BRIDE SHIPS IN ALL BUT NAME: MISS MONK AND THE SERVANT GIRLS Much of the content of this article was presented at the Western Australian Genealogical Society Inc. Affiliated Societies’ Conference on 15 September 2012. Source documents such as certificates and wills will be deposited in the State Library’s Private Archives collection in the Battye Library. We became interested in this subject after receiving an enquiry about two sisters, Hannah and Beatrice Field, who had arrived on a bride ship in about 1901. Our initial reaction was that bride ships were a much earlier phenomenon – but we were proved wrong! The enquirer wanted to know on which ship the sisters had arrived in Fremantle. This was easy to find using the UK Outgoing passenger lists, 1890-1960 on Findmypast. They were travelling on the Surrey and arrived in Fremantle on 25 January 1901. What we immediately noticed was that the entire ship was filled with young, female servants. Most were in their teens, twenties or thirties. It certainly did have the appearance of a socalled bride ship. Listed among the cabin passengers was a Miss Monk, aged fifty-one. She turned out to be the matron supervising the girls and we became interested in finding out more about her life too. Miss Monk accompanied parties of young emigrant women to Western Australia from 1886 through to 1901 so we have concentrated on that time period in this article. The scheme The original bride ships came about because of an imbalance in the number of males and females in the colony during the 1850s. The solution was to entice young single women out to Western Australia with a free passage and the promise of employment. There is an excellent book on the subject by Rica Erickson called The bride ships: experiences of immigrants arriving in Western Australia, 1849-1889. The first bride ship was the Mary which arrived in Fremantle in October 1849 with fifty female servants who had been sent out at the request of Captain Irwin who was administrator of the colony at that time. As you can see by the title, Rica Erickson’s book covers the subject up to 1889, which is why we had assumed that it was discontinued after that time. During the 1890s there was once more a huge difference in the number of males and females in Western Australia. In fact, the discrepancy was so great that, by 1896, there were more than twice as many men as women in the colony. There was also an extreme shortage of female servants. The problem was summed up in an article in the Western Mail: That an increase to the female population of Western Australia is very urgently wanted is well known by everybody acquainted with the vital statistics of the colony…This contingent of women for the “Coming Colony” should prove very welcome in a variety of ways.1 So, in a similar scheme to the initial bride ship scheme in 1848, the Colonial Government offered free passages to young women aged fifteen to thirty-five and guaranteed them employment as servants, laundresses or needlewomen. In return for their free passage the women had to agree to stay in the colony as domestic servants for twelve months. Emigrants were also able to send for friends and relatives ‘belonging to the agricultural or domestic servant class’ at half the normal rate once they had been resident for six months.2 The young women coming to Western Australia were viewed by the Colonial Government as a marketable commodity as can be seen by some of the correspondence on the subject: Shall we order another 50 girls or do you think we had better wait & see how these go off. I don’t think there would be much fear of glutting the market if we sent for 50 more.3 The Agent-General for Western Australia in London authorised the United British Women’s Emigration Association to select girls of good health and excellent character who were experienced as servants, and advertisements were placed in Irish and British newspapers and in publications such as the Girls’ Friendly Society’s newsletter Friendly Leaves. By 1898, Western Australia was the only one of the Antipodean colonies offering free passages to female emigrants from the British Isles. At that time, it cost the government £20 per head to import the women servants. In 1908, new immigration regulations were introduced which meant that domestic servants were still being brought out to Western Australia, but as assisted migrants, rather than under a free migration scheme. At this time they were required to pay £5 for their passage and deposit a further £5 with the Agent General which was refunded to them on arrival. Parties of female emigrant servants continued to be sent from Britain as assisted migrants right through to the beginning of World War One. An article in the Western Mail from 1910 shows that not much had changed from the 1890s: In Western Australia the male population greatly exceeds the female, and in a prosperous young country such as it is, there are hundreds of young settlers who making good money, are anxiously seeking wives. 4 Young women applying for free passage under this scheme were required to be healthy and were physically examined as part of the application process. Experience in domestic service was important but the most important criterion was morality. As Jan Gothard states, ‘Domestic skills could be learned; morality, once lost, was irrecoverable and irreplaceable.’5 Ellen Joyce A variety of different organisations were involved in facilitating emigration from Britain to colonies around the world. One of the earliest was the Female Middle Class Emigration Society founded in 1862. Following on from this was the United Englishwomen’s Emigration Association which went through various name changes; during the period we researched it was called the United British Women’s Emigration Association and Mrs Ellen Joyce was at its head. Ellen Joyce was involved with emigration associations for about forty years. She was based in Winchester in Hampshire and wrote a pamphlet entitled Letter to girls on leaving England which was given to emigrant women prior to their departure.6 There is a copy available in the State Records Office amongst the Colonial Secretary’s Office files. Ellen Joyce was the widow of an Anglican clergyman and the mother of another and was very religious; this can be seen in the content of the pamphlet. She encourages the women to write regularly to those left behind: If you only knew the terrible and needless agony some mothers and fathers go through, when girls don’t write home for a long time, you would never be so wickedly unkind as to leave letters unwritten. She also warns about the dangers of men: Be a wise prudent girl, and don’t make any acquaintance at all with any of the men on board, either with the sailors, or the passengers, or the stewards. Men who are travelling about are very apt to spend their leisure time in talking nonsense to girls; they don’t mean anything, but to pass the time and amuse themselves – but they deceive the young women, and leave many of them with sad hearts and sometimes lead them into great folly, and even imperil their good name, by tempting them to break rules and come out of bounds, or stay on deck late. She advises the women to follow the matron’s advice: Remember, if you have a first-rate character for service and steadiness, you may land with a very different reputation if you do not take the advice of the Matron on board. Some girls have lost the worth of a seven years’ character which had been sent out beforehand to employers, by foolish conduct during the voyage. And she warns against dances saying ‘daylight pleasures are the safest, - and pray don’t spend all your good wages on your clothes’. Nationalities of the emigrant women We looked at all the existing passenger lists for ships conveying women emigrating under this scheme from 1886 to 1901 and found that by far the majority of the women were English (87%), followed by Irish (9-10%) and Scottish (2-3%). Foreigners, whose nationality was not specified on the passenger lists, made up less than half a percent. Shipboard matrons According to Rica Erickson, the prestigious position of matron in charge of the single women was much sought after. In the early colonial days, matrons were often appointed by the ship’s surgeon on an informal basis from amongst suitable older female passengers, but from the 1860s or 1870s it was a more formal arrangement and the shipboard matrons were employed by colonial governments to protect emigrating women. Some women - and Mary Monk is a prime example of this - spent many years performing this duty, sailing backwards and forwards across the oceans in the role of guardian. The matrons’ primary role was to protect the morals of the emigrant women under their charge. Colonial governments invested substantial sums in this scheme and wanted to protect their investment. This type of emigration is even referred to as ‘protected migration’. As well as protecting her female charges, the matron tried to keep the women from idleness and prepare them for their roles as domestic servants in colonial homes. Sewing formed an important part of this preparation as this report from 1900 makes clear: The voyage out is made a time of improvement to the girls. The Government provides 200 yards of print for blouses, which the girls learn to cut out and make, and which became their own on landing.7 The matron’s authority was cemented by a contract which women were required to sign. This formed part of the agreement for receiving a free passage. The rules were: 1.- Emigrant Single Women are expected to rise in the morning at whatever hour ordered by the Matron. 2. – They are to go below deck when directed by the Matron. In the evening the hour for going below will vary with the season of the year. They are not to come on deck again after roll-call in the evening on any pretext whatever, without asking permission from the Matron. They are to go to their berths at 9 o’ clock. 3. – They will have to keep the articles of their Ship Kit thoroughly clean and in order. They will have to do their own berths, and keep them clean and tidy. 4. – They are expected to attend the Services held during the voyage, and any classes for Religious Instruction given by the Chaplain. 5. – They are to consider themselves under the direction of the Chaplain (‘and of the Medical Officer’ has been written on the copy held in the State Records Office.) 6. – Young Women are on no account to hold any communication with the crew or with the male passengers, excepting in the case of Fathers and Brothers, and then only with the sanction of the Matron. When on deck they are to keep together in such places as directed by the Matron, and to be under her charge.6 Sometimes the matron was placed in a difficult position as a woman and as subordinate to the ship’s officers. Where there were conflicting ideas regarding the rules for the women, the matron was not in a position of strength. Mary Pitman Monk Mary Pitman Monk (her middle name was spelt Pittman in some records) was born in the village of Belchalwell in central Dorset, England on 17 December 1839. Her parents were William Pitman Monk and Eliza Monk, nee Francis. William is described as a yeoman on Mary’s birth certificate, which usually refers to someone who farmed their own land rather than being a tenant farmer. William and Eliza had two other children; Susannah Margaret, more often called Susan, and William John. Neither Mary nor Susan ever married. Mary died in Child Okeford, Dorset on 18 November 1908, aged sixty-nine, of mitral disease syncope; in other words a heart condition. If you look at a map of Dorset and see where she was born and died – the two villages are only about five miles apart - you could be forgiven for thinking she had led an unadventurous life, whereas nothing could be further from the truth. Mary worked as a shipboard matron for about twenty years, taking approximately nine parties to New Zealand (1883-1888), twenty-one to Western Australia (1886-1901) and fourteen to Canada (1889-1903). This means that, with the return journeys taken into account, she spent about ten years of her life at sea. During this period she accompanied over 1,000 domestic servants to Western Australia and a similar number elsewhere. She certainly didn’t make her fortune through this work. Her probate record shows that the value of her estate was ₤334 8s. She obviously believed in the work she was doing because the United British Women’s Emigration Association annual reports show that she often paid a subscription to help further their work. She had her passage paid by the government and also received a payment during the time she was ashore in Western Australia; for example, in 1897 she received thirty shillings a week. We also found a reference to her receiving a gratuity of ₤30 from the Western Australian government, although it’s not known how frequently this occurred. From all we’ve read, we believe Mary Monk to have been a kindly lady with the best interests of the young women at heart. She is described by Mrs Joyce in a letter published in the Kalgoorlie Western Argus: The matron who takes charge of these young women on their six weeks’ voyage is a Miss Monk, a woman of very large experience, with infinite tact in securing obedience, and a large hearted sympathy for young girl nature.8 More telling are some of the comments of the female emigrants themselves: Miss Monk could not be kinder to us all when we were in the ship if we had all have been her own children. She shall never be forgotten by me anyway, nor any of the rest of the girls for her kindness, everything was for the girls.9 Miss Monk was so good and kind to everybody, I think her perfect as matron, it will be so nice to see her again, I long for the next party to come for that reason.10 Douglas Darbyshire, who was surgeon on the Cornwall in 1898, kept a personal diary as well as his surgeon’s journal. He illustrated it and included a poem written by Mr H. Frederick, another passenger who was sharing his cabin. The following is a small section of the poem which mentions Miss Monk: The passengers on board the ship Are varied in their kind Some of them live in the saloon The others are behind These last are guarded jealously Both when they sleep in bunk And on the deck, by one they know As matron – Miss M Monk To see how well her charge she keeps Look on these maidens fair And you will see upon each face Rude health depicted there11 Mary Monk also used to report back to Ellen Joyce on her return to England. As Mrs Joyce lived in Winchester, which is between London and Dorset, presumably Mary Monk made a habit of visiting her on her way home. Susannah (Susan) Monk Mary’s sister, Susan, deserves her own mention. She, too, remained single and became a schoolteacher. Her occupation is described in the various censuses as Schoolmistress, Ladies Day School and Ladies School Keeper. Mary is sometimes described in this way too, so she must also have taught in the school when she wasn’t travelling. On at least one occasion, Mary was unable to get back to England in time to take the next party and Susan went in her place. We know that Susan definitely accompanied a party of emigrant women on the Gulf of Siam in 1894. Jan Gothard, in her book, Blue China, states that Susan had accompanied parties on two occasions prior to this. This was difficult to confirm because the passenger lists very often listed the matron as Miss Monk, with no initial or forename. The Monk family in official records We traced the Monk family through the various censuses available on both Ancestry and Findmypast. Surprisingly, considering how often she was at sea, Mary Monk appears in five censuses. Initially, we had trouble tracing the family in the 1861 census, so we opted for the address search in Findmypast which is very useful when you can’t find someone, particularly if they live in a fairly small village. Looking through the residents of Belchalwell it was easy to spot that the family’s name had been mistranscribed as Mank. In 1861, Mary was away from home but her widowed mother Eliza, sister Susan, brother William and uncle, Samuel Francis, are listed. Eliza had been a widow for a long time as her husband, William, died when he was only thirty-seven. Mary was five years old at the time of his death, Susan was two and William was only a few months old. Eliza must have been a very strong and resourceful woman to have carried on without her husband and with three very young children. She continued to farm and never remarried. It’s interesting to track the Monk women through the various censuses because they constantly lied about their ages. Eliza gives her age as fifty-three in 1861; ten years later, according to the 1871 census, she is still fifty-three! Mary and Susan also regularly shaved several years off their ages. For example, when we first discovered Mary Monk on the passenger list of the Surrey and she gave her age as fifty-one, she was in fact sixty-one! When we first began trying to find information about Miss Monk we had no idea where she came from and, obviously, her age was misleading. We found a few possible candidates in the census records, but when we found the entry for Mary P. Monk in the 1901 census, there was no doubt that we had found the correct person. Her surprisingly precise occupation was listed as: Lady Superintendent of Government Female Emigrants to Western Australia. By that time she, and her sister, Susan, had moved from Belchalwell to Child Okeford and were living at Bay Tree House. We were able to find a photograph of the house, where the two sisters lived for about thirty years, on the Geograph website. The caption under the photograph states that it was a dame school before the village school came into existence, so it seems highly probable that Susan, and occasionally Mary, taught the local children in their own home. A dame school was a school in which the rudiments of reading and writing were taught by a woman in her own home. The ships The following table shows the ships which were used during this period. The dates of arrival are approximate because they often vary slightly from one source to another. Name of ship Port of arrival Helena Mena Nairnshire Wilcannia Gulf of Martaban Echuca Fremantle Fremantle Fremantle Fremantle Fremantle Approximate date of arrival 24 Sep 1886 5 Oct 1889 11 Dec 1889 11 Apr 1891 29 Mar 1892 Echuca Fremantle 9 Oct 1892 Gulf of Taranto Port Phillip Fremantle Fremantle 12 Mar 1893 25 Sep 1893 Port Victor Port Pirie Fremantle Fremantle Mar 1894 10 Jul 1894 Gulf of Siam Fremantle 7 Oct 1894 Nairnshire Fremantle 12 Jul 1895 Warrigal Albany 24 Nov 1895 Port Phillip Fremantle 22 May 1896 Port Melbourne Devon Cornwall Woolloomooloo Albany Albany Fremantle Fremantle 15 Nov 1896 4 May 1897 28 Sep 1897 19 Jan 1898 Cornwall Banffshire Surrey Perthshire Fremantle Fremantle Fremantle Fremantle 17 Jun 1898 11 Jul 1900 25 Jan 1901 3 Jul 1901 Comments Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/3 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/5 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/6 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/7 Susan Monk was matron. Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/8 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/9 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/10 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/11 Matron’s diary held in State Records Office ACC 504/12 The first ship in which Mary Monk came to Western Australia was the Helena Mena, which was carrying couples, children and single men in addition to the fifty-two single women under her charge. However, most of the ships used to bring women out to Western Australia during this period were fairly small, carrying mainly the female immigrant servants, sometimes with a few private passengers. This meant that there were not so many issues with keeping the women separate as on other ships which had large groups of single men. According to Rica Erickson in the Dictionary of Western Australians, Miss Monk (spelt Monks), was appointed matron on board. We’re not sure where this information came from; it could well be true but Mary had already made at least six voyages to New Zealand prior to 1886, so she was an experienced matron. Most of the voyages took about six weeks although Mary’s first voyage to Western Australia in the Helena Mena took eleven weeks. During the 1890s there were often two, or even three, groups a year. Most of the ships sailed to Fremantle with the exception of the Warrigal, the Port Melbourne and the Devon, all of which went to Albany. There was no voyage to Western Australia during 1899 as the government had trouble obtaining ships due to the South African war. The voyages An excellent source of information for ship’s voyages are personal diaries or letters. In the Battye Library we hold a diary of the 1886 voyage of the Helena Mena written by one of the male immigrants, Alfred William Fearn. Unfortunately, he doesn’t mention the matron but he talks about seeing a whale and a flying fish and also talks about the rough conditions: …it rained as I have never seen it rain in England & the sea was running mountains high which makes the ship pitch & roll terribly, the best of it is to see at meals time the tea pots plates & dishs rolling off the tables & they all being made of tin they do make such a rattling noise.12 Reading the description above, it’s not surprising that seasickness was frequently mentioned, both in diaries and surgeons’ journals. Kitty Page, one of the emigrant women who travelled on the Surrey, also kept a short diary of the voyage which is held in the Battye Library, together with a letter written by her to her mother from Perth.13 At the end of the diary she lists all the women on the ship and gives the nationality of those who weren’t English; this is useful information, of course, because they would simply be categorised as ‘Foreigners’ on the passenger list. These women were Rose Vilches (half Spanish), Nellie Allanach (New Zealand), Rossina Dessanges (Swiss from Lausanne) and Boline Winther (Danish). This extra information is interesting because we have found that the women on these ships very rarely appear in the Western Australian Biographical Index. Some of them may appear on the cards of men they married, but most of them do not have cards or entries of their own. This lack of information about women highlights one of the difficulties in family history research where women are underrepresented in records. The female emigrants were sent out in batches of about fifty and, once on board, they were divided into messes of eight people. Often sub-matrons and assistant matrons were appointed from among the older or more responsible women. These groups of eight women dined and slept together. One of the women who had travelled on the Port Phillip wrote a letter to the Inquirer in 1896 where she complained, amongst other things, about the food on board: The food! Oh gracious, it was terrible! Salt beef we got served to us with potatoes and coarse bread, till we were sick at the sight of it.14 Kitty Page comments that for Christmas they had ‘beef and mutton for dinner and a very ordinary roly-poly plum pudding’.13 The official view is rather different. Douglas Darbyshire, surgeon on the Cornwall in 1898, reported in his journal: I inspected the dinner today. As usual it was of good quality and quantity.11 Of course, as a saloon passenger, he wasn’t eating the same food as the emigrant women. However, Douglas Darbyshire does seem to have been an excellent surgeon with the real interests of the emigrant women at heart. The attitudes of the matron, captain and surgeon would have had a big influence on how the women viewed their experience. For instance Darbyshire reports in his journal on the Cornwall: This evening I pointed out to the Captain the fact that the candles supplied for the lanterns were not long enough to burn all night, he thereupon had an electric light fixed up, which will add greatly to the comfort of the emigrants.11 Kitty Page complains about the bedding in a letter to her mother: …three unbleached calico sheets as stiff as boards & a counterpane in the same state. I am very glad I have got a good big rug. I shall sleep in it as I don’t fancy these sheets.13 Mary Monk slept in a small cabin which was curtained off from the emigrant women, but was close by and within earshot. The women were locked in their sleeping quarters at night, to prevent them having contact with any men on board. This, of course, was very dangerous in the event of an emergency. The women had quite a lot of leisure time on board: The girls have all sorts of games on deck when it is fine. They skip and dance, and play at Oranges and Lemons, Jolly Killer, and so forth: it seemed funny at first to see them at such childrens’ games, but of course it is a good form of exercise.13 Sometimes there were concerts or plays on board. For example, Douglas Darbyshire wrote a comedy called The emigrant’s choice which was performed by the saloon passengers on the Surrey: A dramatic performance was given this evening between decks, which the girls greatly enjoyed.11 Matrons’ diaries Each matron kept a diary where she recorded daily events as well as giving a report on each woman under her charge. She also noted the present allocated to each woman from the government work box such as blouses, bodices etc. These matron’s diaries are a wonderful source of information and several of them have survived and are held in the State Records Office. For example, here is Mary Monk’s report on Lucy Fenton who travelled on the Echuca in March 1892: An industrious, amiable, good girl who all through the voyage did even more than her share of necessary work and behaved well.15 Mary also had nothing but good to say about the Norris sisters, Eugene, Catherine and Ada, who sailed on the Echuca in October of the same year: These sisters appear most amiable, kind-hearted & respectable. Either will I am sure consciously try to please her employers, for all thro this voyage they have taken their time with scrubbing, cleaning – helping to cut out and make up the calico’s &c, being dressmakers. (Cathine has made a dress for me, & one for Miss Pearse the Captns sister.) Their help and assistance was most valuable. I think they will all make valuable servants.16 Not all the reports were complimentary, however. Susan Monk made very negative comments about the Lloyd Harris sisters on the Gulf of Siam in 1894. About Winifred who was a hospital nurse she had this to say: Has broken the rules, has been constantly rude & insulting from the first week, openly defying the matron. And about her sister, Ethel, a nursery governess: Has also been rude, insulting and has broken the rules.17 These women were twins who came from London and were the daughters of a dissenting minister. Perhaps they gained their rebellious natures from him! We suspect they may have been identical twins because, at one point in the diary, Susan Monk notes that she is not sure which of the Harris sisters has been reported for a misdemeanour. We gained the distinct impression that Susan Monk did not have the same level of control or respect commanded by her older sister, Mary. Dangers of sea voyages There were, of course, dangers associated with such long voyages. For example, there were fires on board two of the ships we’ve looked at which are described in some detail in the matrons’ diaries. A severe fire broke out on the Gulf of Siam in 1894 and raged in the hold for five days. This seriously affected Susan Monk’s health as reported in the 1895 annual report of the United British Women’s Emigration Association: Miss Susan Monk who went through the experience of a fire on board the Gulf of Siam, and suffered greatly from nerve tension, is now completely disabled and crippled from rheumatism, and unable to do anything for her own living.18 There is then talk about trying to obtain a pension for her from the Royal Hospital for Incurables at Putney Heath. There was also a fire on the Port Phillip in 1896. It happened at night and most of the women were in their nightclothes; in fact many of them lost all their belongings. Luckily they were close to the island of St. Helena and were able to stay there where they were well looked after for about fourteen days. Although these fires caused some upset, inconvenience and ill health in the case of Susan, there were no fatalities. According to a newspaper report in the West Australian, Mary Monk was originally scheduled to travel on the Kapunda in 1886.19 At the last minute the plans were changed and she went on another voyage instead. The Kapunda had four hundred immigrants on board, many of them bound for Western Australia, and it sank off the coast of Brazil after a collision with another ship. There was only a handful of survivors and the news of the loss had a profound impact on the colony at the time. A supplement to the Inquirer reported the tragedy and listed the names of the dead together with the names of those who had nominated them.20 The collision happened at night and, as previously mentioned, the women were kept locked up after retiring to their bunks. A graphic report from a survivor says: Amidst all this there could be heard the smothered shrieking of the 70 single girls who were locked down in their bunks.21 The dead are also listed on Findmypast including Sarah Crockford who was Mary Monk’s replacement as matron. If you look at the list you can see that, in many cases, whole families perished. So, going on a long sea voyage was not to be undertaken lightly. Having said that, there were surprisingly few disasters and most people did arrive safely in either Fremantle or Albany. Arrival in Western Australia On their arrival in Western Australia many of the women gave testimonials to the captain, the matron and the surgeon. However, we sometimes get a slightly skewed impression from official documents and the enthusiastic reports published by the emigration societies. Hannah Sullivan, an immigrant on the Cornwall in 1897, made a complaint to the Western Australian government against both the surgeon and the matron, Miss Monk, claiming that she had not received appropriate medical care and attention from them. The official who questioned her dismissed her criticisms as groundless, describing her as ‘an intensely emotional girl of not the most desirable Irish type.’22 Hannah Sullivan was the last emigrant to be employed from the depot; hardly surprising as she was described to prospective employers as ‘available but temperamental’.20 It often did no good at all to the complainant who was at the mercy of the officials who could pass judgement on her reputation, abilities and temperament. Once the ship arrived in port the Officer of Health came on board and inspected the women. Once this formality was over they were able to disembark. There were often large crowds of interested spectators on the wharf, particularly men who were anxious to employ them or propose marriage. Old sandgropers recalled the scenes of earlier years during the arrival of the brideships and remarked sagely that history was repeating itself.23 The arrival of the young women was always announced in the local newspapers. Some of the reports are rather condescending by today’s standards: The immigration agent (Mr Dale) took up a most envious position – escorting no less than two hundred fair lasses from the wharf to the depot.24 In the early days the women were marched to the depot under police escort but, by 1897, this practice was discontinued and they were transported in buses. One disgruntled immigrant had this to say about their arrival: On the wharf a crowd of men stood waiting to stare at us, as if we were prize cattle. I never saw a shabbier collection of men before…and the remarks some of them made about us caused my ears to tingle. Then a gruff official ordered us to get into order, and off we were marched in charge of a couple of policemen, like prisoners, the crowd following to gaze at us. It was a shame to treat us so. I’ll never forget my arrival in Western Australia – never! Treated like a criminal, in a borrowed dress, and snubbed when I asked for compensation…An imported domestic servant is not supposed to be human.14 The compensation refers to the loss of their clothing in the fire on board the Port Phillip. She goes on to say that she thinks she will like Western Australia and intends to get married as soon as she can! Sometimes the newspapers reported some of the comments from the women: Oh, look at that long fellow. He must be an Australian. I’m sure to marry someone like him. They’re all tall out here.25 Many of them had very little idea of what Western Australia was like: I haven’t the slightest idea what the place is like, and I think that all the other girls are in the same predicament.25 Not long after their arrival, there was a hiring or engaging day which was advertised in the press: The “engaging” day is quite a sight at the Immigration Depot at the Port. Cabloads of matrons… throng to the old government building in South-terrace. There the keenest competition is exercised to obtain first choice of the girls….The engaging process is not altogether an elevating one. There is just the suggestion of the squatter picking out the best workers from a herd of two-year-old cattle.25 Another report in the West Australian says: The girls are marshalled in a line, and are critically scrutinised by about 150 or 200 ladies, who remark audibly upon the points of the new arrivals subjected for hire.26 Local ladies from the upper echelons of Western Australian society soon realised that becoming involved with the societies supposedly supporting the new immigrants gave them first access to the servant girls in a time of shortage. The girls had to go to ‘approved employers’. They took great advantage of their position until the newspapers caught wind of the practice and there was public outcry. The policy of ‘protecting’ the girls after their arrival included not allowing them to leave the depot until they had been employed. This also prevented the girls from getting firsthand experience of employment conditions and wages in the colony and thus served to keep their wages down – at least in their initial placements. There were, of course, women in Perth who took a genuine interest in the well-being of the immigrant women such as Mrs Eliza Salter from the Girls’ Friendly Society. For many years she met the girls on their arrival in Fremantle and watched over them. Girls who had emigrated as part of the scheme were encouraged to join the Girls’ Friendly Society. This gave them some support and meant that they could socialise with other girls in the same situation. There were recreation evenings every Friday and picnics were organised to places like Cottesloe and Guildford. There was also a lending library. When a new party of women arrived, the Girls’ Friendly Society often organised a gathering so that the new arrivals could meet emigrants who had been here for some time. If you are researching someone who came out to Western Australia under one of these schemes, it may be worth consulting the Girls’ Friendly Society Minute books, some of which are held in the Battye Library from 1893 onwards. They often mention the names of girls who wanted to join the Society as well as those who had married, left for another colony or returned to England. Miss Monk would also go to these social evenings when she was in Perth, and learn how the women she had previously escorted were getting on. When she returned to England she would visit Mrs Joyce in Winchester and report back. What became of these women? We tried to get some idea of how successful the plan to introduce potential brides into the colony was. We looked at the passenger list for the Surrey, which arrived in 1901, and tried to find marriages for these women in the online database at the WA AttorneyGeneral’s Department. In some cases it was difficult to establish whether or not we had found the correct entry, but we found marriages for approximately sixty-eight percent of the women. The remainder presumably remained single, died, went to other colonies or even returned to England. The women who came out under this scheme had very marketable skills and some of them took advantage of that fact to travel around to other colonies. Kitty Page comments on this in a letter to her mother because she’s working with a girl who’s just come from Victoria. “People here seem to shift about from one colony to another’.13 Of course, most of the women emigrants simply settled down and raised families as the government had intended. As hundreds of young women came out under this scheme, and many of them married and produced children, they would have thousands of descendants here in Western Australia. Some of their stories are briefly outlined here: Edith Baker She came out on the Gulf of Taranto in 1893 with her sister Louisa. She met and married Nathaniel Black in Carnarvon and they moved to Shark Bay where they were involved in the pearling industry and raised their family. Agnes Brennan Agnes came from Manchester and both of her parents were Irish tailors. She arrived on the Gulf of Siam in 1894, married Thomas William Boase and had nine children. Patience Wooler Patience emigrated on the Echuca in 1892 as a twenty-two year-old cook. She came from Chiswick in London from a humble background. Her father was a basketmaker in one census and a lamplighter in another. Mary Monk’s comments about Patience are ‘Most willing and industrious. Will make a splendid servant.’ Patience married Ethel Meerna Caedwalla Hasluck (yes his name really was Ethel!) who was in the Salvation Army. One of their children was Paul, later to become a popular and respected Governor-General of Australia who held office between 1969 and 1974. Rose Vilches Rose came out on the Surrey in 1901 with the Field sisters and Kitty Page. Kitty says that she is half Spanish and mentions in her diary that she told her all about bull fighting. In 1902 Rose married John Henricksen in Cue and the year after that they had a daughter, Violet Rosalie, in Perth. The family was still living in Perth in 1915 when Violet passed some school music tests but at some time they left for Tasmania because we found an engagement notice for Violet in the Hobart Mercury. Interestingly, Rose is not on the passenger list for the Surrey but she is listed in Kitty’s diary. Other women had more tragic stories such as: Hannah Sullivan After arriving on the Cornwall in 1897, Hannah married John Augustine Coleman in Perth in 1901 and they moved to the Goldfields. They had several children but, sadly, John committed suicide in 1915. He had been out of work for about ten months and had that week been released from the mental ward of the government asylum where he had spent the previous three weeks under observation. Hannah did not remarry and she died in July 1947. One of her daughters married William King and raised a family in Toodyay. Kate Teehan Kate Teehan arrived on the Woolloomooloo in January 1898. Obviously something went horribly wrong because she committed suicide about three weeks after her arrival by dousing herself in kerosene and setting fire to herself. Laura Bartrop Another really tragic story is that of Laura Bartrop who came out on the Surrey in 1901 – in fact she was in the same mess as Kitty Page who kept the diary. Laura didn’t marry but she had two children not long after arriving in Western Australia – Kathleen in 1902 and Herbert in 1904. Both children died as infants; Kathleen was three months old and Herbert was only ten weeks. Laura, as a single mother, must have had to go out to work and she left her children in the care of one Alice Mitchell. Alice became the centre of an infamous case known as the Baby Farming case. She was convicted for the manslaughter of a baby named Ethel Booth and sentenced to five years hard labour but many more children had died while supposedly under her care; in all thirty-seven children were listed on the death roll including young Herbert. It’s entirely possible that Laura’s other child, Kathleen, was also under the socalled care of Alice Mitchell when she died. The Lloyd-Harris twins Winifred and Ethel Lloyd-Harris arrived on the Gulf of Siam in 1894. Winifred didn’t stay in the colony for long, sailing to South Africa in February 1898. We don’t know the circumstances but she died in 1900 on her twenty-sixth birthday. Ethel posted several ‘In Memoriam’ notices in the West Australian such as this one: In loving memory of my darling twin sister, Winifred, who died at Durban, South Africa, on her birthday, November 3 1900. “And with the morn those angel faces smile, which I have loved long since and lost awhile.” 27 Clarence Visick Clarence was born in Guildford, Surrey and, according to the 1881 Census, her father was a dentist. She arrived on the Surrey in 1901 but returned to England. She appears to have travelled widely, appearing on passenger lists for Canada and the US. In 1919 she married widower, Lemuel Upton Westcott, a missionary who went blind after serving in Africa. Lemuel died in 1929. Clarence died in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia on 9 August 1942. What about the Field sisters? This was a question asked after our presentation at the Conference. Well, their fate was sealed when two brothers, John and George Morris, happened to be in Fremantle on the day the Surrey emigrant ship arrived. They made their way to the Fremantle wharf and spotted the two sisters amongst the crowd of women making their way off the ship. Hannah married George Morris later that year and Beatrice married John Morris the following year. As Jan Gothard points out in her book, Blue China, it can be difficult to find out about these women after their arrival here and it’s often only through the efforts of family historians that their stories can be told. It is salutary to compare the extensive, and wonderful, research undertaken on the pensioner guards, who arrived in Western Australia during the convict era, with the dearth of interest in these equally intrepid young women. We hope that time and the curiosity of their families will gradually bring more of their stories to light. Can you help? Do you have more information about Mary Monk or any of the women who came to Western Australia as part of this scheme? We are particularly interested in finding an image of Miss Monk who gave her portrait to many of her young charges. REFERENCES 1. News of the week. (1894, January 13). Western Mail, p. 31. Retrieved from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article 2. Free emigration to Western Australia. (1891, January 10). Birmingham Daily Post, p. Retrieved from www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk 3. Colonial Secretary's Office, file 191/94. (1894). State Records Office of Western Australia, Acc 527. 4. The immigrant domestic. (1910, September 17). Western Mail, p. 40. Retrieved from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article38362137 5. Gothard, J. (2001). Assisted female immigration 1860-1920. In Jupp, J. (Ed.), The Australian people: an encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins (pp. 53-56). New York: Cambridge University Press. 6. Joyce, E. (1895). Letter to girls on leaving England. In Colonial Secretary's Office, file 1895/80. Report of the Agent General for Western Australia. State Records Office of Western Australia, Acc 527. 7. Fawcett Library. United British Women’s Emigration Association. (1900). Annual report, p. 39, The Association, Winchester, England (AJCP reel M2292). 8. Notes from London. (1899, December 14). Kalgoorlie Western Argus, p. 12. Retrieved from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article32203258 9. MJT. (1898). Letter signed MJT written from Western Australia. In Fawcett Library. United British Women’s Emigration Association. (1898). Annual report, The Association, Winchester, England, p. 26. (AJCP reel M2291) 10. AT. (1897). Letter signed AT written from Stanmore House, Howick Street, Perth, WA. In Fawcett Library. United British Women’s Emigration Association. (1897). Annual report, The Association, Winchester, England, p. 31. (AJCP reel M2291) 11. Darbyshire, D. E. (1991). In time for lunch: the personal diary and the official journal of Douglas E. Darbyshire, surgeon-in-charge of the young women emigrants sailing in the S.S. Cornwall from England to Australia, 1898. Fremantle Arts Centre Press, reproduced in association with the Library Board of Western Australia, South Fremantle WA. 12. Fearn, A. W. (1886). Notes on the voyage to Western Australia in the ship Helena Mena, which arrived from London on 24 September 1886. State Library of Western Australia (ACC 6738A), Perth, WA. 13. Page, K. E. (1900-1901). Diary of a voyage to Western Australia on the SS Surrey, leaving England 7 December 1900 and arriving Fremantle 11 January 1901; letter home to her mother, 15 March 1901. State Library of Western Australia (MN 2179, ACC 5960A), Perth, WA. 14. The Golden West. (1896, May 29). The Inquirer & Commercial News, p. 12. Retrieved from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article66532077 15. Colonial Secretary's Office. (1892). [Journals of Immigrant Ships, 1875-1900. March voyage of the Echuca]. State Records Office of Western Australia (AN 228, Acc 504/3). 16. Colonial Secretary's Office. (1892). 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