Christina Maligkoudi
University of Crete
cmaligkoudi@edc.uoc.gr
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In the decade of ‘90s a large population of
Albanians came to Greece due to the collapse
of the communist regime in Albania.
2009: 577.000 Albanian immigrants in
Greece (63,7% of the total amount of
foreigners)
Number of Albanian pupils in Greek schools:
69.880 (2004)
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One of the basic aims of my PhD research was
to investigate if and how Albanian parents
maintain and transmit their language to the
next generation.
During the research it came out that a
frequent family practice is children’s
attendance of Albanian complementary
schools.
Research on some of these “schools” was
attempted on the basis of three variables:
a)schools’ structure, b) aims of the schools, c)
attitudes of parents
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Despite the large number of immigrants pupils,
there is no provision for mother-tongue teaching
at schools.
The only exception involves children of the
Muslim minority living in Western Thrace
(bilingual program for elementary school).
Foreign language teaching involves English and on
of the following: French, German, Italian.
Only in the context of two programs for
Intercultural Education (that were funded 75% by
the European Union) were Albanian and Russian
taught in some schools on a pilot basis.
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Period: 2006-2007
Semi-structured interviews with organizers
teachers and parents at 6 Albanian
complementary schools
Also, collection of additional data (statutes,
teaching material, photos etc.)
The interviews were conducted in Greek and
in Albanian
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Teachers teach language at schools voluntarily.
Most of them have studied Albanian philology or
have some background on educational studies.
Lessons take place at weekends.
Information about the community’s actions or
about lessons is provided in Albanian local
newspapers or through announcements in
public or private services that immigrants visit.
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In the majority of the schools, there are two
levels of learners: beginners and intermediate
level.
Teaching material: the same that is used in
elementary schools in Albania.
Absence of a concrete syllabus.
Basic aim: the development of literacy in
Albanian.
Parallel teaching of Albania’s history,
geography and cultural elements.
Limited number of Albanian students.
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Most of the students have immigrated to
Greece in the end of 1990s-beginning of
2000.
Age of students: 5-17.
Most of the students had a limited knowledge
of Albanian.
In almost all contexts, they used Greek and
only in few cases code-switching was noticed
(without further examination).
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Limited support form Albanian institutions.
More support from Greek local institutions,
especially in small towns (free access of
locales)
Schools are locates in the city centre (parents
have a rather easy access)
Albanian communities organize other activities
as well, apart from teaching Albanian language
(theater plays, celebration of national holidays,
libraries with Albanian books etc.)
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Transmission and maintenance of the Albanian
language and culture to the younger
generations of immigrants (“We want them to
learn to read, to write and to speak Albanian”).
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Maintenance of links with relatives in Albania
(“We want our children to communicate with
their grandparents in Albania”).
Development and reinforcement of Albanian
ethnic identity among Albanian students (“We
want our children to learn our language and
not forget their roots”).
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Family practices for mother-tongue
maintenance are limited and parents seek
support from organized initiatives (“There is
no time, although our women want to teach
them, they do not have time”).
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An incentive for parents to use their mothertongue at home (“This was the aim of the
school, to motivate parents to speak Albanian
at home”).
Why they “send” their children to complementary
schools:
 To develop literacy skills in Albanian (“We only
speak Albanian at home. But she has to learn
how to write”).
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The notion of “complementary school” makes
parents feel that their children are going to
learn “proper” Albanian (“In schools all things
are more serious”).
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To develop Albanian ethnic identity (“To keep
her origin. Because it is a shame for us…an
Albanian child not to speak Albanian”).
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To communicate with relatives, especially with
grandparents, in Albania.
Possibility of repatriation (“We don’t know
what will happen tomorrow. If we leave to
Albania, how can he survive there?”).
Enrichment of general cognitive skills (“The
more languages you know, the smartest you
are”).
Parents think they will also begin to speak
more Albanian at home.
However…
In comparison with the number of Albanian
pupils that attend today Greek schools, only a
small percent attend complementary schools.
Interviews with 37 Albanian parents, who do not
“send” their children to these complementary
schools, showed that:
 Most of them, despite their positive attitude
towards complementary schooling, hesitate to
implement this practice, in order to transmit
Albanian to their children.
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Lack of time (“On Saturday I work. If my older
child goes to the Albanian school, who is
going to take after my younger one? We do
not have any help”).
First priority for them is their children to
learn Greek prior to Albanian, in order to
avoid “confusion” (“She has to learn first
Greek well, we live in Greece. Afterwards she
can learn Albanian. Now she is going to mix
them”).
Four families were totally negative towards
Albanian complementary schools:
 They feel that they do not need any external
help for maintaining their language (“We are not
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interested in these schools, we can manage on
our own to teach them Albanian”).
They do not want to keep Albanian language (“I
want my children to learn only Greek. They are
going to Greek schools, they are going to study
in Greece, they are to work here. So we don’t
need Albanian lessons”).
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A more thorough insight into the school
process.
Students’ attitudes towards complementary
schooling.
Results of complementary schools (are the
aims of the schools finally fulfilled?)
Research on complementary schools from
other immigrants’ communities.