1/20/2024 Soterios Homenides Question 1: In what ways practices such as Prevention Through Deterrence (PTD) and the privatization of the detention system have normalized the systematic violations of migrant human rights as well as the deaths of migrants and refugees who are crossing the US-Mexico Border? Vaquero – the Spanish word for cowboy, brings to mind images of a rugged horsebackriding man, one who herds in the cattle, and crosses the desert as he pleases. Vaquero – also the word for blue jeans. While we may think of the cowboy’s blue jeans to represent his freedom and the choice to blaze his own path, the migrants’ blue jeans represent a polar opposite. Hot and humid, restrained by clothes that hold in moisture too well, the jeans of the migrant represent the prison of their conditions, locked in by the heat and lack of water. The desert offers little refuge, the only light emanating from the hope of reaching America undetected. In many ways, we can draw parallels between the lives of migrant border crossers and of livestock. They both sustain the heat the same, unsure of what lies ahead. They both may face a life of detention inside uncomfortable buildings, their livelihood commodified. In these places, neither feel the prioritization of their health or wellbeing, both are fed just enough food to maximize their profitability to those gain from their holding. Throughout the migrant experience, we can observe the normalization of systemic violence and the disregard for their human rights. Starting from the impetus for these current conditions, the Prevention Through Deterrence policy reflects the first instance of this lack of concern. When the government chose to weaponize desert conditions, it made the conscious decision to allow people to die in the desert, hoping this might deter more from coming. What this has done though, is allow for a complete restructuring of illegal immigration. What was once a chain of events, is now an organized network, one in which each node further abuses migrants. Starting in Mexico, migrants are capitalized upon and targeted. Markets are set up in what were once shanty towns, selling the needs of migrants at exorbitant rates. Cartel criminals set up in these towns, preying on who they know to be desperate. Bottling companies sell water in specifically designed containers, painted black and with religious imagery. These jugs are designed to prey on religious or misinformed beliefs, all in the hope of squeezing financially the migrants. In all of these instances, fear is commoditized, and migrants are put at greater risk even before they enter the more immediately dangerous parts of their journey. Upon finally reaching the United States, migrants are not guaranteed the just treatment they traveled so far for. Hoping to sneak in undetected, many do not. These individuals may find themselves in a government-funded, private-run detention center, without proper access to healthcare, legal counsel, food or educational services. While this may sound outside the law, it is the exact modus operandum of The Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), a publicly traded for-profit prison corporation that earns its largest share of profits from holding migrants. Question 2: How do globalization and economic struggles affect (transnational) sex work and sex tourism in the Dominican Republic? Question 3: According to Katsui & Challken what led to the emergence of the social model of disability and what are some of the more nuanced approaches to disability (for instance, cultural or environmental aspects)? Within the context of the holocaust, the U.N. was chartered with the purpose of moderating international discussion and upholding the rights of humans all over the world. As a key tenet of its beliefs, the U.N. released the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, with a primary characteristic being its lack of specifications regarding any particular group. Persons with disabilities fall into one of these unmentioned groups, reflecting a greater neglect observed globally. Many people worldwide viewed disability through what is now referred to as the medical model, a narrow understanding of disability, largely focused on material needs and concerns. The awareness surrounding this group began to shift early in the 1960s, as persons with disabilities started to organize themselves. Developing from this sense of collective identity, these individuals began to advocate for themselves more. They initiated a push into the mainstream in 1975, with the support of the U.N. shown in the form of a major declaration, and again in 1981, with the year having been named the year of disability. This approval allowed for international organization of persons with disabilities, which was greatly impactful due to the recently established certainty of being a local minority. As time passed, they gained more selfadvocacy and self-determination, demonstrated by their preferred name being effectively changed from “disabled people” to “persons with disabilities” in 1993. It was this self-advocacy that birthed a paradigm shift for persons with disabilities: the social model of disability. The medical model had an outsider’s perspective, focused mainly on medical and material needs, which did not include any consideration of the individual’s experience. From the voices of those with disabilities themselves, we were introduced to a new understanding of disability; one that casts disability as both a social ailment and burden. Disability was no longer seen as merely a physical issue, but also as a societal one. This shifts the weight of the solution onto everyone the same. The answers to such conflicts facing persons with disabilities no longer existed purely in the form of medicine or devices, but rather in societal restructuring and questioning of state obligations. Although it may seem these organizational efforts were seamless, several internal disagreements persisted. Be it in math, science, geopolitics or human treatment, the application of any idealist theory becomes far more complex than anticipated. As the disability movement grew with time, factions arose. One particular subgroup that emerged was feminist activists, fighting for more gender-specific concerns and terminology. Another issue that divided persons with disabilities was the complete nonuniversality of their experiences. Everyone experienced their conditions differently, meaning it is impossible to create a singular definition of disability. Another challenge that faces the community is the role of government in facilitating an equality-focused solution. While many agree on the importance of states in facilitating equitable conditions, this poses certain challenges. Only in more developed nations like those in Europe, North America, and parts of Asia have the structure or means to implement broad systems of support. While this may work in these areas, persons with disabilities in less developed regions cannot rely upon consistent governmental assistance or structure.
