CHINA AT THE UN Peter Ferdinand Structure • Significance of UN for China • Voting record of China in UN General Assembly • China in UN Security Council • China and reform of the UN Significance of UN for China • 2011 Sanya Declaration of BRICS states, which reiterated their ‘strong commitment to multilateral diplomacy with the United Nations playing the central role in dealing with global challenges and threats’. • The UN is potentially an important factor in the transition from a unipolar to (more of) a multipolar one • By enhancing the significance of the UN, China also wants to enhance its own role in global governance And of China’s behaviour at the UN for our understanding of Chinese foreign policy in general • ‘The United Nations General Assembly represents the organized views of more governments on more subjects than any periodic gathering in the world… Its agenda always contains the unconquered difficulties of past years and the new issues of recent weeks.’ (Gordenker) • ‘The UN […] serves as the central platform from which China seeks to project itself as a responsible power that fulfils its obligations toward the international community by respecting universal rules of international conduct.’ (Odgaard) China’s main objectives at the UN 1. Protecting sovereignty, autonomy and independent decision-making 2. Maintaining geostrategic balance and national security 3. Cultivating a favourable international image and its status as a responsible great power 4. Promoting its economic and political interests (Yang) 5. Steadfast adherence to absolute sovereignty and preference for dialogue over force in resolving conflicts 6. Conviction that Chapter VII actions must have the consent of the countries against whom they are directed 7. Support for government policies promoting economic and social development over human rights 8. Upholding and strengthening the role of international law in international relations (Odgaard) Voting in the UN General Assembly • General characteristics: • 1974 and 2008 altogether 3384 issues put to the vote, though states occasionally missed individual votes. This divides into 2079 in the period 1974-90 and 1305 in the period 19912008. On average there are between 60 and 150 such votes in any one year. Overall 511,292 votes were cast by individual states, whether positive, negative or abstentions. Of these 83.7 per cent were ‘yes’, 4.6 per cent were ‘no’, and 11.7 per cent were abstentions. UNGA Voting 1974-2008 (in percent) Yes Abstain No Brazil 88.8 10.3 1 China 88.1 9.1 2.8 India 85.2 10.8 4 USSR/Russia 75.1 16 8.9 S.Africa* 90.5 7.9 1.6 France 43.9 35.5 20.6 UK 41.8 32.7 25.4 US 20.2 23.6 56.2 General Assembly 83.7 11.7 4.6 UNGA voting of Pacific Asian States Brunei* Cambodia China Indonesia Japan Korea (North)** Korea (South)** Laos Malaysia Myanmar Philippines Singapore Thailand Vietnam UK USA World Yes 93.2 95.5 88.1 93.2 57.3 86.5 66.9 91.5 93.5 87.7 93.1 90.5 92.8 90.7 41.8 20.2 83.7 Abstain 5.5 3.8 9.1 4.4 33.1 7.7 27.6 5.8 5.1 10.8 5.9 9.0 6.7 5.4 32.7 23.6 11.7 No 1.3 0.7 2.8 2.4 9.6 5.8 5.5 2.7 1.5 1.5 1.0 0.5 0.6 3.9 25.4 56.2 4.6 Agreement Index Scores for Pacific Asia & EU 12 Pacific Asia NE Asia SE Asia SE Asia + China EU 12 1974-90 83.82 1991-2008 1974-2008 83.22 83.59 67.56 91.61 90.74 68.18 93.09 92.07 67.80 92.19 91.26 74.49 91.51 81.05 Agreement Index Scores for BRICS States 1974-9 1980-9 1990-3 1994-9 2000-8 BRICS 0.77 0.86 0.78 0.75 0.82 0.82 IBSA* 0.88 0.9 0.93 0.82 0.82 0.89 R & Ch. 0.84 0.85 0.69 0.7 0.84 0.83 P5 0.49 0.45 0.5 0.57 0.53 0.54 Fr., UK & 0.82 0.71 0.69 0.74 0.68 0.74 US 2009-11 AI Formula AI = {MAX Y,N,A} – 0.5[(Y+N+A) – MAX{Y,N,A}] Y+N+A Where MAX(Y,N,A) represents the highest number of particular kinds of votes within a given group for a particular resolution, whether it is ‘yes’, ‘no’ or ‘abstain’. The range of possible final AI scores is between 1 (perfect cohesion) and 0 (total lack of cohesion, i.e. equal numbers of ‘yes’, ‘no’ and ‘abstain’ votes). China-P5 IVC Voting Scores China-France ChinaUSSR/Russia China-UK China-US 1974-2008 60.16 82.53 1992-2008 62.66 80.73 55.78 29.3 58.91 23.39 Index of Voting Cohesion (IVC)Formula IVC = (f + 0.5g) x100 t Where f denotes all the cases when two states vote identically, g denotes the occasions when one of them abstains, and t denotes the total number of votes that both states cast China in UNSC • Promoting objective of creating favourable image as responsible power • China has contributed the most troops to UN peacekeeping operations of all P5 states • Cast only 4 vetoes till 1999 (e.g. over Guatemala and Macedonia which were moving towards recognition of Taiwan), and not obstructive over Iraq • Self-image as consistent supporter of developing countries • Sees Russia as the most natural partner in SC? • Has tended to let Russia take the lead on issues where Chinese core interests are not involved, e.g. the Middle East? P5 Voting in UNSC 2000-12 Votes N=796 Yes Rate Abstentio ns Rate Vetoes Rate United States 776 Russia China France 772 776 789 United Kingdom 786 97.5% 97% 97.5% 99.1% 98.7% 9 17 16 7 10 1.1% 2.1% 2% 0.9% 1.3% 11 7 5 0 0 1.4% 0.9% 0.5% 0% 0% UN Reform China repeatedly advocates a more legitimate and more effective UN - specifically mentions greater involvement of African states - but hasn’t explicitly endorsed UNSC seats for other BRICS states - it pursues ‘status quo’ diplomacy at the UN? - is suspicious of an intrusive UN, e.g. imposing peace - unless there is support from the ‘local’ regional organization? (viz. encouragement of intervention in Libya by the Arab League) - wants a quasi-federal relationship between the UN and regional organizations?