50 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
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Wyse SAS
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COMMUNAL DIMENSION
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the outside world. The people look at the universe not only in terms of
physical realities but also in terms of nonphysical forces that give
essence to life. The two domi nant forces that affect the body in its relation
to the realities of the physical universe are init at lamig (hot and cold).
These are a part of bisà (life force). The hot and cold balance has to be
maintained inside the body, as well as its relation with the outside world.
Any imbalance can cause discomfort or illness. Harmony is the theme
of balance in everyday life. It is the basis of the internal constitutive
rules governing most human activities in relation to nature.
Disharmony with the natural and behavioral envi ronment brings about
misfortune or unhappiness. It is also an indicator of body illness. This
inner condition of the body is diagnosed according to (1) the
external appearance of the illness; (2) the characteristics of the
accompanying pain; (3) the nature of the associated behavior; and (4)
the movement of the pulses
. On the basis of the information derived from this diagnosis, medical
remedies are recommended or applied to restore whatever has caused the
imbalance in the rela tion between man and his environment, between man
and
his fellowmen, and between man and the supernatural
beings.
In other words, Filipino villagers, in the commu nities studied,
confront nature and grapple with iis forces through a system of shared
rules that guide them regard ing what to do in time of need. This internal
system is also adhered to as a perspective in defining the nature of
biological reality and its relation with the natural envi ronment as part of
the local knowledge and worldview.
r.
O
HE TERM "COMMUNAL” IS USED HERE ADVISEDLY, FOR
lack of any appropriate word, to refer to the com ...monly shared
perception of the community as an environment.
Hence,
communali is taken to mean “of or relating to a
community.” As a Worldvidw concept, it also refers to the
feeling of group solidarity br lack of it. How the community
appears to the people and how it affects their relations to it and to one
another are critical points in understanding
Filipino worldview.
By definition, a community is more than just the physical
congeries of people residing in it. It is actually a system of
emoțional attitudes and social relationships. through which the
residents share coinmon experiences and realize their personal and group
ends. It consists of com monly shared beliefs, values, and practices on
which are based the ground rules of behavior. It also represents the
totality of the physical, the social, and the cultural environ
ments responsible for the formation and patterning of ideas
and
behavior into a way of life.
In actual terms, à community is how the people. picture it to be
a commonly shared outlook translated into. concrete and intimate
personal and interpersonal relations.
"*
COMMUNAL DIMENSION 53
52 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
Kapitbahay as a Spatial Unit
Community as Kapitbahay
I
As we have said earlier, the community is one of the key points
in understanding Filipino worldview. It is within the community,
specifically in the neighborhood, that the child initially learns the
concepts of collectivity, intimacy, and morality. It mirrors for him
who he is, what he needs or could desire, and what or who he
wants to become. In other words, the community represents the
core image around which cluster all other kinds of images about
the surround ing world that make up what we call the idea
environment.
To people in the communities we have studied, the
community is the neighborhood. The term for this place of
residence is kapitbahay. Sometimes the term karatig-pook is
used.
"
i
-
As a concept, kapitbahay transcends physical and
politicolegal boundaries. It is defined instead by the con sensus
of the people residing in a given area-that is, who should or
should not be considered a kapitbahay. The physi cal
boundary of kapitbahay expands or contracts, depending upon
the kind of intimacies or distances people have of one another. If
the relationship is intimate, the concept of: kapitbahay
becomes restricted. If impersonal or distani, the concept
encompasses wider spatial reference.
In any case, when our respondents in most of the com munities
studied were asked who their kapitbahay are, they made
reference to those living nearby-usually the next-door residents.
This suggests the idea of a visual whole; that is, within one's eye
view or within one's immediate experience. As
our
respondents have said: "Nasa:9qhi (Nearby)” or
“Natátanáw (Within seeing diftandam
Distance is viewed either asli Hysics, as in the place
: where one's residence is lodhed of social, as in
group affiliations, status differentiations, and value orientations...
The generic term for distance is agwát, and it includes two.
categories: malayò (far) and malapit (near). Physical distance
refers to observable space, as in geographic locations of
dwellings. It covers the length between two ends of the street, i.e.,
the poblaciones or cities. It can also be two hills away or a twohour walk. In Malitbog, in central Panay, for example, the farmers
think of their neighbors as those living within The sityo to which
they also belong. The sityo is the smallest geographic
subdivision of the barangay or community.
Thus, the kapitbahay is a cluster of houses circum
scribed by one's perception of distance. The identification
emphasizes physical and social proximity. It is this prox imity that,
in many respects, structures the neighborhood ties and
establishes bonds of common interests. As a physi
The concept of kapitbahay is basic to Filipino social life. It is the
source of social and moral views that influence decision
making and the patterning of values into specific orientations.
It structures relationships and sets the tone, as well as the pace,
of everyday life. Outside of the family, it is the community that
defines the range and the limit of possible interaction. .
The notion of kapitbahay is not geographically cir
cumscribed by fixed points of reierence. It may be small (a block
or a section of an urban district) or big (a sityo of the barangay
in the rural village), depending upon its geographi cal
location and on the people's perception of the place.
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Literally, the term kapitbahay is derived from two words: kapit
(close) and bahay (house)--that is, houses close to one another
or residing in the same place and close to one another.
Sociologically, however, one may live close to another and yet
may not be considered a kapitbahay, only a kalapit ng bahay.
Kapitbahay has social, cultural, and moral sentiments; kalapit
ng bahay has none. It exists only to sig. nify a structure close to
where one resides.
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COMMUNAL DIMENSION 55
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54 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
common orientation of kapitbahay or purók to the bigger society, it
is still within its context that the community operates. For one thing,
kapitbahay as a concept is deeply rooted in the life spheres of the
people. The neighborhood represents the most effective segment
of both the rural and the urban villages where collective
responsibility and social control are best carried out.
.
Koni
Kapitbahay as a Temporal Concept
Dard
cal distance, kapitbahay is described either as malayo (distant) or
malapit (nearby), depending on the point of ref erence. It is seen as
part of the territorial domain, which residents. claim to be theirs.
Trespassing such territory is met with belligerence. Identities are
established, and domi nance is defined in the context of the physical
space and individual allots to himself within the wider dimension of
the community.
Familiarity with the terrain-which includes open fields, riverbeds,
streets, bridges, and plazas is part of the kapitbahay imperatives as
a spatial unit. These elements of the terrain are used as points of
reference in assessing dis tances relative to primary interaction as
malayò (far) or malapit (near). The nearer the residences are to one
another, the more frequent the interaction, and therefore the
closer the ties established. This same intimacy, however, can seg
regate those who are members of the in-group from those who are
not. A suspicious character in the neighborhood is a matter of
general concern, just as somebody's vicious dog. Neighborhood
interaction is often the basis of friendship. But not all interaction is
positive, so that not all neighbors are friends,
Reinforcing the spatial concept of neighborhood is the temporal
orientation of the members to their place of residence. By temporal is
meant the length of time one has stayed in the neighborhood as a
resident. This includes group perception of the roles individuals are
expected to perform in the community, as well as the local classifica
tion of people coming in andlmovi he outbf the place.
Thus, in introducing newcomer to ttlends as in the
urban center, longtime residents a Hiya Rb ang bago
naming kapitbahay (He/she is our new neighbor)P?2
They sometimes use the phrase "áng bagong lipat (the
new transferee) "3 when referring to newcomers.
The concept of time is important in understanding the process
involved in ordering and coordinating activi ties in the
neighborhood. Sometimes the residents consider those living next
door, even in an apartment house, as neighbors if they know each
other well and long enough to maintain social, emotional, and
economic relations, like reciprocal exchange of food, services, and
other things that reinforce interpersonal relations. Those residents
with whom one does not carry any such iengthened reciprocal relation
ship are categorically separated from the dynamics of kapitbahay
relationships and are described only as kalapit ng
bahay (close to
the house).
In spite of sentiments attached to being close to one another, the
kapitbahay has no autonomous existence. It is not bound by fixed
social, legal, iraditional, or physical landmarks within the community
or district. Its existence is wholly dependent upon the intensity of
interaction obtaining among the members of the unit and of the social
content involved in the relationships. Should anyone become
disgruntled with the neighborhood, he can move out to other
neighborhoods and there establish new local attachments.
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In short, local groupings are closely related to the physical size, the
location, and the terrain of the neighbor-.. hood. These parameters
affect the social conditions that provide the setting for interaction.
Thus, in spite of the
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COMMUNAL DIMENSION 57
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56 FIUPINO WORLDVIEW
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what is not, what value is established and what is merely idiosyncratic,
what should be avoided and what can be expected-all of these
become more meaningful when described in the context of time-i.e.,
length of residence in the neighborhood.
.W.
Group identity in the neighborhood is likewise framed in terms of
time that is, the length of residence in a given locality. This type of
orientation, if adequately grasped, enables the observer to properly
assess the essen tial elements of conformity to specific norms and,
therefore, to behavior. If a neighborhood is defined as “the basic form
of social life, past and present,”4 then it is understandable why people
categorically emphasize the temporal dimension when speaking about
their neighbors.
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Kapitbahay as a Relational Concept
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This time perspective regarding the neighborhood, as a visual whole,
may be best expressed in the people's assessment of their relations
to the surrounding world as well as to themselves. It would seem that
putting emphasis upon time is to see two levels of relationship-i.e.,
being familiar with the place as a result of newly acquired
knowledge of the area and with the commonly shared values and
norms people observe when interacting among each other. The latter
refers to the inner world of relation ships that the residents
inescapably develop through a lengthened stay in the area.
The rationale people give for considering the neigh borhood as a
temporal unit rests on the historical perspec tive that all share the
same social and value orientations regarding their behavior within the
confines of their place of residence. Even events are sometimes
explained less in the light of situations that bring them about than in
terms of time that makes possible their occurrence-"Nasa panahon
lang iyán (It is due to time).”
In other words, time is one of the key concepts that defines for the
people the general conditions in the neigh borhood, as well as
structures for them the inner world of meanings and symbols of
community life. Thus, anyone who
intends to grasp the hidden dimension of community orga ..nization
has to see it in light of its temporal existence as
exemplified in small group interaction in the neighborhood. Who is
who in the community, what event is significant and
Another important dimension of group life in which a neighborhood
may be analyzed and understood is relation ship. For one thing, the
neighborhood functions primarily in the area of life, which is not
served by the immediate family or household unit. On the other hand,
the entire com munity cannot function as a social unit without the
constitu ent elements of the neighborhood. Kapitbahay may
therefore be characterized as a relational construct--a con ceptual
frame of reference that,leten if the residents do not
verbalize unless pressed for an explanation of their
actions, serves as a framework defining se s bf
relationships that are vital to the functioning of the
dohraunilt als whole.
Although the kapitbahay concept is a cohesive force. insofar as
physical proximity and small group behavior are concerned, it is at the
same time a fragmenting mechanism for institutionalized behavior. It
subdivides a block or an area into a number of small compact
units or segments, defined in terms of accepted patterns of living
and behav ing. Each of these smaller units has its own patron
saint and celebrates the corresponding fiesta in honor of that saint.
Thus, a barangay, which is made up of several purók, niay be
celebrating different fiestas at the same week or month. This, we
think, underlies the stable adaptation of people to the ecological
realities of their environment. For as soon as a consensus about
almost anything is formed among the residents, the kapitbahay
members do not allow much latitude for deviance without sanction.
There are
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COMMUNAL DIMENSION 59
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58 FIUPINO WORLDVIEW
cre
2
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SVA NASSARANXAVY
certain areas of activities though wherein verbal sanction
is the only possible way of rectifying transgressions of
local norms.
One form of verbal sanction is gossiping, which is usually
indulged in by neighbors. Gossip brings us to the nature
of rights and obligations of people living close to one
another as neighbors. Gossiping is one form of
communica tive behavior through which
neighborhood relations are articulated. It can be
described as a communication tool that links individuals
together and sets the tone of their affec tive or intimate
ties. Whatever is considered in the neigh borhood as
desirable or undesirable is largely determined through
gossip and fear of gossip. For example, a mother, in
sanctioning a daughter's behavior, often invokes the
restraining force of gossip by saying: “Gusto mo
bang matsismis sa buong barangay (Do you want to be
the talk of the whole community)?”.
Gossiping may be viewed as a means of insuring
group cohesion because, in the first place, a feeling of inti
macy is established among those who share
the gossip. It is a practice that enables an individual to
impress another through his access to some information
about certain people, which the others do not have.
Gossip is not indiscriminately passed around but is
transmitted only through a network of friends, neighbors,
and relatives. In the second place, gossip implicitly
functions as an indicator of membership to one of the
many small groups in the neighborhood. Only those who
are considered members of ihe unit are privileged to share
a piece of gossip; being excluded means rejection by the
entire group. It implies several things-the excluded
individual is either the one being gossiped about or
someone close to him. He is not trustworthy or he is
disliked. Correspondingly, a member of the group who
does not believe in gossip nor want to be involved in
gossiping shows that he does not want to be a part of the
group.
The streets, the corner store, the barbershop, the market,
and similar service areas are the main places or centers
where gossip is generated, transferred, or traced.
Because the streets, the corner store, and the barbershop
are important places where people congregate, it can be
inferred that community unity is partly held together and
group values are maintained through gossi · The
significance of gossip as the key to understanding
group cohesion is born by the fact that, throughout the
day, people are engaged in one form of gossip or another.
Moreover, the contents of gossip are mostly
assessments of neighbors about what the community
consider as inappropriate behavior or uncouth language.
Neighbors are expecied to help one another in time of
great need or even in ordinary chores that require the
assistance of another person. But such expectations
become ingrained in the relationship only when both
parties perceive each other as friends. It is common, in
this respect, to hear someone call for the neighbor to
"pakibantay lang ninyo ang aming bahay habang kami ay
walâ (please keep watch over our house while we are
away).”. This request later gen erates reciprocal relations
and cements the interpersonal or interfamilial interaction
between those who are involved.
Similarly, a mother would request a neighbor to keep
an eye on her child or children while she is away-in the
market, in church, or even at work. A person who is being
delayed by other pressing business transactions
elsewhere would usually look for a ngighbor and
request him to inform the family about the
delay. ||
During festive village ocasions, neighbors are
expected to come and offer theitl assistance. They help
butcher livestock, fetch water, gather fuel, tend to the
kitchen chcres, and perform all other tasks that are
neces sary
for the success of the social
gathering. They also act as
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COMMUNAL DIMENSION 61
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60 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
CA LI_
request or who have volunteered to help him at one time or another.
Although the services are free, the host usually serves drinks and
meals to those who come to help.
bridges” (local term: tuláy) in love affairs, intermediaries in marriage
arrangements, or retinue to the bridegroom and the bride during
marriage ceremonies. In time of need, they unite against intruders.
Kapitbahay as a Normative Unit
S..
. 44
unter
The trait that is most expressive of neighborhood sentiment
and of the selective nature of the system is the reciprocal exchange
of food. Every time a person brings home some not-too-ordinary
foodstuff, cooked or uncooked, he sends a plateful or a slice (e.g.,
meat or fish) of it to the neighbor with whom he maintains close ties.
Among the cooked food being exchanged frequently are chicken,
beef, pork, seafood, pansit (noodles), and fruits. The exchange of
food strengthens neighborhood relationships and defines the
intimacy of friendship, but it can also weaken such rela tionship.
For example, the moment one fails to meet his expected
obligations, he disappoints the other individual and conflict results.
The former is branded as greedy (matakaw), stingy (maramot),
or with other terms signifying unwillingness to share “their fortunes”
or an attempt to ter minate the neighborly relationship.
The significance of being kapitbahay in cooperative efforts,
especially in economic pursuits, is best exemplified in the field of group
work known as suyuán. Here, services are freely offered.
Reciprocal services are rendered for any member of the
neighborhood in the spirit of neighborliness. Sometimes the term
pakikibaka is used. On the whole, the term suyuán is derived from
the root word suyo--meaning Sto seek favor from another." The
phrase "seek favor” has no bad connotation as in popular usage.
Sociologically, it is a way of establishing intimate relationships and of
express ing neighborhood norms through personal and familial
interests. Once established, however, the link becomes a future point
of reference in imposing subtle coercion on those who have sought
the favor(s). Anyone who is a party to this unstated norm of social
behavior has the obligation to reciprocate the favors of those
who have responded to his
The existence of these recurrent and consistent rela tional
rules of conduct makes the neighborhood function as a normative
unit. The spatial proximity of people influenccs the intimacy of
interaction between them. This intimacy underlies the formation of a
local worldview relative to a specific value orientation. Values are
developed through group interaction and are normally
expressed in the manner in which people agree or disagree about
specific things or beliefs. Once actions are reached, they become
important to the functioning of:group life. They become
con stituent elements of common ends and values toward which all
members of the group are oriented and ih terms of
which the life of the group is organized
: Functionally, group norms are not the only ways of
doing things, nor are they the only right ways. Other people in
other communities may not share these. In fact, many of the
kapitbahay practices in some regions may not make sense. insofar
as problems in the other regions, or the bigger soci.. ety, are
concerned. Group norms include folkways, mores, laws, beliefs, and
assumptions that underlie the recurrence of behavior understood
and accepted as desirable by the .... members of the group.
They are conventional understand ings manifested in acts and artifacts
that characterize them. - "Understanding" here signifies the
meaning that one attaches to any object under observation. Since
society is composed of interacting individuals, the meanings that
can be abstracted from any cultural form are expressed in terms of
actions.
SWISS
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COMMUNAL DIMENSION 63
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62 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
Summary
It is in looking at the kapitbahay as a normative unit that
we can gain deeper insights into the articulation of
values in behavior. (These values are discussed in
detail in another volume.)* Values underlie decision
making. They constitute the framework of beliefs,
symbols, and meanings associated with behavior as
these take place in particular situations. Norms on
pakikisama, utang-na-loob, and hiyâ are not uniformly
defined. The intensity of emotionalism attached to them
is also contingent to the situations in which they occur.
.."
*
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In adjusting to one another or to specific areas of
relations and actions, kapitbahay residents are often
con fronted with a number of common problems the
resolution of which varies from family to family, or
from individual to individual, in the neighborhood. This
is particularly true with urban neighborhoods. Because
of the rapidity of change in the city, local perception of
role performance, relative to other aspects of
community life, like economic, political, and
educational, also changes with varying degrees of
dis sonance in actual behavior. In fact, slum
neighborhoods defy the stereotype of normative
behavior of Filipinos as pre sented in the literature-that of meek individuals who aspire for smooth
interpersonal relations all the time. While this is true in
some respects, the same aspiration however triggers
equally disturbing conflicts among many people.
In any case, it is through kapitbahay
consensus of what is right and what is wrong that
we can fairly understand the concepts of hiyâ, utangna-loob, and pakikisama, which have been labeled as
the core elements of Filipino values. It is also through
neighborhood demands that variations in the use of
these values occur. An example may make this
explicit. As did happen among the slum dwellers in
Manila, in 1967, a change in the price of commodities
resulted in two major shifts in their lives: one was
mass layoffs in the small factories where they had
worked as unskilled labor ers; the other, increased
rentals for those living in rented rooms. Those
families whose breadwinners had been laid off
adjusted to new ways of life. Many of them moved
out of the neighborhood. For those who had chosen to
stay, the unemployed family head or children soon
became involved in many street-corner affairs. The
normative prescription of hiyâ, utang-na-loob, and
pakikisama became dysfunctional as the concern for
survival became central to their adjust ment to slum life.
On the whole, however, it is through these normative
rules that actions are organized, emphasized, and
repressed for the individual member of the particular
neighborhood in particular and of the community in
general. Furthermore, they may be considered as
the conceptual blucprints through which the
people, perceive the statuses they occupy in the
community, assess the situations they are in, and
play their corresponding roles. It is likewise from
these powerful, though implicit, rational principles
that emanates the spon taneous figuring out of
belief, in order to make the conse- . quent action
proper and attach the appropriate meaning to a
particular action to make it legitimate and justifiable at a
given time.
...
*F. Landa Jocano, Filipino Value System: A Cultural
Definition (Quezon City: PUNLAD Research House, Inc.,
1997).
.
.
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SOCIAL DIMENSION
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A
wc
HE SOCIAL DIMENSION OF WORLDVIEW
REFERS TO THE way man thinks about other
human beings around
him and how he relates to them. Next to the
natural environment, the demographiqli or
humanuenvironment is
11110 another
important factoryin shaping
the pative outlook on things, the idea of the
universel and the presentation of the self to it. It
is how other human beings react to cne's
own reaction(s) to the physical o natural
divironment that influences his acquisition of
specific views about the reali ties around him..
Many of our respondents, in the
communities studied, accept the idea that
“all things begin with growing up" (in the National
Language, dalê ng paglaki). This is the process
through which an individual starts acquiring the
llecessary tools to recognize ideas and objects,
interpret experiences, and pursue activities.
Hence, distinctions are made between the nature
of actions appropriate for babies, children,
adolescents, adults, and other members of the com
munity. .
.
.
(
... To behave in the manner acceptable to the
other : members of a group is to be part of that
group. “To behave: like anyone else is to be human
(tao); to deviate from what :
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SOCIAL DIMENSION 67
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66 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
is acceptable behavior is not to be human (hindi tao)."? It
amounts to going down to the level of a hayop (animal).
The tao-hayop (man-animal) distinction provides continuity to
the perception of man as a biological reality and part of the
natural environment and as a social being and part of the
social environment. As a social being, man is subject to the
social rules on proper and accepted behavior in the context of
conventional practices. The basic units of the social
environment where the initial learning, use, or
elaboration of social rules governing behavior takes place
are the fam ily and kinship.
Kinship and Family*
in the prima oarent
1
What is kinship? The closest local term for kinship is
pagkakamag-anak. This is the core concept in Filipino kinship
worldview. Though popular, however, this term is not easy to
translate directly (and with precision) into English or into
sociological or anthropological categories. An approximate
translation can be done and an approxi mate interpretation
can be made at best with respect to anthropological or
sociological meanings. This kinship term is deeply embedded
in the local understanding of the sur rounding world, and it
means more than what its linguistic nuances suggest.
· Magkamag-anak refers to the relationship between
individuals who identify themselves as kin because they are.
directly “linked together into a relationship through an anak or
child.". The prefix mag- is a marker indicating relation ship
between individuals in the sense of being related through
the same child. These relations are cognitively restricted
to primary kin gspup pimedijout of immediate
family ties: parents, parents siblings, children,
grandchil dren, grandparents, and grandparents'
silblings: The idea of anak or child is central to
this perception. It represents the invariant core of
relationship and the sentiments around which all
other linkages and sentiments are formed. Parents
become parents, or are recognized as such, only after a
child or anak is born to them. Grandparents are accorded
with such social status only after grandchildren are born, and
so on.
This child-link is the basic and irreducible element in the
complex web of interlocking ties within the organi zation of
familial and community life. On the basis of this
· link, traditional rural Filipinos further make distinctions of
kinship ties within the magkamag-anak unit, as in mag
anakthe group composed mainly of parents and children;
kamag-anak, which includes parents' parents,
parents' siblings, and grandchildren; and
magkamag-anak, which encompasses all other
relatives. It is at this point of reckon
w
daten
.
The notion of kinship lies deep in the heart of Fili
pino community social organization. It is its
nucleus. It affects, if not dominates, the shaping of local
institutions values, emotions, and actions. It is through kinship
that man, as perceived, is moved out of the natural domain of
his “animal constitution" and enters the social domain of his
being human. He develops a self. His link with biology, a
natural phenomenon, is in the idea of descent-the notion
that “he is born to those persons he calls parents and
who have given birth to those they call children."* Through
kinship, descent, a biologically based relationship through
birth, is socially legitiinized through baptism. In both cases
(i.e., being born and is baptized), kinship becomes real as the
basis of relationships, “provided with social and mora
sentiments for affective and jural definitions of
how people who identify themselves as kinsmen relate
to one another.
.
.
...
VI.
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*For details, see F. Landa Jocano, Filipino Social Organization
(Quezon City PUNLAD Research House, Inc., 1998).
...
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SOCIAL DIMENSION 69
68 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
t
However, “if the semen of the male or the egg of the female is
contaminated (marumi, i.e., dirty), it cannot combine well with the other to
form a child."13 Also, “if the blood is cursed (sinumpâ), it cannot be
purified and transformed into a baby."14 Some educated Filipinos do not
believe in this view anymore. However, many others con tinue
to adhere
to traditional beliefs and practices for "fear of not having a child or
children."15
ing that many Filipinos interchange magkamag-anak with magpipinsan.
As stated earlier, the Filipino idea of kinship is crys tallized in the
event of birth. This event (which anthropolo gists call descent) establishes
specific types of relationships. It is symbolized by blood'or dugô, which
parents pass on to their offspring. This blood contains not only the traits of
the parents but also the sentiments of being related. The Filipino phrase
nasa dugô (in the blood) captures this con dition. Strictly speaking, nasa
dugô means that certain rela tions, physical characteristics, emotional and
intellectual potentials are inherited through the blood.
respon
***
*
ind their
!!
...
mentemno certain um. In m
* X
As previously stated, the blood is passed on from the parents to their
children. In turn, the latter pass on their blood to their respective children,
and so on. This is the reason why consanguineal or blood relations
mean so much more to our respondents than any other kind of kinship
relations. The child is “recipient of two sets of blood from two kin groups
from the father's side and from the mother's side."16 The blood link
established through the child binds the two groups as one. As a Tagalog
respondent has said: "It's the blood that holds us together it is like thread
that strings
beads together.”!? An Ildeanolhas pullit this way: “It
is the blood that makes you part of your parents and you, a
part of your children, even if you are all physically sepa rated.
You share the same sentiments."18 Thus, the popular saying
"Blood is thicker than water" finds support in the way Filipinos regard
blood relations as an important idea. in their worldview concept.
The hlood concept finds further symbolic form and. - meaning in early
child rearing. Filipinos believe that the
mother's milk, which the baby sucks from the breast; is \"refined blood; part
of the physical substance of the mother's body."}s inside the womb, the
“developing child is fed with
the mother's blood through the umbilical cord; outside of: of it, it is
nurtured with the mother's refined blood through
the nipples."20 These views explain the deep emotional
attachments the Filipinos have of their parents, particularly at their mothers.
The father is seen as the "disciplinarian, not
4
*
,
.
.
Kinship relations, according to our respondents, exist in the blood. It is
where they find their distinctive char acter and specific form. In many rural
villages, to some extent also certain urban areas, kinship is seen as a
“senti ment embedded in the blood.” It is “inside one's body, in his veins, in
his flesh, in his heart, in his head; it is in him and about him.” That is why
only those who share the same blood, the same sentiments, as well as the
same traits think they are real kinsmen. Other relations are “less
important."9 These can be terminated any time, but blood relations
cannot.
Blood is shared through the parents. It is symbolized by the semen
ejaculated by the male and the egg excreted by the female during
biosocial encounters called sexual intercourse. The terms for semen
vary from one language group to another. It is nevertheless commonly
viewed as "refined blood”10 (as in refined sugar). That is winy the liquid is
said to be white. During sexual intercourse, the semen of the male
combines with the egg of the female. These are kept warm in the woman's
womb or bahay-batà until they are "brought to life and restored to their
original color.” The "warmth of the womb further purifies the blood,
transforming it into a baby."12
.
W
wwwww
SOCIAL DIMENSION 71
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70 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
i
blood. Ihreast.”23 That is for sibling" is Rupee
inuatio cord). Si cases of se
or isán
"!
*::-
court fact. 72!!bilical
by legal or religious ritual, the duties, the responsibilities, and
the obligations of the husband and the wife are auto matically
defined as binding because the bond between them: is legal or
legitimate. It is also sacred if the marriage is sol emnized in a
church.
Marriage brings two groups (i.e., the husband's and
the wife's kin group, respectively) in a special kind of rela
tions, the affinal. The couple serve as the nexus. There is
no generic name for affinal relations. The kind of link an indi
vidual has with the married couple determines the kind of
terms used to characterize the connection. This will be
discussed in detail later.
The affinity of husband and wife with each other's respective
family or kin group is best expressed in the Hiligaynon term
tapik, meaning "attached.” To be attached. is to be part of a
group-to have special relations with its members.
Marriage
is that kind of special relations. But these
relations can be terminated by the death of either
spouse or the annulment of the marriage bond by
the Roman Catholic Church. Although there is no divorce in
the Philippines, the bond maylloido 140 bedken
by legal or traditional separation. The affinai tie is
fragile because “it is based only on sentiments (like love)
or on legal or social agreements and not on blood.”24
Affinal relations, however, are given semicon
sanguineal status as soon as children are born, with the latter
serving as the significant point of kin reckoning: The fact that
the blood of both spouses, as mentioned eariier, is fused
in the
child or children gives the affinal relations the moral and
jural strength to compel either of the spouses or the two kin
groups (the father's and the mother's) to observe their
respective rights, duties, and obligations to the union. This fusion
also accounts for the strength of the bilateral structure of
kinship reckoning. In this bilateral structure of kinship, the
child is equally related to the.. kinsmen of his father and his
mother because "both parents contributed equally the same
amount of blood in his veins,
ul
the caretaker."21 Although he contributes “his blood to the child, it
is the mother who gives it to the child in the form of her milk as
source of life."22 Sometimes paternity is denied, especially
in illicit love affairs, and the mother bears the pains and agony of
public disfavor. No report has so far been made of someone
who denies motherhood, even if there are reports of
abandoned children.
Sibling relation is also strong in the Philippines. It is so
because it is based on blood. “A sibling," one Bisayan respondent
has explained, “is part of you. You share the same blood. You
were formed in the same womb and nurtured in the same
breast.”23 That is why, as a Tagalog respondent has explained it,
the local word for “sibling" is kapatid, that is, karugtong
(continuation) or isáng patid lang ng pusod (only a cut from the
umbilical cord). Sibling rivalries are notice able. In fact, there are
reported cases of siblings going to court and suing one another
for various reasons, the most common of which are inheritance
and place of residence. But when the sibling group is
threatened, the siblings forget their quarrels and help one
another. The infighting is resumed after the threat is gone.
In other words, the concept of nasa dugô underlies much
kinship behavior and emotional attachment of Filipi nos to one
another. It is the source of the clearly defined sentiments of
solidarity, loyalty, and responsibility:
If nasa dugô gives kinship iis biological reality, ritu als
(legal and religious) associated in it give the relations their
legitimate social identity. The extension of kinship relations to
people who are not biologically or con sanguineally related is
achieved through the performance of rites associated with
the events of marriage, adoption, baptism, and confirmation.
Marriage is known as kasál. It is acknowledged by Filipinos as
one of the ways through which the bond between individuals
who have decided to live together as husband and wife
(mag-asawa) is provided with a jural base and social
sentiment. Once the mag-asawa relationship is sealed
.
NAXXRoxa
G
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SOCIAL DIMENSION 73
72 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
.
although in terms of inherited traits, either of the spouses may be
dominant.”25 The dominance of certain traits, like physical
appearance, is due to the fact that the blood of one spouse is "mas
mainit kaysa isá (hotter than the other)26 or "mas malakas ang bisà ng
dugo ng isá kaysa isá (the blood of one is stronger than that of the
other)."27
..
.
:
:
:::
::71
Sometimes the concept of suwerte (luck) in a balanced gender-set of
children comes into the picture. That is, if the couple have all male
children, they adopt a female child; if all females, they adopt a male child.
This is to keep the "balance of good luck in the family."32 This is also in
accord with the Filipino concept of harmony with the elements of
nature. Giving birth is recognized as one of the phenomena of
nature; therefore, if the result is not balanced, "something has to be
done about it or else the family suffers from misfortunes due to the
imbalance."33
Once the religious or the legal rite of adoption is cel ebrated, the
adopted child is incorporated into the kinship group and is given the same
rights and obligations as the blood or natural children. However, he is not
given the "blood status" 34 and an explanation of the relationship always
follows the identification of the child as “our adopted child"38 or
"our adopted sibling."}6 The explanation is often. done surreptitiously so
as ngt to pffend the child. In some families, however, the adopted child is
totally incorporated into
the family procreation land lis regarded
as a natural child. The foster family relations de vervlklose
and the word "adopted" is never mentioned to account for the kin ties. It
is "a well-guarded secret."3? In any case, many Filipinos regard
adoption as "an extension of family relations based on moral, social, and
religious sentiments."38 .. Fictive relations (often labeled
kumpare/kumare or ritual kinship) are similarly perceived and
structured. They are based on sponsorship associated with the
rites of marriage, baptism, and confirmation. Sponsorship may also be
viewed as one of the ways of publicly acknowledging and of religicusly
witnessing that a marriage has indeed taken place; that the legitimacy of
a child is acknowledged by both of his parents during baptism; and that
the proper upbring ing of a child (in the Christian ways) has been
confirmed...
,...
-
,
,
prostat
It is because of this blood link and its reinforcing legal and religious rituals
that affinity, established by mere union without the benefit of civil or church
rites, as in live-in or common-law arrangenient, is not provided with the
same legal or moral base and sentiment. The relation is outside of the
dugô concept and its complementary God-prescribed rite of
marriage. Children born out of sol emnized unions are treated as halfkin unless the father acknowledges paternity, in which case, they
become part of the father's acknowledged family (if he is married). The
mother is left out because "she is outside of the marriage vows or of the
moral framework.”28
In addition to affinity, adoption is another form of establishing kinship
through rituals. In its traditional form, the root word for adoption in the
National Language is ampón, meaning "to take in and raise in the family
someone else's child as one's own."29 It is an extension of the moral
aspect of the dugô concept because most of the ampón or adopted
children are kinsmen--sometimes one of the children of siblings or
parents' siblings: This is one way of helping the less economically situated
relatives. In its legal orientation, the basic term for adoption is also ampón.
How ever, the act of adopting is functionally latched on the psy chosocial
aspect of the moral responsibility of couples to cement their marriage
with a child, if they have none; if they have, of their concern over "those
who do not have."30 In both instances, whether traditional or legal
adoption, the family background of the child is a major consideration. It is
so because it is commonly believed that traits are inher ited through “the
blood coming from both parents."31
he
:
.
.
:
+
:
.
::.'.
...
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SOCIAL DIMENSION 75
74 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
.................
...............................
kinsman, especially in an economic crisis, in illness, or in the event of
death in the family. The concept of pakikiramay expresses best the
social and the moral sentiments of sharing in times of crises.
Reciprocally, it is the duty of a kinsman to share his joys and
triumphs with his other: kinsmen. It is just unthinkable not to
observe any of these obligations, rights, and duties with one
another. It is not only
wrong; it is un-Filipino.
It is wrong and un-Filipino because "not to follow the sentiments of
kinship is actually to deny dugó rela tions,"39 and this act
transgresses the sacredness of the rites that have established
the bonds. It is the dugô that expresses in concrete physical terms
the idea and principle of descent; it defines the gradient, if not the
boundary, of kinship ties; and it gives kinship relations the status of
permanency or fragility. It merges the biogenetic fact of birth with the
ide otional susrem of Filibito sodletk. Båtlevel it to
leven if the biological fact of birth is accepted as the sis of
descent, it is also insisted that such phenomenon i
socially (1.0, publicly) acknowledged in civil(legal)lbr
1918ligidius rites. The ritu als affirm the biological relations.
..
.
...
.....
....
.
.
.
11
In all the four events described above marriage, adoption, baptism,
and confirmation--the celebration of rituals is necessary to
establish the relationships and give such relationships the
appropriate kinship meaning. Marriage establishes the affinal
bond; adoption, the legal ties; baptism and confirmation, the kumpare
connections. These special relations, attested to publicly by witnesses
(i.e., sponsors), constitute the external representations of the internal
form of kinship symbolized by blood. Combined with biology, the
rituals (on the basis of which these special relations are established)
provide Filipinos with a common set of legal and religious rules that
enable them to interact properly, to rationalize their actions logically,
and to invest their kinship with strong social and moral sentiments.
That kinship is rooted on biological and on ritual facts is well
understood by Filipino villagers. But kinship, as they understand it, is
meaningless unless viewed in the context of social and moral
sentiments that are germane to the biological and ritual bonds, as
well as to the idea of being kin. The sentiments are embedded in
specific rights, duties, and obligations understood to exist
among them. These sentiments constitute the affective core of
kinship relations that differentiates the kinship bond from all other
social bonds. These sentiments also underlie the standards of
cognition, expression, and evaluation of what is right or wrong,
appropriate or inappropriate, just or unjust, and so on, which Filipinos
use to guide their modes of thinking, states of emotion, and levels of
atiachment to one another as kinsmen.
..............
SL
.
......
.....
.
...........
D The signatures of the parents affixed on birth regis-' trations and
baptismal documents, attesting to the fact that the child is
legitimately théirs, express the affirmation or acknowledgment of
genetic relations. The child is then given the mother's and the father's
family names as his/her middle name and surname, respectively.
Henceforth, it is assumed "that
the child shares the father's
and the mother's blood."40
.: Children born out of wedlock and who are not pub licly
acknowledged by their fathers (in cases governed by the New Civil
Code) are given the mother's family name. The idea of sharing the
father's blood is publicly suspended; the moral and the social
sentiments of paternity are not bestowed on the child until the social
(legal) and the reli gious amends are made. Parental acknowledgment
is neces sary before the fact of blood is given a social status and a
moral right to kinship.
In this context, it is morally wrong not to assist a less fortunate
kinsmen as it is morally right to seek for his assistance if he is socially
and economically well-placed. It is appropriate to show deference to
older members of the family or kin group; it is inappropriate to even
raise one's voice before them. Just as it is the duty of a kinsman to
protect his fellow kin, it is not right to expose him publicly even if he
runs afoul of the law. It is likewise the moral obligation of a kinsman
to share in the sorrows of a fellow
SARAR
SA
SOCIAL DIMENSION 77
76 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
X
This almost invariant emphasis on the senti ment of blood
differentiates kinsmen from nonkinsmen. Nonkinsmen are ibáng tao
(other people) because “they do not share our blood."41 They are to be
treated differently. Affinal and ritual kin are not ibáng tao because “they are
a special kind of kinsmen.”42 The connections have been established
by legal and religious rites. They “are halfway between real and fictive."43
The sentiments of real kinship “are extended to them because they are
now part of us, part of the group."44
:
.
WAXXXXX
.
A
-
The moral and the social sentiments of kinship are sustained further by
the belief in the role of the supernatu ral powers in human affairs. Getting
married, for example, is not conceived as primarily the result of falling in
love. Love is a minor factor; it is suwerte (luck) that determines. to whom
one is getting married. Humans cannot control their fate. It is the
supernatural powers (including God) that do. Sometimes fate is attributed
to God alone. To give such views concrete referents, Hiligaynon
speakers point to the palm of the hands and say: “Badlit ina sang palad
(That is etched on one's palms). ”45 The Tagalog speakers explain falling
in love and getting married as “talaga ng langit (it is the will of
heaven)"46 or “guhit ng tadhanà (marked by fate).”:47
· These supernatural participations in human affairs give moral
force to social sentiments associated with being kin. Thus, marriage,
being a sacred trust, has to be solem nized by the rituals of a church.
Any violauion of this heav enly "edict is likely to be punished with a
curse known as sumpâ, in Tagalog, or gaba, in Bisaya."48 A cursed
relation ship cannot bear children. The persons involved become sterile
cr baog. They cannot “pass their blood to someone else.”49 A man who
carries an illicit love affair and, more importantly, has a child or children
with his mistress often “ends up a miserable man.”50 He has to “pay
for the pains and agony ne has caused other people.". In business, he
“becomes bankrupt”S2; in public office, "he suffers from being bypassed
whenever there are opportunities to move up."s3 If he succeeds to
move up the scale of economic and
political power, he is “punished with physical illness or serious family
problems."54 Because he “victimized a woman, other men will also
victimize his daughter or daughters."ss The essence of this supernaturally
controlled moral pun." ishment is captured by the view that daughters are
believed by many villagers, in the communities studied, as "pambayad sa
utang ng tatay (payment for the father's moral debts)."$6 That is why, “if
men do not like their families to suffer, they should restrain from immoral
activities."S? In spite of this injunction, the kerida (mistress) prac
prevalent in Philippine society.
The sanctity of marriage nevertheless is argued in terms of the belief
that “having a family is God's own handi work"58; it is a sacred trust.
Being parents is a spiritual privi lege that ought to be accepted, enjoyed,
and upheld righteously. Even if a man has children with his mistress, he
does not generally abandon his original family. He may not attend to his
“woman,” but he attends to their child or children.
Children are
considered biyaya ng Diyos (gifts of God). Therefore,
“having children is not only a moral act; it is also a
sacred phenomenon. Being a child, in this .context, is not
only a biological rellonship but also a moral privilege. Any
transgression of the rules governing child parent
relationship is dealt with spiritual punishment. .
The same constitutive rules govern the kumpare rela tions. It is held
to be the moral obligation of the ninong (sponsor), as the witness of the
sacred act of marriage, baptism, and confirmation, to take care of the
ináanák (sponsored child) in times of need and, reciprocally, it is the
obligation of the ináanák to protect the interest of the ninong. The ninong
and his kin become kumpare of the parents and their close relatives.
The consanguineal parent child relation is replicated in the Godblessed rite from where
the ritual or fictive kinship derives its
moral weight and social meaning.
Like marriage, the kumpare relation is also fragile. It can
be terminated any time. The term used for termination
by the rittlage, bein sentimendations,
enly
09
C
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SOCIAL DIMENSION 79
78 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
ever, when situations arise-as in controversies involving major family decisionskinship emerges as an important point of reference in defining individual and
group mental and emotional attitudes, in resolving conflicts, or in arriv ing at
compromises. It is during these moments that . kinship becomes real, alive,
and meaningful..
is sáulian ng kandilà (the returning of the ritual candle). During the ceremony,
the ninong and the ninang light and hold a candle as "a symbol of their
religious and moral obligations to the child."60 These obligations are extended to
the child's parents and their kin. The sáulián ng kandilà is not actually done (that
is, physically returning the candle). It is rather a metaphor expressing deep
resentment over the relationship for whatever reason or reasons the ritual
kinsmen may have. After this phrase is uttered publicly, the magkumpare (ritual
kin) avoid each other and renounce all obligations associated with fictive
kinship.
The family, as a kinship unit, is also given by the Philippine Constitution a legal
personality and special sen timent. It protects it by recognizing the family as the
fun damental unit of society and by not honoring divorce. The Civil Code of the
Philippines also contains provisions gov erning specific responsibilities,
rights, duties, and obliga tions that members of the family have to observe
with respect. to one another. Any violation of these provisions is punish able
under the law.
The social sentiments of kinship are best expressed in the ways Filipinos relate
to one another as kinsmen and, more importantly, in the ways they structure
their subjec tive experience as members of the community. To begin with,
individuals who do not know each other become close and reciprocally helpful
as soon as they are able to have a clear idea about their connection to common
ancestors or collat eral and affinal kin. Similarly, individuals who are bitter
enemies become friends when any of their children marry. each other and have
children. The grandchildren "become the keys to reconciliation and
forgiveness."1 Close relatives distance
from one another as soon as
family feuds take place. But they shelve a feud temporarily and come
together as a solid group against those who teaten the kinship unit.
The feud is reopened as soon as the threadidisappears.
In other words, Filipinos view being a kinsman as a special kind of
attachment with its own internal forms, expressed in a kinship cognitive map, and
having vertical and horizontal structures. The parent-child relation, for example,
is a vertical attachment, while the Ego-sibling or the Ego-cousin is a horizontal
attachment. The horizontal
dimension of kinship attachment is more pervasive than its . vertical form. Each
of these forms (i.e., horizontal and ver
tical) has its own set of rules.governing the intellectual, the emotional, and the
behavioral participations in community life. The quality of interaction, for
example, between parent-child is different from the quality of interaction
between Ego-sibling or Ego-cousin, and so are the rules gov erning
such
interaction. : "Developed within the narrow confines of the family,
kinship sentiments are extended to distant and quasi
pouy
bong
,
In the context of the events discussed above, kinship, though abstract, is
recognized by Filipinos as valid and fun damental in establishing specific
connections between
· specific individuals or groups of individuals and in explain ing why such
connections exist or why certain relationships are more important than others.
Symbolized by blood and rituals (legal and religious), kinship is perceived as
social and moral sentiments that lie deep in ihe Filipino system of thought and
emotion. These sentiments form the basis of the constitutive rules that provide
the people with appro priate symbols and meanings with which they organize
their ideas, interpret their experience, make decisions, and guide their behavior.
N
,...volutpat W.*
::
:
:::::.
..
..
Of course, the people do not go about their daily chores with the thought of
kinship looming large over their heads. They would smile or laugh at any
suggestion that they do. They may even refuse to talk about it when asked. How
SA
SOCIAL DIMENSION 81
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vwr.
kiva
80 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
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Siku
r
ssiivisinisisi wwwiiwiw.icsi.
vis...
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.
kinsmen even in public and in private institutions. Filipi nos view
assisting kinsmen "get a job in public and in private offices not
as nepotism but as a moral obligation to assist a relative.”62
Kinship loyalties are measured by the nature and kind of
assistance one gives to one's kinsmen. That is why critics of
Filipino society and culture complain about the prevalence of
nepotism, corruption, and favorit ism, to mention only a few, in
public and in private offices. Civil service laws and corporate
rules are apparently without any force at all because “kinsmen will
not hesitate to circumvent the law or any rule prohibiting the
hiring of a kinsman. They claim to do this not out of a corrupt
practice or lack of scruples but out of the moral obligation to help
a kinsman."63 Whether this is right or wrong is not the issue in
this discussion. That it is part of Filipino worldview is what is
being emphasized.
So
-S.........................
social and his kin group. This is one risk many Filipinos
do not wish to take. There are only a few decisions, particu larly
very personal ones, that are done independently. Joint decisions
(of the husband and the wife) are the norms in household
decision-making. Outside the home, most deci sions are arrived
at after group consultation. Not many vil lagers want to make
wrong decisions. Unwise decisions can bring about
unnecessary anxieties, problems, and sufferings.
Nonconsultative decision-making transgresses the social and the
moral rules, which are said to have the support of unseen
forces, that can endanger the transactions, the fortunes, and
the personal lives of the transgressors.
In many rural areas, kinship sentiments are discern ible in
witchcraft accusations (like being an aswang or
manggagamud), family feuds, political alliances, group values,
ethnic prejudices, and even regional stereotypes. In social
situations, one is generally asked first whose child he is before he
is accorded with the necessary attention and appropriate
esteem. Children are armed with protective amulets to ward off
the possible evil force of witches and sorcerers. Offended
kinsmen are to be sought out and their forgiveness
requested in order to set the moral tone of life to one of favor. If
conflict has to be courted, it must be for good moral and social
reasons; otherwise, it is “profitable to remain in good terms with
kinsmen neighbors.”66
........
.
....
I
.......
Puhe
.............................................................................
The other area of Filipino social organization where kinship
sentiments are pervasive on moral grounds is in decision making
at home or in the community. Filipino vil lagers do not generally
decide alone. Decisions are arrived at after a series of
consultations with the members of the family or with immediate
kinsmen, usually the older people. Even if consultation is
considered as nonbonding or mere compliance, it is
nevertheless engaged in because “that is the right way of doing
things."64 It is not "proper to leave kinsmen out, particularly the
older members of the family or kinship groups, especially in
decision making that deals with major problems."65 Blaming
(panunumbát) and cursing (pagsumpa) result from decisions
arrived at without proper consultation. Some educated Filipinos
have challenged this observation as not quite true. But when
faced with impor tant decisions, the same respondents
automatically, without even blinking an eye, seek out the
older members of the family for their wise counsel.
'
..
:
.
Summary :
All these examples point to the significance Filipi nos
piace on kinship ties and kinship obligations. The use of blood
as the metaphor for explaining integration of vari ous strands of
relationships and feelings implies shared awareness of the
importance of kinship relationships in pro viding organic unity
to the entire Filipino social system. The local saying Ang sakit
ng kúlingkingan ay sakit ng buong katawan (The pain of the
pinky is the pain of the entire body)
Deciding alone can have deep social and moral con
sequences for most individuals. Nonconsultation can under mine
the strength of an alliance system, destroy patron-client
relations, and alienate the individual from his
:
.
.
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SOCIAL DIMENSION 83
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82 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
expresses this consciousness of the organic unity underly ing the
system. This is reinforced by another proverb: Hindi magbúbúnga
ang santól ng manggá (The santol tree will not bear mango fruits),
which emphasizes the continuity of form and cohesiveness of
sentiments in kinship ties.
ANASSERERAS
the rule. On the whole, the kinship principle holds primacy over other
principles of cultural practices and social group ings in the Filipino
social system. Il constitutes the basic element of Filipino worldview or
cultural psyche, the Fili pino talagá, through which most social values
in societyare cognized, expressed, evaluated, cancelled out or
perpetu ated, and ultimately institutionalized.
All this is given based on the symbol of dugô and is morally sustained
by the accepted legal and religious rites of marriage, baptism,
adoption, and confirmation. Kinship is the theme around which all
other sociocultural themes are latched, stitched, and interwoven to
form what Filipino social organization is all about. It is this part of
worldview that legitimizes our notion of being related.
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Even in politics, the use of the body as a relational, point of reference
emphasizes the deep kinship base of Fili pino leadership. The head
of the state is called pangulo, derived from the word ulo (human
head). His trusted men are his galamáy (hands and fingers), and
his representative or envoy is “ang kanyang kinatawán (his other
body).”67 In these contexts, it is easy to understand why Filipinos give
their primary loyalties to kadugô groups from where they derive much
of their social and cultural identities.'
In situations where the dugô relations are ambigu ous, the social
actors tend to ask one another “whose child are you and who are
your kinsmen?"68. These questions annoy foreigners “because
these deal with personal or private affairs."69 But this is not
viewed as such by Filipi nos. This is part of their social amenities and
attitudinal values. The questions are never meant to embarrass or to
inquire into one's personal affairs. Rather, these are ways of
finding out relationships, of locating the individual in the complex
network of relations so that the ethical rules of behavior can be
properly observed and thai one would know how to interact with
another.
This is one of the reasons why, on many occasions, ritual kinship is
established in order to bring within the kinship domain special
friends and nonkinsmen. Personal alliances (barkada) and economic
partnerships (suki) are substantiated with kinship sentiments and
expectations in order to expand one's sphere of influence and/or
accessibil ity to secure social, political, and economic resources
within *he community. As already mentioned, kinship sentiments and
moral obligations associated with being kin also bring about conflicts,
sometimes to the point of lifetime animosi ties among relatives. But
these are exceptions rather than
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NORMATIVE DIMENSION
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N THE PREVIOUS CHAPTER, ON THE SOCIAL
DIMENSION OF Filipino worldview, we have limited
our discussion
mainly on the kinship system because kinship is
central to the village's social.91ganization. It
permeates the villagers' modes of thought, ståltas
pfilemotion, and types of action. In this section, we shall
focus our attention on what our respondents have
identifidd as dore Malues
Valuess by definition, are shared standards on the
basis of which people make judgments, interpret
experi ences, and guide actions. These standards,
internalized in the process of growing up, are part of
the normative system influencing relationships within
the community. They are embodied in the basic
personalities of the residents who make up the group.
They form part of the local subconscious mind.
These principles of behavior usually manifest
themselves during crucial times, especially in times of
need. Thus, in spite-of the fact that modernization has
imposed on Filipino institutions the legal rules and
norms of behay ior, many of the conventional ways
of cognition, expression, and evaluation continue to
intrude into the local ways of thinking,
believing,
feeling, and doing things.
NORMATIVE DIMENSION 87
86 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
h
Asal is manifested in three main elements of native cultural
orientation: pagkamaramdamin (subjectivism), . pakikipagkapwà
(personalism), and pagkakamag-anak (familism). These elements
are standards against which behavior is judged as good or bad, just
and unjust, and appropriate or inappropriate. These are also the
bases of traditional beliefs, moral judgments, and ethical views in life.
These core values are not exclusively Filipino. Other peoples,
including the Westerners, universally share them. However, the
degree to which emphasis is given to these elements as the main
source of meanings attributed to actions, perceptions, and
judgments makes them uniquely Filipino.
Generally, Filipino villagers are very emotional. They piace a high
premium on emotionalism rather than ratio nalism. This is not to say
they are not rational. They are.. Often, however, rationality is,
blurred, by, the emotionalism that
characterizes a reaktion,
particularly in areas when honor, dignity, and moral
principles are at stake. Smooth or orough interpersonal
relations are sought in a relationship, depending upon the degree
of elindtilan alisinlinvolved in the situation within which interaction
takes place. In some situ ations, emotionalism makes the
interaction fatal.
Emotionalism permeates all kinds of activities and relationships. Even
village songs are sad and sentimental, leading one writer to comment:
“Filipinos are children of sorrows." The sawing-palad (unfortunate)
appear to be the dominant theme of Filipino kundiman (folk songs).
Filipino soap operas, as well as movies, generally depict sad tales of
unrequited love, broken families, unfaithfulness, and other misfortunes
in life. It is, however, wrong to say that the vil lagers are not
achievement-oriented because they are brought up in an
environment given to lamentations.or sorrows. It appears that
sentimentalism is one way of high lighting the premium given to
emotionalism, a euphemis-, tic reminder that emotionalism is part of
the theme of
Within the wider spectrum of values are basic ele ments that
we call core values. Core values are the basic assumptions or
postulates internal to the personalities of the people composing the
social group. They form the basis of their individual and collective
consciousness and of their conventional understanding of the world
that surrounds them. These core values are what influence the
spontaneity of local perception (mental imagery) and behavioral
responses to outside stimuli. These postulates are expressed
specifically in traditional beliefs, norms of conduct, and moral codes
that the group upholds as fundamental, true, and unchanging. These
are the hidden dimensions of deci sion making, the basic concepts
of which the “unstated and taken for granted”: find the greatest
elaboration. These core values serve as standards for collective
reasoning and judgment. They also serve as the bases for local
ways of thinking, believing, feeling, and doing things.
The closest native term for core value is pámantayan (standard). It
is the inner source (pinagmulán) of behavior. There are three
dominant elements of Filipino pámantayan system: halagá, diwà,
and asal. Halagá is the standard for evaluating the merit, worth, and
quality of objects, relations, and character of objects. The concept
allows the villagers to order, organize, or prioritize the choices they
make. Diwà, which will be discussed in detail later, provides the
motive force or energy to feelings and actions. risul, on ihe other
hand, allows the villagers to locate behavior in proper contexts. It is
the standard for what is at once moral, ethi. cai, emotional, as well
as the other relational codes of conduct underlying the local
systems of cognition, expres sion, and evaluation. To be humari is to
have usal; to have none is to belong to the lower category of
animals. Asal is the essence of Filipino worldview, the dominani
feature of the local belief system and conventional understanding
of what behavior is right and wrong, good or bad, just or unjusi,
appropriate or inappropriate, and so on, that makes man behave the
way he does and not otherwise.
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Filipino culture from which the core values, both at the national and the
local levels of participation, find moral jus tification and inner strength.
One has only to witness young, demonstrators in the urban streets
and picket lines, singing the emotionally charged and nostalgic song
“Ang Bayan Ko (My Country)," while daring the truncheons, tear gas,
and water cannons of ciot police.
Subjectivism as a value gives rise to personalism. To a villager,
relationship is highly personalized. He puts emphasis on faceto-face encounters, roughly or smoothly. Personalism must be
distinguished from the American concept of individualism. The term
is best translated as “relationalism”-i.e., preference for person-to-
person rela tion or face-to-face interaction over written
communication. The word "pini-personal” expresses more of an
awareness of the kind of relationship with rather than of the physical
person of an individual. This is how the villagers relate to one
another. They want to be part of the collectivity. That is why even
greetings take on a highly personalized concern. Questions like
Saán ka púpuntá (Where are you going), Sino ang kasama mo (Who
are you with), Ano ang gagawin mo roon (What will you do there),
Gaano ka katagál doón (How long will you be there), Kailan ka
babalik (When will you return), Ba't ka púpuntá roon (Why will you go
there), and so on are highly embarrassing to people in other cultures.
But; to Fili pinos, this is the normal and expected ihing ic say when
greeting friends or being greeted by them. .
Effective participation has to have a personal touch. So should
leadership. Problem solving is effective if handled through good
personal relations rather than formal group discussions and debates.
If one wishes to succeed in group interaction, he has to personalize
his approach to the problem under discussion. Communication
has difficulty flowing through channels unless personally attended to
byl the person(s) concerned. Even religion in the Philippines is
personalized. So is politics.
:
Familism, as a perspective in group orientation, has , to do with
tendencies to promote small group interests over that of the larger
community. The concept of collectivity is limited to family members,
kinship group, and friends. If ever the larger community interests are
considered, these are better approached in the context of the
family, kinship, and friendship (barkada) than through legal
processes and bureaucratic contexts.
· Recognition is very much bound to the family rather than to
personal accomplishment. The emphasis on the fam ily and family
values is very high. Almost all activities in the community center on
the family. Within the neighbor hood, it is the family, not the
individual members, that decides on the resolution of important
matters. It is the honor of the family that is at stake when an individual
member of the unit commits a mistake, not the person himself. Even
the Philippine Constitution and the legal system recognize the role of
the family in society, thus giving it ample concern and
protection.
..In sum, these three corë elements of asal
(pagkamaramdamin, pakikipagkapwa, and pagkakamag-anak) form
the basis of the people's collective awareness and con- . ventional
understanding of the social world thaï surrounds . them. To be a
Filipino is to think, feel, and behave within the context and according
to the standards set by these three mair core values. Many practices
are considered very Fili pino if they reflect the essentials of any one
or all three ele mente. Even Filipino self-esteem is ldmotibnaily
measured by the degree to which a group either the family or the
barkado-takes or treats an individual. To be a good Fili pino, one
must see to it that he does not hurt other people's feelings, he is a
good member of his family or of his barkada; . and he naintains
good relationships with most, if not all, people around him. He is even
morally expected to be in the
good graces of supernatural
powers.
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NORMATIVE DIMENSION 91
90 FILIPINO WORLDVIEW
always situation-bound. This emphasis on the social rather than
physiological is further revealed in the high premium given to sharing and
involvement in one another's affairs which many observers of Filipino
behavior find annoying, if not out of place.
The manner in which these core values influence Fili pino ways of
thinking, believing, feeling, and doing things separates them from other
people, especially the Western ers--even if they share with other people
the universal modes of relating to the outside world, like shelter, food, and
protection. This is best exemplified by the local stan dards of evaluating
performance, interpersonal relations, and rewards. On the whole,
Filipinos are encouraged to improve their social positions: (1) to receive,
within limits, recognition for their activities; (2) to be rewarded with goodwill,
not necessarily material things; (3) to be subjec tive, even if demands for
objectivity is openly said; (4) to be judged in terms of the total person, of
which the activities are only a part; and (5) to make evaluations in
terms of group gain, even if the activity is pursued for personal ends (as
in sharing a windfall of fortunes, the act called balato) and supernatural
rewards.
. Immediately outside of the core values are periph eral but stable and
important values. These consist of five clusters of evaluative, as well as
emotive, standards around which are made manifest Filipino social and
moral senti ments. These are: pakikipagkapwà (interpersonal values),
karángálan (moral values), káwanggawâ: (humanitarian values),
kaunlaran (values on progress), and kinabukasan (values on the future).
CUANDONAR
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. Pakikipagkapwà standards give emphasis on how one should relate to
another. A person is evaluated as good or
d, just or unjust, right or wrong on the basis of how he regards
his kapwà (the other person. The demand to be . treated like
one's kapwa-tao (fellow human being) captures
the high premium given to interpersonal relations. Kapwà
norms consist of rules of conduct 1411 a childving good rela
tions in terms of pakikisama (to go along with others), pakikitungo (to
adjust to others), pakikiramay (to empathize with others in time of crisis),
and so on. These norms guide. people to behave well and not to
embarrass, shame, or hurt others by making them lose their face in public.
Karángálan standards prescribe righteous or honor able behavior.
Karángálan is derived from the word dangál (honor). It is closely related
io puri, which also means honor. Dangál, however, emphasizes public
honor, like social com mitment; puri emphasizes private honor, as in
“preserving chastity before marriage,"4 not being involved in scandal of
any sort. Puri has to do with self-respect, in relation to public
respect.
Káwanggawâ means "acts of charity.” It is a humani-. tarian valuu
that puts a high premium on the proper nbser
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These normative elements in the reward and recog nition system are
supported by the emphasis placed on group ends in the hierarchy and
organization of their aspirations in life. A study by Leny de Jesus of
Filipino workers' aspi rations highlights the following hierarchy of aspired
needs: (1) having a happy family; (2) having or owning a house; (3) being
financially secure; (4) having successful children; and (5) doing a fulfilling
type of work: It is clear from these priorities that the satisfaction of the
physiclogical needs is not openly emphasized by Filipinos as it is by Anglo
Americans, oriented as they are to Maslow's hierarchy of needs. Rather,
the satisfaction of physiological needs is subsumed under the
satisfaction of social needs.
In other words, Filipino worldview is oriented toward the social rather
than the physiological area of life. Even the reward system, as stated
earlier, is centered on group gains rather than on individual
achievement alone. It is understandable from this perspective why
Filipinos are more concerned with good interpersonal relationships and
the use of eupheinistic communication, although such concern is
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F
ily or kith the moral o
wisin
d
fortune having on
vance of rights, duties, and obligations not only to one's fam ily or kin
group but also to members of the community. It deals with the
moral obligation to assist and share with others what one has, the
good fortune having received grace from God. Hospitality and
sharing are two behavioral mani festations of káwanggawâ
standards for which Filipinos are noted.
KAMANSARA
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SAVUSKAVAS
Against common and popular judgment, Filipinos are also progress-
oriented. The concept of kaunlarán is one of the themes of
Filipino worldview and value orientation. Many Filipinos would
sacrifice personal and family comforts and conveniences in order to
work abroad or elsewhere to improve themselves or the economic
life of their families. Among current crops of professionals, many have
been working students. The kaunlarán value or standard is
expressed in local appreciation of ambitious young men and
women. The injunction Dapat kumilos ka para umunlád (You should
act in order to improve yourself) captures the emphasis given to it
as a value by the people. ... The kaunlarán standards are closely
linked with the kinabukasan
standards. Kinabukasan means
“future.” Fili pinos are future-oriented. The high emphasis placed on
edu cation is one indicator of the Filipino consciousness of the
future and of the people's view about how to prepare for it. We
disagree with our colleagues who say that Filipinos are fatalistic or
resigned people; that they do not strive to improve themselves
but are dependent on others, particu larly their affluent relatives;
that they leave everything to God as in the expression bahalà
na. We think that they exaggerate the issue and focus,
unfortunately, on only a par ticular aspect of Filipino
worldview. What they say is an exception rather than the rule.
they could say is bahalà na, then they improvise and move on.
Bahalà na, to us, is calculated risk that enables Filipi nos to face
the future with resiliency and strength in time of need. As one farmer
has said: "I strive hard and leave my future for God to decide,"s ..
These five major sources of emotional and moral sen
timents in Filipino worldview influence and shape much of the
personal, familial, and public relations in the commu nity. Life is
viewed in many villages as a complex whole characterized by
contrasts: happiness and sorrow, love and hate, trust and
suspicion, fear and courage, health and illness, good and bad luck,
and so on. The fear of being gossiped about and the desire to be
praised appear to be dominant themes of everyday life in the
villages. These views set the tone of relationships and wield a
tremendous influ ence on individual and group personalities. The
self is seen as operating in a potentially unkind world, and only in
con formity to accepted standards can one be safe and secure,
especially if these are also the standards of the family
and the kinship group.
The picture of Filipino rural life is deceptive if one looks at it mainly
from a conformisi's point of view. The fact is that the normative
standards are always challenged.. Quarrels, disputes,
tensions, and annoyances are typical of any community life
throughout the country. Disagreement over money, improper
division of crops, or failure to share farm products is rarely the cause
of quarrels. It is often the manner in which one treats another
(the kapwà standard) that causes arguments, which sometimes
lead to fights. It has been noted in the field, however, that conflicts
are not really difficult to settle because the protagonists are
always amenable to mediation.
Once mediated, most disagreements are forgotten and conflicts are
ended. The standard of kúwanggawâ forms the basis of
individual and group. decisions. Not to abide by mediated consensus
is to transgress the káwanggawa standard, a moral error that
can cause not only further
Bahalà na is to be interpreted not as fatalism or res ignation. Our
respondents see it as a psychological prop that Filipinos use in
times of crises, especially when they have examined their
resources, narrowed their options down, and are pressed for a
decision they are not ready to make. All
Iginuh
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troubles but also supernatural sanctions. Most villagers are not prone
to holding grudges for a long time (although there are reported cases
of lifetime grudges), such that reestab lished relations are in no way
affected by past disagreements.
ers to work so hard, even as domestic helpers and
factory workers in big towns, away from home, in order to "save
money, send the children to school, and improve the eco nomic life
of the family."
Summary
: In sum, these vicws associated with normative values serve as
guiding principles underlying the villagers' ways of looking at
things or events around them. They are part of the rules for
appropriate behavior, for maintaining or breaking relations, and for
making social and moral judgments over specific rights and
obligations as members of the community.
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The influence of kaunlarán standards in shaping group cohesion and
collective action marks reciprocal, cooperative labor. Among the
Ilocanos, especially in Baccara, cooperative labor known as
tagnawa is popular. Neighbors. are called upon by any member
of the neighborhood to assist him in some work generally
associated with the con struction or moving of a house, leaving for
higher grounds or additional fields, and similar endeavors requiring
social skills and brawn. This cooperative labor is called dagyaw by the
Hiligaynon speakers in western Bisayas. Tagnawa or dagyaw is
voluntary, but the sense of obligation is often so compelling that a
request is seldom denied. To assist a neighbor is a moral act,
supported by social and emotional bonds established by living close
together.
There are other forms of cooperative work in many rural
villages. The reciprocal exchange of labor in agricul ture is
the dominant theme of subsistence economy. The practice is called
ammuto among the Ilocanos and sul-og among the Kinaray-a
speakers in central Iloilo. Neighbors, kinsmen, and friends are
requested to join an ammuto or sul-og for a number of hours or
days. The inviter/host is obliged, in the future, to reciprocate the
services rendered by those he invited when they need his services.
The trans action does not involve cash payment. However, the host is
expected to serve at least two meals (breakfast and lunch) and mid-
afternoon snacks and drinks at the end of the day.
The concept of pagsusumikap (to work hard; to have initiative) is
another social trait that Filipinos are looking for in an
individual or groups of individuals. A good man is he who is selfsacrificing. To be devoid of any of the sikap (initiative) trait or drive is
to be evaluated harshly as irre sponsible, untrustworthy, and bad.
Pagsusumikap is part of the kinabukasan (future) standards that
motivate the villag
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ULTAT
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