What barriers do women face
in the Irish political system?
Claire McGing
IRCHSS Scholar
NUI Maynooth
National Women’s Council of
Ireland/Longford Women’s Link
Members meeting: Women and Politics
Current picture
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Dáil has always been at least 86% male
Women made up 13.8% of 30th Dáil
(23 seats out of 166)
Placed Ireland 84th globally, alongside
Cameroon (IPU, 2011)
Local government (16%), Seanad
(22%) and EU (25%)
30th Dáil
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No women TDs in 22
constituencies out of 43
(51%)
70% (16) in Dublin and
Leinster
Just under 50% of Irish
women represented
entirely by men
Distinct lack of
representation by rural
women
Women candidates in 2011
Party
Female candidates
% Female
% Change (+/-)
Fianna Fáil
11
14.7%
+ 1.6%
Fine Gael
16
15.4%
- 1.1%
Labour
18
26.5%
+ 4.5%
Green Party
8
18.6%
- 6.4%
Sinn Féin
8
19.5%
- 4.9%
Ind/Other
25
10.6%
- 2.2%
Total
86
15.2%
- 2.2%
Women candidates in 2011
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Fewer women running than between 1992-2007
No female FF candidates in 31 constituencies (72%) (+2
on 2007)
FG figure is 28 (65%) (+2)
Labour figure is 25 (58%) (-7)
No female party candidates in 9 constituencies (21%)
(+2)
No women running in 4 constituencies (9%) (-1)
 Cork South-West, Kildare South, Limerick, Roscommon
South-Leitrim
Why so few? The 5 ‘C’s’
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Childcare
Culture
Confidence
Cash
Candidate selection
Interaction between ‘supply’ (women) and
‘demand’ (the parties) issues
Childcare
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Biggest source of difficulty for 67% of
women TDs surveyed by Galligan et al
(2000)
‘Long hours’ culture of Oireachtas
Exacerbated for women outside Leinster
No statutory maternity leave
Party branch meeting times
Childcare
Men
Women
Employment
rate
100
80
60
40
20
0
No children
Youngest child 0-3 Youngest child 4-5 Youngest child 6 or
over
Source: Women and Men 2010, CSO (2011)
Confidence
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Less likely to put themselves forward –
often need to be approached
Adversarial nature of politics
Less familiar with political world
Lack visible role models – ‘a man’s
world’
Role of the media
Culture
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Masculine behaviour and norms –
uncomfortable for women
At branch level, women often hold
supportive rather than leadership
positions (Galligan, 2010)
Holding meetings in pubs, at unsuitable
times, etc
Cash
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Women’s income in 2008 was around
70% of men’s income and 90% when
adjusted (CSO, 2011)
Unpaid labour - caring for children
Less access to family finances
Less access to business/economic
networks
Candidate selection
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Importance of a strong local profile
Incumbents and ‘dynasty’ candidates
often advantaged
Gendered ‘recruitment pools’ (e.g.
councillors, branch
membership/positions, GAA, IFA, trade
unions)
Female involvement in local community
initiatives
Constituency size
2007
N=
2011
With FF
With FG
female
female
candidate/s candidate/s
N=
With FF
female
candidate/s
With FG
female
candidate/s
3-seat
18
6 (33.3%)
2 (11.1%)
17
3 (17.6%)
3 (17.6%)
4-seat
13
3 (23.0%)
5 (38.4%)
15
4 (26.7%)
5 (33.3%)
5-seat
12
5 (41.6%)
8 (66.6%)
11
4 (36.4%)
7 (63.6%)
Total
43
14
(32.5%)
15
(34.8%)
43
11
(25.6%)
15
(34.9%)
% Female candidates by
constituency size, 2007
25.0%
20.0%
15.0%
% Female candidates
% Female party candidates
10.0%
5.0%
0.0%
3 seats
4 seats
5 seats
% Successful candidates by gender
and constituency size, 2007
45.0%
40.0%
35.0%
30.0%
25.0%
20.0%
% Successful males
% Successful females
15.0%
10.0%
5.0%
0.0%
3 seats
4 seats
5 seats
% Female candidates by
constituency size, 2011
25.0%
20.0%
15.0%
% Female candidates
% Female party candidates
10.0%
5.0%
0.0%
3 seats
4 seats
5 seats
What can be done?
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Mandatory gender quotas, benefitted by
larger constituencies (5+ seats)
Recruit beyond traditional spheres
‘Family-friendly’ reforms
Encourage women’s leadership at branch
level
Mentoring programmes
Develop a ‘data bank’ of aspiring women
Earmark state funding for women candidates