasurer of SONU who traditionally is the Chief Finance Officer is seen here as ineffective or unaccountable as far as student finance is concerned. The fact that less than 10 percent of the respondents are aware of this body is an indication of the existence of SONU as closed-shop, a club of elites whose main interest is to serve themselves at the expense of the students. The research indicates that even a greater majority of the congress persons have never read the PAC report even though they sit in SONU parliament and they are mandated to represent fellow students in SONU. This means that the SONU executive has overriding powers when it comes to the control of the SONU purse and it is worth noting here that there are no institutional checks to the financial extravagance of SONU. 4.5 Female student’s participation in campus politics The research shows that female students are turning out in large numbers as contestants in various positions in SONU even the ones traditionally reserved for male students. This is an indication of an increasing level of political participation among the female students. However it is also revealed that female students are grossly under-represented in the SONU executive this probably is attributable to unfair electoral tendencies. The research also shows that student perceptions towards having a female chairperson of SONU are still a matter of hot debate. This further indicates a lack of gender tolerance within the student fraternity. Many respondents do not believe in the ability of a female chair person simply because of their gender. This explains why female students seeking this position are unlikely to win however much they are ‘electable’. 4.6 Factors that prevent female students from participating in campus politics The research shows that female students’ participation in campus politics is hindered by a variety of factors chief among them being gender biased campaigned (GBC). According 22 to the research findings female contestants in SONU elections face an uphill task in overcoming this vice while convincing voters. GBC takes a variety of forms, among this include voters asking for sexual favors when the candidate is on the campaign trail, issuing of propaganda with sexual overtones by the female candidate’s opponents to discredit the candidate, while at other times the female is prevailed upon by members of her district association to step down in favor of a male candidate from the same district. The implicative meanings of these acts are that so many female students’ are denied a chance to articulate their r views as leaders 4.7 Tribalism in campus politics The research shows how tribal affiliations affect student politics. This is indicated by the differentiation of campus students into tribes, political activity in campus revolve around the tribe. This means that candidates from minority tribes cannot ascend to the SONU executive because they don’t have the ‘big’ tribal backing that candidates from the big tribes enjoy. This in effect lowers the quality of leadership availed at the service of the Studentship. The research shows that the presence of district associations perpetuates tribalism in campus. This according to the respondents acts as conduits or tribal affiliation platforms hence one must have the backing of the tribe before launching his or her political ambitions to the wider campus as a constituency. The research indicates that national leaders negatively affect student leadership by propagating tribalism. It was revealed that MP’s sponsor candidates from their constituencies this means that the tribal baggage that bogs down campus politics is a reflection of the Kenyan society. The research further shows that the university administration is also guilty of perpetuating tribalism in campus. This means that past administrations have taken keen interests in fuelling tribal politics in campus. 4.8 How poverty affects student politics The research shows that poor students are prevented by their economic situation from vying for campus leadership. This means that a majority of would-be contestants who 23 cannot afford good posters and logistics money will most likely not vie for SONU leadership. Hence it is imperative to institutionalize mechanisms through which viable candidates are funded through the university in order to sieve the quality of leadership that comes through and at the same time to enable students form poor backgrounds to have a fair chance at participating in the decision-making processes of campus. Figure 2: Does poverty levels affect student leadership? DOES POVERTY LEVELS AFFECT STUDENT LEADERSHIP? NO, 6% YES NO YES, 94% 4.9 The role of university administration in student politics The research shows the perceived different roles that the university administrations play in student politics. The university administration funds various activities and events that are organized by SONU. For instance it funds retreats organized for SONU officials in for them to be familiarized with the university rules. The research also shows that the university administration is perceived to be intimidatory towards some aspects of student issues. 24 Figure 3: What role does the university play in campus politics? 40 20 0 NONRES PATR ONA Series1 FUNDI NG PERCENTAG ES WHAT ROLE DOES THE UNIVERSITY PLAY IN CAMPUS POLITICS? RESPONSES The research further reveals that that the university administration also participates in campus politics through offering patronage to some candidates. This happens especially when the students feel that a candidate is fronted by the administration. Another role of the university administration in campus politics is co-operation. This means the university administration sees the student union as a viable and an indispensable partner in the management of the university. 4.10 Should module II vote in SONU elections The research established that perceptions of regular students toward their module II counterparts are changing slowly but surely. According to these research findings therefore regular students feel that the student body SONU should be an all representative student-body and thus the fact that the regular students are the majority in campus today cannot be ignored. The findings as shown above therefore is an indication of growing tolerance between the two student groups since many respondents are of the opinion that the module II students should vote in SONU elections. 25 Figure 4. Should module II vote in SONU elections? PERCENTAGES SHOULD MODULE II VOTE IN SONU ELECTIONS? 60 40 20 0 49.2 38.9 9.5 YES NO 2.4 Series1 DON’T NONNO RES RESPONSES 26 CHAPTER FIVE: RECOMMENDATIONS The role of the student union in the articulation and representation of student interests vis-à-vis, the university administration has been the object of this research with a bias to the institutional frameworks within SONU that support its roles. The research has revealed that SONU lacks institutions that can uphold its mission statement. Therefore, it is of urgent need that measures are put into place to re-write a more representative constitution that reflects the composition of the university of Nairobi studentship as it stands now and not as it were in the last decade. The task of re-writing of a new constitution of SONU must be given to a representatively chosen constituent assembly of students that are of high integrity. The constitution to be written must aim at creating independent institutions within the student body that will check the excesses of the executive. Other bodies like an independent Electoral Commission of SONU must also be created in order to avoid blatant and partial electoral practices such as having the outgoing SONU office to preside over the elections of the incoming SONU office. The new constitution must also put mechanism that will deal once and for all with issues to do with gender- biased-campaigned in SONU; this can be done by instituting harsh penalties to those who blackmail their opponents by pouring vitriol on the aspirants’ personality thus casting them in bad light to the electorate. The accountability of the student body must also be guaranteed through the reinstitutionalization of SONU. This can be done by publishing the annual PAC report of SONU and availing copies to the students at the end of every SONU office. Further, external auditing of SONU accounts must be guaranteed in the new constitution. It is imperative that every out going office should hold an annual AGM during which the student fraternity should be constitutionally empowered to countercheck the campaign 27 platforms of the student leaders and their actual accomplishments. This will ensure that campus politics becomes more issue oriented as opposed to personal interests that seem to drive campus leadership at the moment. The new constitution must also empower the studentship the power of recall. This means that the students as the electorate will be able to recall non- performing SONU officials whether it is the Chair or the Congress person. This will only be possible with the drafting of terms of service and performance contracts for elected SONU officials. District associations and their patrons who happen to be MP’s should be banned from campus for these are the cells through which the vice of tribalism penetrate the fabric of campus. In their place the professional associations must be strengthened in order to enable them to appeal more to the students It is also recommended that a fund to support poor students who have demonstrated leadership qualities be established as away of nurturing future leaders for this country through the arena of campus politics. Lastly it is vital the university administration enables the student union SONU to undertake an all inclusive civic education at least once every year in order to improve student participation in campus politics. Financial management will also be vital for those who get elected as treasurer in order to improve the accountability with student contributions. 28 REFERENCES 1. Adonijah Abayo: 1997; Who Killed Muruli and Why? (Daily Nation, March 1st 1997) Kikuyu. 2. Daily Nation: 1999, Medical Students Stage a Protest. 3. Egara Kabaji: 2000. Campus Rumpus and the Educational System (East African Standard 6th March, 2000). 4. George Ocholla: 2003, “Of Imaging and Responsibility” in The Comrade Monthly, September 2003 Issue No. 001, Page 11. 5. Kihumba Kamotho: 1992, “Varsity fails to Grill Students” in the Daily Nation, Saturday 29th August 1992. 6. Michael Njuguna and Peter Oriare: 1992,” Law Students Reject Varsity Order” in the Daily Nation Saturday, August 8th, 1992. 7. The Constitution of the Students’ Organization of the University of Nairobi (SONU ’98), Revised Edition, March 2003. 8. Oloo Manyolo: 2003,” SONU Through the Prism: A Critical Look” in The Comrade Monthly, September 2003, Issue No. 001, Page 18-21. 9. Wachira Kigotho: 2000, Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril or Promise, World Bank and UNESCO, (East African Standard, 25th, March, 2000). 10. Wamahiu Muya: 1992, “Varsity Closure Order Criticized” in Daily Nation Saturday, August 1st, 1992. 29 30