BREAKING FROM THE PAST OR WALKING THE SAME STEPS: THE CASE
OF UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI’S STUDENT UNION, SONU
BY WILLIS OUMA OKUMU
PRESENTED TO INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES (IDS)
UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI
2006
1
DECLARATION
This research project is my original work and has not been presented anywhere.
____________________________________________________
WILLIS OUMA OKUMU
This project has been submitted with my approval as the project coordinator.
Prof. Ng’ethe, N
Project coordinator
Professor at the Institute for development studies (IDS)
University of Nairobi
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LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
CAE- College of Architecture and Engineering
CAVS- College of Veterinary Sciences
CBPS- College of Biological and Physical Sciences
CEES- College of Education and External Studies
CHS- College of Health Sciences
CHSS- College of Humanities and Social Sciences
Congress- SONU institution comprising of all the elected persons representing the Halls
of residence, Faculty Representatives and the SONU Executive
DVC AA- Deputy Vice- Chancellor Academic Affairs
FGD- Focused Group Discussions
GBC- Gender-biased-campaign
KBC- Kenya Broadcasting Co-operation
Kamukunji- Political gathering organized by SONU officials or aspiring SONU officials
either to campaign or to articulate student welfare
MCCU- Main Campus Christian Union
Module II- Self Sponsored Undergraduate students at the University of Nairobi
MP- Member of Parliament
NUSO- Nairobi University Student’s Organisation
SONU- Student Organisation of University of Nairobi
SONU PAC- The Parliamentary Accounts Committee of the student union
SONU Executive-Top officials of the University of Nairobi’s student union including the
Chair, the two Vice-Chair’s, the Secretary General, the Treasurer, the Organizing
Secretary, the Secretary for Legal Affairs, the Secretary for Health and Accommodation,
the Secretary for Sports and all the Campus Representatives.
STEMC- Student Tension Management Committee
UNESCO—United Nations Education Science and Cultural Organisation
VC- Vice Chancellor
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background to Campus Politics
1.2 Forms of Political Activity in Campus
1.3 Problem Statement
CHAPTER TWO
2.1 Literature Review
CHAPTER THREE
3.1 Research Methodology
3.2 Data Collection Methods
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1 Data Analysis
4.2 Levels of Student Participation in Campus Politics
4.3 Awareness and Relevance of the SONU Constitution
4.4 The Credibility of SONU Leaders
4.5 Effectiveness of SONU Parliamentary Accounts Committee in Enhancing
Accountability in SONU
4.6 Female Student’s Participation in Campus Politics
4.7 Factors that prevent Female Student’s from Participating in Campus Politics
4.8 Tribalism in Campus Politics
4.9 How Poverty Affects Student Politics
4.10 The Role of University Administration in Student Politics
4.11 Should Module II Vote in SONU Elections?
CHAPTRER FIVE
5.1 Conclusions and Recommendations
5.2 References
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Awareness of SONU Constitution…………………………………………..32
Figure 2: Does Poverty Levels Affect student Politics?.................................................40
Figure 3: What Role does the University Administration play in Campus Politics?......40
Figure 4: Should Module II vote in SONU Elections?.................................................41
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ABSTRACT
This paper seeks to trace and evaluate student politics at the University of Nairobi by
analyzing the effectiveness of the student body; Students’ Organization of the University
of Nairobi (herein known and referred to as SONU). This paper looks into institutional
weaknesses, corruption, gender insensitivity, the role of University Administration, the
effect of poverty and how tribalism affects students’ politics.
The writer makes an analysis into the effectiveness of the student organization in its core
role: student representation and developing the students’ self esteem in regards to
widening their world view and making them productive members of our society today. It
is also worth noting that the student union is characterized by continuity through change
and the writer
attempts to draw comparisons on different approaches to student
leadership and their resultant effects on the student constituency .
The writer also looks at the issue of Module II and their apparent exclusion from student
leadership through the student union. Cross cutting issues in student lives such as poverty
and gender mainstreaming are also looked into and their effects on the quality of student
leadership.
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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO CAMPUS POLITICS
A University bears in its name and on its face the impress of universality and unity.
Idealism and devotion to great causes breathe from its structure and are enshrined in the
nature of its constitution. The reputation and quality of a University depends essentially
on the quality of the students and the quality of their activity, though the quality of the
staff is of great import. In the university the principle instrument which the student body
functions is the Students Union. The initial student union at the University of Nairobi was
the Nairobi University Students Organization- NUSO. According to The Anvil of 6th
March 1978, NUSO through its Chair Mr. Mukumu Muchina who was elected in March
1978 after strongly denouncing ‘the politics of stone throwing and violence’, since then
campus politics has evolved with the increase in student population bringing in diversity
in political and cultural orientation with each and every batch of students
.
Campus politics has been remarkably characterized by continuity through change. The
leadership of the students’ body i.e. Students Organization of the University of Nairobi
(SONU) has strived to remain relevant to the realities of the day while at the same time
trying to secure, maintain, strengthen and protect its role in campus administration. In
the 1970’s, student leadership was recognized by a larger constituency than now. The
effect of campus politics attracted the politicians who saw campus politics as a reflection
of the political machinations and re-alignment of the day. Student leadership at those
times was agitative, it served the wider national need to expand democratic space and its
effects were felt by the part played by university students in condemning the J. M Kariuki
murder in 1975. The 1980’s also witnessed continued agitation by the student leadership,
with remarkable performance of Mwandawiro Mgangha. During these times, campus
politics bordered national politics with Mgangha’s “guard of honour” in the late 1980’s
being the epitome of the feat. The 1990’s was characterized by the introduction of
Structural Adjustment Programmes that seeked to reduce government funding in the
education sector. As has been witnessed in other African countries such as Zambia, the
6
“IMF riots” rocked campus, especially with the introduction of self-sponsored student
programmes which had the net effect of stretching student facilities to the limit. Student
leadership at this juncture gravitated upon the common enemy; self –sponsored students,
more so because of the perceived special treatment by the university administration of
this class of students hence the 1990’s witnessed a renewed form of militaristic campus
politics embedded in riots and massive and unwarranted student deaths at the hands of the
police, one good example is example the death of Solomon Muruli- a student leader at
Kikuyu Campus. This sparked riots and demonstrations in campus.
The dawn of a new millennium saw renewed energies and efforts by the students’
leadership to steer campus politics with the lifting of the ban on SONU in 2003, and the
pardoning of formerly expelled or suspended student leaders. The holding of SONU 2003
elections that ushered in the first batch of student leaders after 5 years of numbness of
campus politics.
The revival of SONU’98 coincided with the election of Kenya’s 3 rd president, H.E Mwai
Kibaki, who delegated his duty as Chancellor. Thus campus politics was once again on
the rise, characterized by several demands on the administration, this culminated into
unprocedural resignation of a college principal. Campus politics at this moment can be
termed as influential because its effects were felt in the administrative and policy making
core of the university.
However, with the increment of fees in September 2004, campus politics was once again
thrown off its feet following the student riot that led to the suspension of SONU 2004
office holders, the closure of campus and the resignation of the Vice-Chancellor. The
bold act of suspending most the SONU Executive by the administration instilled fear on
the would- be dissenters, leading to apathy in campus politics for fear of victimization.
Subsequently, the current SONU office, exhibits yet another facet of political mutations;
they have kept a low profile, often consulting with the administration. The leaders have
blocked downward flow of information to the larger student constituency and therefore
managed to steer clear of student militarism that has characterized past campus politics.
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1.2 FORMS OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CAMPUS
In the past outright militarism coupled with violence, defiance and wanton destruction of
private property by students in the name of drawing administrative and public attention to
student grievances has been the hallmark of student politics. Student’s have joined
campus and quickly inherited the unforgivable hatred for the laws of their motherland
and hatred for policemen etc. The resultant effect has been violent confrontations with
the police, leading to the shooting of a number of students for example the late Mr. Ken
Mugambi who was shot by police during a student riot in the early days of re-agitation
for the uplifting of the ban on SONU ’98 in the year 2003. The mainstay of student
politics however can be best captured in the following sentiments as expressed in, The
Anvil in its issue of 6th March 1978;
’‘Riot police squads armed with guns, batons, shields and tear gas moved
into campus before 7;30 am after students had blocked the State House
Road. Several vehicles, including police cars, were stoned by the
demonstrating students. Police used tear gas to disperse the students from
campus.
Campus politics can also be termed as periodic. This means that students tend to be
politically active at certain times of the semester or the academic year. For instance,
student riots occur often when students have exhausted their loans and when students are
approaching exams. The tendency for violent student political activity to occur at these
times is usually high and it is always said that there is tension in campus during these
times. On the contrary at the beginning of an academic year there is a lull in student
politics as everyone is stress free and capable of coping financially. It is a fact that SONU
’98 was banned in August 1992 at the end of an academic year this further exemplifies
the correlation between student’s disability to cope financially by meeting their daily
basic needs and the propensity of student strikes.
The political hotbed of campus politics at the University of Nairobi is the main campus.
Many at times, students from Chiromo and Kenyatta National Hospital campus have
8
accused students from main campus of being idlers thus causing the many strikes that
have occurred. The centrality of main campus to student politics manifested in its
contribution to the SONU leadership in the current SONU office as the two Vice- Chairs’
are Faculty of Arts students. Main campus also plays a pivotal role in student
organization in that it is the venue for major “kamukunji’s”. The role of other campuses
like the K.N.H is insignificant as far as student politics is concerned. This is because of
the perceived ‘busy’ nature of their academic schedule.
SONU as a student body has had frosty relations with the Module II students it is a fact
that SONU ’98 was banned after student riots that basically was a protest over the
introduction of parallel students’ programme. Over the years SONU has tried to ignore
the Module II even though they make up 60 per cent of the University population today.
The student constituency as stipulated in Article 9, Section 2 of the SONU constitution
does not give representation to the parallel students hence it can be argued that the
student body is note innovative and adaptive to the realities of University education in
Kenya since in the Faculty of Arts alone the number of parallel undergraduate students is
over 1000 students. Further, the fact that campus politics is a preserve of the regular
students reveals minority control in campus politics..
In summary campus politics today is bedeviled by a myriad of issues from outright
corruption, University Administration interference, gender imbalance, tribalism, poverty,
religious interplay, domination by students from rural areas and the non-representation of
the Module II students in SONU.
1.3 PROBLEM STATEMENT
The University as an apex of learning is a place where noble dreams of reality are given a
free reign. Students are moulded to become critical thinkers, where the mission is
fulfilled when they are given an opportunity to apply the force of an argument rather than
an argument of force. The Anvil of 6th February 1978 declares;
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“that the student community has little concern beyond their basic needs of
food, lodging and academic pursuits. This narrow approach to problems
has led to a situation which depicts the dictum; each man for himself and
God for us all. It is time that the student body should reorganize itself so
as to be able to make itself heard in other spheres of national
development. The student community should restore its credibility and
carve itself a role in the making a conscience for this nation. At the
moment NUSO holds out little or no hope for achieving these noble aimsat least in the near future.
Oloo Manyolo (2003) in his article, “SONU: Through the Prism, A Critical Look”
charges that: “Although a Strategic Plan for SONU was mooted it has not been availed
even after a two –day workshop that was meant for its development”. Although the
unveiling of SONU parliament has been lauded as a step forward, the lack of a public
gallery and its “members only” outlook entrenches suspicion and distrust within the
student body while at the same time introducing the notion of student leadership as
“masters of the student community” as opposed to “servants of the student community.
The student body SONU through its parliament is constituted of a Parliamentary
Accounts Committee. The fact that there is no member (student) inspection of the PAC
report at the Annual General Meeting which according to SONU constitution is
mandatory every twelve months leaves credibility and accountability of SONU only to
one’s imagination.
Factionalism, tribalism and regionalism pervade students’ politics negatively to this date.
The 2004 SONU Office had to contend with the unofficial grouping called Student
Tension Management Committee (STEMC)-a group composed of election losers in the
2004 elections. Amazingly, this group thrived with the full knowledge and backing of
the University Administration. This puts into spotlight the alternate roles that University
Administration may play in regards to student politics. The role of election losers in
10
campus politics is further depicted by this article that appeared in the Daily Nation on
10th July 1999:
“Fighting broke out at the University of Nairobi yesterday over the
swearing-in ceremony of the newly elected student leaders. Two groups
engaged in a one-hour battle, some demanding that the ceremony be
conducted while others wanted it stopped. Hundreds of the students had
gathered at the Great Court on the Main Campus at 3 p.m. to witness the
swearing-in of the SONU leaders when a group led by Christopher Owiro,
alias Karl Marx, lobbied three tear gas canisters at them. Marx then
moved to the dais and snatched a microphone from the SONU SecretaryGeneral Joseph Kioko, demanding that the union’s financial reports be
released at the meeting before the swearing-in. The group of about 50
students drew out knives and whips and started beating their colleagues
who in turn armed themselves with stones and chairs and struck back. The
students engaged in running battles that drove the group out of the
compound upto the gates of the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation”
Oloo Manyolo(2003) in his analysis on the effectiveness of SONU 2004 Office cites” the
constitutional leverage and ambiguity on powers to be assumed by the SONU Executive
and Parliament as a constant source of conflict, especially with the constitutionally
undefined role of speakers, clerk and their deputes (emphasis mine) .
Ocholla George (2003) in his article “Of Imaging and Responsibility” charges that: “The
option for an authentic responsibility at personal and leadership levels in the varsities is
an option for the good of the whole society”.
This study is intended to investigate the nature of past and present student political
activity, how the student’s perceive their own political organization and the inherent
problems that continue to undermine the effectiveness of student representation.
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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction to literature review
Available literature on student politics depicts the age-old antagonistic nature of the
relationship between the University Administration and the students. In an article in the
Daily Nation dated Thursday, August 27, 1992, Wamahiu Muya covered the summon by
the University of Nairobi of the banned SONU 92 officials, among the suspended
students are Mr. Godfrey Kabando, Mr. Kamau wa Mbugua, Mr. Michael Otieno, Mr.
Otieno Achoka, Miss Judith Muthoni, Mr. Moses Kuria, Miss Jane Mungai, Mr. Allan
Nguri and Mr. Jacob Mutunga. They face the following accusations:
(i)
That they called for the removal of the Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Francis Gichaga,
The Deputy Vice-Chancellor in charge of Academic Affairs Prof. Onesmus
Mutungi and the Director of the Student’s Welfare Authority, Mr. Jeremiah
Leanoi during an illegal “kamukunji” on July 29, at the Lower Kabete Campus.
(ii)
That they suggested that the Chancellor’s Court at the Main Campus be renamed
Adungosi Court in memory of Tito Adungosi, a student leader who died serving a
10 year prison term.
(iii)
That they participated in illegal meeting called by SONU leader Kabando wa
Kabando.
(iv)
That during the meeting they used derogatory words against the Head of State by
declaring that he was unfit to be Chancellor of the University.
(v)
That they invited external speakers to the campus without the authority of the
university.
(vi)
That they disrupted a Senate meeting and demanded to be addressed by Prof.
Gichaga.
(vii)
That they organized illegal processions to the All Saints Cathedral on March 23rd
and campaigned for the registration of SONU.
Wamahiu Muya is an article tilted” “Varsity Closure Order Criticized” gives the import
of student feelings during an abrupt and (in their opinion) unprocedural closure of the
University of Nairobi (August 1st 1992) In the article, the student leaders claimed that the
12
University Senate had not resolved the closure of the University hence giving credence to
political interference from outside in the day to day running of the University. According
to the article the University was closed at 7pm on 31st of July one hour after the students,
who apparently were unaware of the impending University closure. The students further
claimed that the closure was announced to the students over KBC radio further depicting
the communication gap within the university community. The students through their
leader Mr. Kabando wa Kabando said the V.C. had addressed the meeting the
government was describing as illegal, he pose: “How can a Vice- Chancellor address an
illegal meeting in his own university? He does not need a license to address his own
students in the campus”. According to the students the university closure “was to preempt their marching to parliament, which had been scheduled for the previous day, to
protest against the presidential bill which was unpatriotic”.
Among the demands of the students in that article are;
(i)
The reinstatement of student and lecturers expelled for political reasons
(ii)
That Vice-Chancellors’ be elected and not appointed.
(iii)
The abolition of admission on quota system by The Joint Admissions Board.
(iv)
That SONU be registered by the Attorney General
(v)
The improvement of catering services by the Students Welfare Authority
(vi)
That public lectures be open to all speakers.
The student’s criticized the government for adopting the World Bank –imposed costsharing system without preparation and consultation.
The banning of SONU’92 and the governments’ subsequent order for university students
to report to their area chiefs is a further demonstration of the government interference in
the running of public universities. SONU’92 Chairman Godfrey Kabando castigated the
government for the order, terming it “colonial, illegal and unconstitutional”.
The
contestation of these draconian and ad hoc rules is further depicted in an article in the
Daily Nation (8/8/92) by Michael Njuguna and Peter Oriare, in which a group of 2 nd year
law students’ of the University of Nairobi voiced their determination to defy the order to
report to the chiefs. The nationalistic nature of student politics at this time is captured in
their statement which reads;
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The de-registration (of SONU) comes at the wrong time
when the wind of change is sweeping across (the world)
and the era of freedom of association and expression is
taking root effectively.”(Daily Nation 8/8/92)
Today district associations which are tribal outfits are marshaled to garner votes and to
influence those undecided students. It is in this perspective that the tribal organizations
approach politicians to fund their candidate so that they can influence the distribution of
scarce resources within the university for their own gain as opposed to equitable
distribution of scarce resources to Today there is the phenomenal presence of the socalled district or cultural associations it
is almost fashionable for students to belong to these associations. In his address to
University of Nairobi students during a Gandhi Memorial Lecture in October 1978 the
speaker, Nazareth J.M stated;
“But as a form of organization among students they are likely to destroy
or undermine the unity of the student body. The unity of the student body
you will agree with me; ought to be regarded as of paramount concern to
the students. Disunity among students on tribal lines is likely in turn to
undermine and damage the unity of the nation. Any good that such
cultural or tribal associations in the university could possibly do is
therefore small; almost one might feel negligible compared to the
insidious damage that they would almost certainly cause. They must
therefore, be regarded as a luxury and an indulgence that the students,
who have matters of more, immediate and greater interest and concern to
deal with cannot possibly afford.”
Tribalism as a factor of campus politics is captured by a Daily Nation article by Sekoh
and Ndichu (18/2/95) during a public forum for collation of views by the commission for
14
Higher Education in which the then Rift Valley Provincial Commissioner, Mr. Ismael
Chelang’a charged that,
“The University of Nairobi’s Faculties of Medicine and
Engineering were dominated by members of two ethnic groups”.
Mr. Chelang’a further proposed the “vetting of university staff
members to avoid politics and tribalism in the institutions”.
Police brutality and student politics converge on the issue the late Mr. Solomon Muruli,
a Kikuyu Campus student leader who was tortured and later burnt to death in unexplained
inferno in his room. In an article by Adonijah Abayo (then a student at Kikuyu Campus)
he says:
“Mr. Muruli had been subjected to a lot of animosity and brutality
by police before he met his death. He was abducted and tortured,
probably to warn him that his days were coming to an end. During
investigations, Mr. Muruli is reported to have pointed out a senior.
Police officer at an identifications parade as one of the people who
had abducted, held him incommunicado and tortured him for
several days. A day before he went to the police station for the
identification parade, Mr. Muruli had received a threatening
letter. He was warned not to go to the identification parade or he
would be killed.
All these threats put him through intense
psychological torture.” (Daily Nation 11/3/98).
Scholars have however viewed campus politics differently, Egara Kabaji in an article
tilted “Campus Rumpus and the Education System,’ asserts that, “By and large, university
students have demonstrated beyond any reasonable doubt to any average Kenyan, that
they are suffering from infantile deviancy of unimaginable magnitude”. In his reference
to the riotic nature of campus politics, Kabaji goes on to raise the question; why don’t our
students rise above illogical reactions and search for answer to our society?. In Kabaji’s
view, campus politics is a demonstration of irrationality. However, I do concur with
Kabaji when he says,
15
“Its not a surprise then to note that the most thriving enterprise among our
university students is the formation of the so-called cultural associations
identified with this tribe or that and which in actual fact are political
groups masquerading as cultural bodies. Their main objective is one: To
receive handouts from politicians and distribute them among themselves”
(East African Standard, 6th, March 2000).
According to Kabaji, it is a mirage, to imagine that students can be useful citizens if they
idolize politicians drenched in greed and ethnic hatred.
According to comprehensive report by an international task force convened by the World
Bank and UNESCO titled: Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril and
Promise” in Sub-Saharan Africa:
“Governments have undermined academic freedom and university
autonomy. Political activism on the part of students means that students
are holding academic pursuits ‘hostage’ by spending a large proportion of
their time on politics rather than education. This has lowered academic
standards in many universities (East African Standard 25th, March, 2000).
In my view, the purpose of an organization and a student organization for that matter is to
advocate for the best conditions for its membership in return for the allegiance support
membership. Hence to keep at par with the rest of students’ organizations and movements
in the world, we must mature from “accommodation and jackpot politics” that has
permeated through our leadership and its agenda.
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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 STUDY SITE
This research is to be conducted in the University of Nairobi.. This study covers the
seven campuses that comprise the University of Nairobi. These are;
3.2 DATA COLLECTION METHODS
Since the research study is qualitative, longitudinal and descriptive in nature, it is
appropriate to apply the following methods:1] Participant observation method.
Being a student and therefore part of the student body, it is possible to monitor and
participate actively in the political processes in campus, with an eye into the input in
terms of time availed by the student leaders to political issues raised by the students.
Initiating conversations with the current student leaders [informally] on various pertinent
issues concerning majority of students for instance will enrich this study with first hand
data. Participant observation is significant in this study since it allows for in-depth study
of respondents. It will be vital in capturing gestures and respondents’ sentiments
regarding student leadership.
2. Structured but open-ended questionnaires; This method will be applicable in
gathering views, attitudes, feelings, understandings and opinion of the sample population
of 144 students across the 7 campuses. Since Main Campus hosts two Colleges a total of
32 questionnaires will be administered to a selected sample of 16 students-half male-half
female per College in other campuses, a total of 16 questionnaires will be administered
taking gender considerations into mind..
3. Documentary Study; This will be vital in extracting information on student political
activity that has been documented. This will be obtained through the Office of the Dean
of Students, newspaper pull-outs such as the Standard’s ‘School and Career’ and campus
magazines such as the Campuserian, the Comrade among others
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CHAPTER FOUR: DATA ANALYSIS
4.1 Students participation in politics
The research involved a total of 126 respondents all of whom are undergraduate
University of Nairobi students. 60.3 per cent of the respondents were male while 39.7 per
cent of the respondents were female. The research was conducted in all the 7 campuses
that make up the University of Nairobi. The research also took into careful consideration
the six colleges that the University of Nairobi is composed. Further, the research took
into consideration the variations in levels of study in the student community with an aim
to capturing the divergence of opinion across the board
The research established that students at the University of Nairobi believe firmly in their
role and right to political participation as this is the only sure way of keeping the student
union alive to the issues that arise in the day to day life of a student. In participating in
the political process of campus the research established that the majority of the students
saw it as an effective way of effecting change within the student union in particular and
the University of Nairobi as a whole.
Levels of participation in student politics is also a reflection of political awareness of
students at the University of Nairobi. According to the research findings voting is seen by
many students as the most legitimate way of political participation. The implicative
meaning of this is that the student community has come of age as far as political maturity
is concerned. This also shows that students at the University of Nairobi are pursuing
liberal democratic principles in the quest to seek representation and participation in the
administration of the university.
The research established that kamukunji’s are becoming unpopular with the students
hence fewer and fewer numbers of students sees it as a proper avenue of political
participation.
The declining choice of riots by students as a mode of political expression is also
captured in this research findings and this means that student perception towards the
18
administration as far as university administration is concerned has tremendously changed
over the last few years and this can further be attributed to changes in the university
administrative policies.
The research also established that a good number of students who are either serving as
congress persons or in the SONU executive of the current or past SONU offices were
seen as an elite lot in campus with most of them befitting the title of opinion shapers in
campus politics.
4.2 Awareness and relevance of the SONU constitution
The research shows that even though there have been no concerted efforts by past and
current SONU offices to publicize the SONU constitution personal efforts of a majority
of the students have ensured their familiarity with this vital document. The fact that a
over 37 per cent are not aware of the existence of the constitution is attributable to the
fading effectiveness of SONU as a representative student body in advocating and
articulating student-oriented issues
Figure 1: Awareness of SONU Constitution
AWARENESS AND RELEVANCE
OF THE SONU CCONSTITUTION
NO
37%
YES
YES
63%
NO
Source: Field Data 2006.
19
The research findings show that the constitution of SONU as it is at the moment is
irrelevant to the needs of the majority of the students at the University of Nairobi. This
can be attributed to the fact that this constitution seems to concentrate power at the
SONU executive in the hands of the chair, the secretary general, the treasurer and the
organizing secretary. Again the constitution of SONU does not establish checks and
balances for the executive apart from blatantly ignoring the creation of independent
institutions with which student issues can be articulated and addressed appropriately. The
research also establishes that the SONU constitution at the moment serves only the socalled SONU-elite this group comprises of those currently serving in SONU, past SONU
officials etc.
According to the research findings, many students are of the feeling that SONU suffers
institutional weakness and as a result overhauling the current constitution and re-writing a
more representative one should be of agent priority. The use of membership contribution
is also a matter of concern to the students as established in the research. The membership
of SONU through the research findings shoe that that they have no confidence in the way
the membership funds are utilized.
The research also established that general accountability within SONU is wanting and the
respondents advocate for a more accountable student union. The research findings also
revealed that SONU as a student body is not representative of all the students of the
University of Nairobi and hence the need to open SONU membership to the wider
student fraternity at the university.
4.3 The credibility of SONU leaders
The research has established that a greater majority of students have lost faith in the
effectivity of SONU as a student body to articulate student issues objectively and
purposefully. This is a further indication of disillusionment by the student fraternity in the
operations of the student body a factor that is attributable to lack of institutional
frameworks within which SONU as an organ of student representation operates. Faith in
the organs of representation is vital and core in the ensuing relations between the
university administration and the student body hence there s urgent need for
20
institutionalization of SONU in order to embolden its significance in the eyes of the
students and at the same time to make it relevant to the current and posterity needs of the
university students.
The research has also authoritatively established that allowances and privileges is the
nerve centre of student leadership. This means that, the quality of student leadership
deteriorated considerably as compared to a situation where leadership is issue –oriented.
The fact that personal gain stands out as the chief motivator of student politics is also a
pointer to some policies within the university that over-reward the SONU officials this
has had the net effect of
encouraging self-seekers into student leadership thus
degenerating the mission and vision of student leadership.
According to the research findings SONU elections at times degenerate into popularity
contests. This is an indication of loss of focus as far as the ideals of leadership are
concerned. It is notable however that only 4.8 per cent of the respondents feel that leaders
are motivated by a calling to serve the university studentship, this is a reflection of the
society and Kenya as a country where most leaders are serving their own personal interest
as opposed to the societal obligation.
4.4 Effectiveness of SONU Parliamentary Accounts Committee in enhancing
accountability in SONU
The research shows that SONU parliament is operating as an exclusive club of campus
elites. The fact that about one third of the respondents are not aware of its existence is an
indication of lack of efforts on the part of the student body to gain the attention and the
confidence among the students. This is necessarily so because SONU parliament is the
first core institution that has been developed in the long history of student leadership and
as a pioneer institution it is wanting to have a parliament that is not only nonrepresentative e but also unknown among the very constituency it purports to represent.
The research also reveals the disquiet among a majority of students who have for long
questioned the way in which SONU is constituted. Generally it is felt that SONU
parliament is it is constituted now ignores the different interests within campus who
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cannot get elected through the SONU elections due to a variation in perception between
the students hence it is in order that SONU parliament be re-constituted to incorporate all
the groups in campus without discriminating.
The research also found that accountability within SONU is wanting this is especially
because the PAC report that should be published at the AGM every year has never been
published. The Treasurer of SONU who traditionally is the Chief Finance Officer is seen
here as ineffective or unaccountable as far as student finance is concerned. The fact that
less than 10 percent of the respondents are aware of this body is an indication of the
existence of SONU as closed-shop, a club of elites whose main interest is to serve
themselves at the expense of the students.
The research indicates that even a greater majority of the congress persons have never
read the PAC report even though they sit in SONU parliament and they are mandated to
represent fellow students in SONU. This means that the SONU executive has overriding
powers when it comes to the control of the SONU purse and it is worth noting here that
there are no institutional checks to the financial extravagance of SONU.
4.5 Female student’s participation in campus politics
The research shows that female students are turning out in large numbers as contestants
in various positions in SONU even the ones traditionally reserved for male students. This
is an indication of an increasing level of political participation among the female
students. However it is also revealed that female students are grossly under-represented
in the SONU executive this probably is attributable to unfair electoral tendencies.
The research also shows that student perceptions towards having a female chairperson of
SONU are still a matter of hot debate. This further indicates a lack of gender tolerance
within the student fraternity. Many respondents do not believe in the ability of a female
chair person simply because of their gender. This explains why female students seeking
this position are unlikely to win however much they are ‘electable’.
4.6 Factors that prevent female students from participating in campus politics
The research shows that female students’ participation in campus politics is hindered by a
variety of factors chief among them being gender biased campaigned (GBC). According
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to the research findings female contestants in SONU elections face an uphill task in
overcoming this vice while convincing voters. GBC takes a variety of forms, among this
include voters asking for sexual favors when the candidate is on the campaign trail,
issuing of propaganda with sexual overtones by the female candidate’s opponents to
discredit the candidate, while at other times the female is prevailed upon by members of
her district association to step down in favor of a male candidate from the same district.
The implicative meanings of these acts are that so many female students’ are denied a
chance to articulate their r views as leaders
4.7 Tribalism in campus politics
The research shows how tribal affiliations affect student politics. This is indicated by the
differentiation of campus students into tribes, political activity in campus revolve around
the tribe. This means that candidates from minority tribes cannot ascend to the SONU
executive because they don’t have the ‘big’ tribal backing that candidates from the big
tribes enjoy. This in effect lowers the quality of leadership availed at the service of the
Studentship.
The research shows that the presence of district associations perpetuates tribalism in
campus. This according to the respondents acts as conduits or tribal affiliation platforms
hence one must have the backing of the tribe before launching his or her political
ambitions to the wider campus as a constituency.
The research indicates that national leaders negatively affect student leadership by
propagating tribalism. It was revealed that MP’s sponsor candidates from their
constituencies this means that the tribal baggage that bogs down campus politics is a
reflection of the Kenyan society.
The research further shows that the university administration is also guilty of
perpetuating tribalism in campus. This means that past administrations have taken keen
interests in fuelling tribal politics in campus.
4.8 How poverty affects student politics
The research shows that poor students are prevented by their economic situation from
vying for campus leadership. This means that a majority of would-be contestants who
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cannot afford good posters and logistics money will most likely not vie for SONU
leadership. Hence it is imperative to institutionalize mechanisms through which viable
candidates are funded through the university in order to sieve the quality of leadership
that comes through and at the same time to enable students form poor backgrounds to
have a fair chance at participating in the decision-making processes of campus.
Figure 2: Does poverty levels affect student leadership?
DOES POVERTY LEVELS
AFFECT STUDENT
LEADERSHIP?
NO,
6%
YES
NO
YES,
94%
4.9 The role of university administration in student politics
The research shows the perceived different roles that the university administrations play
in student politics. The university administration funds various activities and events that
are organized by SONU. For instance it funds retreats organized for SONU officials in
for them to be familiarized with the university rules. The research also shows that the
university administration is perceived to be intimidatory towards some aspects of student
issues.
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Figure 3: What role does the university play in campus politics?
40
20
0
NONRES
PATR
ONA
Series1
FUNDI
NG
PERCENTAG
ES
WHAT ROLE DOES THE
UNIVERSITY PLAY IN CAMPUS
POLITICS?
RESPONSES
The research further reveals that that the university administration also participates in
campus politics through offering patronage to some candidates. This happens especially
when the students feel that a candidate is fronted by the administration.
Another role of the university administration in campus politics is co-operation. This
means the university administration sees the student union as a viable and an
indispensable partner in the management of the university.
4.10 Should module II vote in SONU elections
The research established that perceptions of regular students toward their module II
counterparts are changing slowly but surely. According to these research findings
therefore regular students feel that the student body SONU should be an all representative
student-body and thus the fact that the regular students are the majority in campus today
cannot be ignored. The findings as shown above therefore is an indication of growing
tolerance between the two student groups since many respondents are of the opinion that
the module II students should vote in SONU elections.
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Figure 4. Should module II vote in SONU elections?
PERCENTAGES
SHOULD MODULE II VOTE IN
SONU ELECTIONS?
60
40
20
0
49.2
38.9
9.5
YES
NO
2.4
Series1
DON’T NONNO
RES
RESPONSES
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CHAPTER FIVE: RECOMMENDATIONS
The role of the student union in the articulation and representation of student interests
vis-à-vis, the university administration has been the object of this research with a bias to
the institutional frameworks within SONU that support its roles. The research has
revealed that SONU lacks institutions that can uphold its mission statement. Therefore, it
is of urgent need that measures are put into place to re-write a more representative
constitution that reflects the composition of the university of Nairobi studentship as it
stands now and not as it were in the last decade.
The task of re-writing of a new constitution of SONU must be given to a representatively
chosen constituent assembly of students that are of high integrity. The constitution to be
written must aim at creating independent institutions within the student body that will
check the excesses of the executive. Other bodies like an independent Electoral
Commission of SONU must also be created in order to avoid blatant and partial electoral
practices such as having the outgoing SONU office to preside over the elections of the
incoming SONU office.
The new constitution must also put mechanism that will deal once and for all with issues
to do with gender- biased-campaigned in SONU; this can be done by instituting harsh
penalties to those who blackmail their opponents by pouring vitriol on the aspirants’
personality thus casting them in bad light to the electorate.
The accountability of the student body must also be guaranteed through the reinstitutionalization of SONU. This can be done by publishing the annual PAC report of
SONU and availing copies to the students at the end of every SONU office. Further,
external auditing of SONU accounts must be guaranteed in the new constitution.
It is imperative that every out going office should hold an annual AGM during which the
student fraternity should be constitutionally empowered to countercheck the campaign
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platforms of the student leaders and their actual accomplishments. This will ensure that
campus politics becomes more issue oriented as opposed to personal interests that seem
to drive campus leadership at the moment.
The new constitution must also empower the studentship the power of recall. This means
that the students as the electorate will be able to recall non- performing SONU officials
whether it is the Chair or the Congress person. This will only be possible with the
drafting of terms of service and performance contracts for elected SONU officials.
District associations and their patrons who happen to be MP’s should be banned from
campus for these are the cells through which the vice of tribalism penetrate the fabric of
campus. In their place the professional associations must be strengthened in order to
enable them to appeal more to the students
It is also recommended that a fund to support poor students who have demonstrated
leadership qualities be established as away of nurturing future leaders for this country
through the arena of campus politics.
Lastly it is vital the university administration enables the student union SONU to
undertake an all inclusive civic education at least once every year in order to improve
student participation in campus politics. Financial management will also be vital for those
who get elected as treasurer in order to improve the accountability with student
contributions.
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REFERENCES
1. Adonijah Abayo: 1997; Who Killed Muruli and Why? (Daily Nation, March 1st
1997) Kikuyu.
2. Daily Nation: 1999, Medical Students Stage a Protest.
3. Egara Kabaji: 2000. Campus Rumpus and the Educational System (East African
Standard 6th March, 2000).
4. George Ocholla: 2003, “Of Imaging and Responsibility” in The Comrade
Monthly, September 2003 Issue No. 001, Page 11.
5. Kihumba Kamotho: 1992, “Varsity fails to Grill Students” in the Daily Nation,
Saturday 29th August 1992.
6. Michael Njuguna and Peter Oriare: 1992,” Law Students Reject Varsity Order” in
the Daily Nation Saturday, August 8th, 1992.
7. The Constitution of the Students’ Organization of the University of Nairobi
(SONU ’98), Revised Edition, March 2003.
8. Oloo Manyolo: 2003,” SONU Through the Prism: A Critical Look” in The
Comrade Monthly, September 2003, Issue No. 001, Page 18-21.
9. Wachira Kigotho: 2000, Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril or
Promise, World Bank and UNESCO, (East African Standard, 25th, March, 2000).
10. Wamahiu Muya: 1992, “Varsity Closure Order Criticized” in Daily Nation
Saturday, August 1st, 1992.
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