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Gender and Social Loafing in Japan
Naoki Kugihara
a
a
Department of Humanities , Kyushu Institute of Technology
Published online: 03 Apr 2010.
To cite this article: Naoki Kugihara (1999) Gender and Social Loafing in Japan, The Journal of
Social Psychology, 139:4, 516-526, DOI: 10.1080/00224549909598410
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The Journal of Social Psychology, 1999,139(4),516-526
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Gender and Social Loafing in Japan
NAOKI KUGIHARA
Deparment of Humanities
Kyushu Institute of Technology
ABSTRACT. The author investigated gender differences in social loafing among 18 men
and 18 women in Japan. The participants were divided into groups of 9 members. Ropes
were connected to strongly built steel frames set near the ceiling of the laboratory. Each
participant had to pull the rope as through arm wrestling. The participants engaged in 12
trials-2 individual trials and 10 group trials. In the group trials, the participants believed
that only the group’s power, but not individual participants’power, was being gauged. The
difference between the data from individual trials and the data from group trials was
adopted as a measure of social loafing. The women tended to loaf less than the men, and
the men’s effort suddenly declined when the situation was changed from an individual to
a collective work setting. However, the women did not show that change. The author interpreted the findings from the viewpoint of gender difference in the quality of achievement
motivation among Japanese participants.
THE PERCENTAGE OF JAPANESE working women has risen steadily over the
years. Women made up 31.1% of the total work force in 1960 and 38.9% in 1995.
The figure is, however, well short of the 64.8% of women working in the United
States (Women’s Bureau in Japan Ministry of Labor, 1996).
In Japan, women occupy the majority of jobs in certain fields. For example,
94% of kindergarten teachers, 97% of nurses, and 62% of elementary school
teachers are women. Also, before and after World War 11, women’s work on the
assembly lines in the textile and home electric industries helped to drive the
Japanese economy. The many fields where men traditionally dominate, on the
other hand, include the Self Defense Force, the police, and so forth. If a gender
difference exists in social loafing, it would considerably affect social productivity as a whole.
Social loafing refers to a phenomenon that shows that the amount of work
performed per person in a group tends to be smaller than that performed by an
The author would like to thank R. Long and G. Russell for help in the refinement of English expression.
Address correspondence
to Naoki Kugihara, Department of Humanities, Kyushu
Institute of Technology, Kitakyushu 804,Japan.
516
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Kugihara
517
individual alone (Latane, Williams, & Harkins, 1979). The amount of individual
motivation and effort declines in collective tasks in comparison with that in individual or coactive tasks (Karau & Williams, 1993). In collective work, the members of a group work together with actual or imaginary others, but effort, money,
and time (input) invested by each member are all pooled in the group, thus making each member’s input unidentifiable. A typical example is an additive task
such as a tug of war. In contrast, a coactive task is work in which a member’s
input is not pooled in the group and remains identifiable.
It remains unclear whether there is a gender difference in social loafing,
because little research has been conducted either in Japan or in Western countries. However, it is possible to predict, though indirectly, the existence of gender
differences in social loafing from studies of gender differences and results of
experimental research on gender differences in other fields.
Though opinion is divided on which characteristics of conformity and cooperation apply particularly to women, substantial research conducted in the
West has indicated that women have such characteristics to a great degree
(Crutchfield, 1955; McGuire, 1985). In addition, women are likely to be expected to perform such female roles as maintaining friendly relations with others and
keeping group harmony. Contrary to this, men are expected to perform poweroriented roles such as exerting influence on and control over others (Eagly,
1987). Furthermore, it is clear that Western men generally score high in compet-
itiveness and often act accordingly, whereas women score high in cooperation
(Knight & Dubro, 1984). AIso, women in Western countries are considered gen-
erally more oriented to maintaining group coordination and human relationsthat is, toward consideration-whereas men are more oriented toward achievement (Anderson & Blanchard, 1982).
From the results of such research, it may be assumed that in the West,
women tend to put more value on collective tasks than men do, thus showing
high performance in such tasks (Karau & Williams, 1993).
In Japan, it is assumed that it is rather difficult to find gender differences in
social loafing. Although some researchers have pointed out that Japanese women
as well as Westem women have orientations of conformity and cooperation
(Kashima et al., 1995; Mamiya, 1979), other research has suggested that not only
women but also men in Asian countries, including Japan, have such orientations
(Triandis, 1989; Wheeler, Reis, & Bond, 1989).
An experiment in social loafing conducted at a U.S. university with Chinese
graduate students as participants showed clearly that their performance in a collective task increased over that in an individual task. This experiment revealed
social effort rather than social loafing (Gabrenya, Wang, & Latane, 1985). On the
other hand, an experiment with elementary and junior high school pupils in Taiwan showed the existence of social loafing (Gabrenya, Latane, & Wang, 1983).
As for research involving Japanese people, there are inconsistent findings,
some that showed the existence of social loafing (Kawana, Williams, & Latane,
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The Journal of Social Psychology
1982; Kokubo, 1994) and others that did not show the existence of social loafing
(Yamaguchi, Okamoto, & Oka, 1985). An experiment (Shirakashi, 1991) with
Japanese university students as participants showed neither social effon nor
social loding. Shirakashi made the following analysis of his findings that Chinese students studying in the United States showed social effort, whereas their
Japanese counterpartsshowed neither social effort nor social loafing: Would such
findings have possibly resulted from the conditions wherein Chinese students
studying in the United States, far from their country, were strongly drawn to their
traditional group-oriented precepts in the surroundings of a foreign culture and,
therefore, showed the characteristics of group orientation more distinctively than
they did when they were in their homeland? In contrast, did young Japanese students reveal their position somewhere between the individual orientation of
Westerners and the strong group orientation of Asians in the United States?
As Shirakashi (1991) pointed out, although Japanese people are more individually oriented than other Asian people, the tendency toward group orientation
is stronger in Japan than in the West. If that is true and if the degree that culture
influences social loafing is salient, the effects of gender differences would be
masked, making detection more difficult.
Other research showed that gender differences in Japanese people were not
so distinct as those among people in the United States. Kashiwagi and Azuma
(1981) pointed out that gender differences are more inherent in the United States
than in Japan and that the gender socialization process in children is differentiated. The results of Kashiwagi and Azuma’s research suggest that gender difference in social loafing does not appear among Japanese people.
Method
Participants
The participants were 18 female students (mean age = 19.0 years, SD = 1S )
and 18 male students (mean age = 19.9 years, SD = 2.2) recruited in 1994 from
undergraduate classes in psychology and educational psychology. There were
four experimental groups, each composed of 9 members.
Apparatus
Improvements were made on the apparatus originally developed by Ingham,
Levinger, Graves, and Peckham (1974). It was designed so that arm power (when
engaged in arm wrestling) could be measured simultaneously and individually
for each of the 9 members. A strongly built rigid H-steel frame was constructed
on the ceiling of the laboratory. In the laboratory were placed nine booths with
desks. Ropes were hanging vertically from the H-steel frame to the desks. A grip
like a train strap was attached to the end of each rope. The strap was 20 cm above
Kugihara
519
the desk. Between the H-steel frame and the upper end of the rope, a load cell
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was installed that could transform an individual participant’s strain into electric
signals and transmit them to the strain gauge (produced by Tokyo Sokki
Research Institute, digital type kinetic strain gauge DRA- IOA). The strain gauge
scanned each load cell every 1/10 s and stored the data in a computer (NEC PC9801 DA)-that
is, the change of an individual participant’s power could be measured every 1/10 s.
Procedure
The following instructions were given to the 9 participants after they were
seated at the designated desks:
This experiment is designed to test collective task performance. We measure the
group’s power as a whole when several members exert their power simultaneously.
The purpose is not to measure how much power each member can exert but to measure the total performance of the group as a whole. It will help if you imagine you
are engaged in a tug of war, You will be asked to pull on a strap hanging in front of
you as hard as you possibly can as though you were engaged in arm wrestling. You
are requested to put your elbow on the desk properly and pull with your dominant
hand. Only one unit of data is stored in the computer as a pulling power of all the 9
members of the group.
However, each participant’s power was actually measured separately.
After the initial instructions, I asked several participants to pull simultaneously and showed the data on the computer display to all of them, that is, only
the data indicating a changing output of the group.
There were 12 trials in all. The participants were informed that at the 1st and
the 12th trials, each participant’s power would be measured (individual trial) and
that at the other trials, the group’s power would be measured (group trial). At the
individual trials, the participants took turns in pulling according to seat number.
As mentioned earlier, this apparatus can measure 9 participants’ individual power
separately at the same time, but we measured the participants’ power 1 by 1 at
the individual trials so that they would not suspect that individual power could be
measured while they were engaged in group trials.
Each trial lasted 6 s. The participants were asked to pull on a rope for 6 s to
the full extent of their ability. There was a 3-min break between the trials.
The following instructions were given to explain the procedures of tug of
War:
I . “Set!” During this phase, you will secure a grip on the strap and get ready with
your elbow on the desk.
2. “Pull!” During this phase, you are required to pull as hard as you can for a period
of 6 s. While pulling, do not jerk on the rope by “accelerating” your power, but keep on
pulling for 6 s without taking your elbow off the desk.
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The Journal of Social Psychology
3. “Stop!” We will give you a sign of “Stop!” after 6 s. At this sign, you will stop
pulling and take your hand off the grip. Then you may rest for a while, and then the next
trial will start.
The following instructions were also given:
The experimenter will measure each participant’s performance before the real experiment starts. Since this apparatus can measure only one instance of power at a time,
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you are asked to take turns and pull alone. Then the first participant will pull first.
The other participants must not touch the straps.
Following these procedures, 9 participants performed individual trials 1 by 1.
Then after a 3-min break, the group trials were done 10 times. Before the group
trials, it was again emphasized that the experimental apparatus was measuring
only the total power produced by the group. After the 10 group trials, individual
trials were conducted for the second time.
The participants then filled in questionnaires, which contained the following
three items ranked on 5-point scales: (a) how hard participants themselves had
exerted their power (individual output), (b) how hard participants believed that
other members had exerted their power (others’ output), and (c) how much participants thought they had contributed to the group (group contribution).
Finally, the participants were debriefed.
Results
Participants Evaluations of Their Pe~ormanceon the Experimental Tasks
The 5-point scale scores for individual output-men: M = 4.61, SD = .76;
women: M = 4.39,SD = .49-showed no significant differences between the
sexes, r(34) = 1.02, ns. Both men and women had subjective cognizance of the
fact that they pulled at nearly 100% of their ability. Both the scores of others’ out-
put, t(34) = 1.55, ns, and the scores of group contribution, t(34) = 0.00, ns,
showed no significant differences between the sexes.
Analysis of Strain
I obtained 10 measurements per s for each participant. Because the duration of one trial was 6 s, I obtained 60 measurements for each participant for
each trial. Because the participant’s strain was unstable immediately after the
start, I adopted the measurements that were recorded after 2 s from the start as
valid data. I calculated the mean of 40 measurements for each participant at
every trial.
There was a distinct gender difference in strain. From the two individual trials, the scores for men, M = 22.03 kg, SD = 4.73, were more than two times higher than the scores for women, M = 10.55 kg, SD = 3.87. The mean scores from 10
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Kugihara
521
group trials declined for both genders: for men, M = 17.89 kg, SD = 3.82; for
women, M = 9.63 kg, SD = 3.54. However, there were differences in scores+. 14
kg and 0.92 kg for men and women, respectively-between individual trials and
group trials. If the index of social loafing can be presented as the difference in
scores between individual trials and group trials, the data from the present research
showed that the extent of social loafing was greater for men than for women.
However, the rather high correlation between the scores of individual trials
and the index of social loafing-n = .64and .42 for men and women, respectively-could be an indication that persons of both genders with high resources tended to engage in social loafing. On the other hand, these data may indicate merely
that persons with high resources showed a wide range of variations in output at
each trial or that they had enough surplus energy to allow such variations. Because
variables from individual resources cannot be separated from variables of gender
difference, one cannot conclude from the raw data that the greater extent of social
loafing among men was attributable to men’s greater strength in pulling.
To negate such variables of individual resources, I calculated the means and
standard deviations of the scores of 12 trials, both individual and group, for each
participant; from these, I calculated standard scores for each participant. Therefore, even if participants obtained the same scores, their standard scores would
vary by individual. Figure 1 contains the change in standard scores of strain for
each trial.
1.5
-
-e-
1.0-
E
3
3
e
m
3
0.5
Men
Women
-
0.0-
.-c
x -0.5
E
-
1
-1.0’.
-
I
f
1
Individual trial
2
r
I
3
I
4
I
5
*
I
6
7
Group trials
8
9
-1
-
# t
- 0
Individual trial
FIGURE 1. Variation of strain: standard scores based on means and standard deviations (per individual) for 12 trials.
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The Journal of Social Psychology
I analyzed the difference between the mean of the 2 individual trials at the
beginning and at the end and the mean of the 10 group trials as an index of social
loafing, which showed a tendency toward gender difference, t(34) = 1.88, p < .1.
Furthermore, it was clarified that there existed gender differences in social loafing in the 1st group trial, t(34) = 2. 61, p < .01, and the 10th group trial, f(34) =
2.49, p < .05. No other significant difference was found.
From the aforementioned data, the existence of gender differences in social
loafing was clear. Furthermore, the men engaged in social loafing immediately
after beginning the collective tasks, whereas the women did not show such
change. The women were not much influenced by changes of trial setting (e.g.,
individual vs. group trials); they showed a gradual decline in strain, followed by
a gradual increase as trials proceeded, which could be interpreted as corresponding to a typical work curve.
Discussion
In the present research involving Japanese participants, the women engaged
in social loafing less than the men did. The results refute the hypothesis that the
Japanese collective orientation masks differences in gender and, thus, support the
prediction of Karau and Williams (1993), who conjectured that women are generally oriented to maintenance of group coordination and human relations,
whereas men tend to be oriented toward task achievement. As a result, women
may view collective tasks as more important than individual tasks and, therefore,
show higher performance in the former. For this reason, Karau and Williams predicted that women do not engage in social loafing.
However, when I analyzed the results of my research, the interpretations of
Karau and Williams (1993) required modification. According to the results of the
questionnaire, both men and women perceived subjectively that they pulled at
nearly full power during the collective condition; however, the men’s actual pull
strength suddenly declined after they started the collective tasks. On the other
hand, the women did not show such a tendency during the collective condition.
In the background of such gender differences in response patterns, gender
differences seem to exist in achievement motivation rather than in gender orientation. Tachibana and Koyasu (1978) conducted research into the relationship
between achievement motivation and anagram tasks, with Japanese junior high
school pupils as participants. The boys with strong achievement motivation
showed higher task-solving ability under conditions in which hard exertion was
emphasized (they were told that one phase of intelligence was being measured)
than under conditions in which high achievement was not required and relaxation
was allowed (they were told that standard data, such as the mean value, were
being measured). In contrast, girls with strong achievement motivation showed
poorer task-solving ability under conditions that required high achievement than
under relaxed conditions. The boys tackled tasks seriously only when instruc-
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523
tions induced them to achieve, whereas the girls worked earnestly on tasks, irrespective of instructions, and went beyond the level of optimal motivation in a
group with achievement conditions and high motivation for achievement. Thus,
their performance declined. The girls had a tendency to work to the full extent of
their ability, even in relaxed conditions; as a result, when girls with high achievement motivation were asked to achieve a higher goal, the outcome was adverse.
In the United States, McClelland, Atkinson, Clark, and Lowell (1953) also
reported that female participants showed higher achievement scores than male
participants did under neutral conditions; however, female participants’ scores
did not increase as male participants’ scores did when the instructions encourage achievement.
In the present research, the results of the questionnaire showed clearly that
both the men and the women perceived subjectively that they pulled on the rope
at nearly full power. That perception showed a high overall achievement motivation toward the tasks. Therefore, it can be said that men with high achievement
motivation increase their performance if they are placed in a solitary condition in
which they are made conscious of high performance. However, during group trials in which individual effort cannot be monitored, men may not exert their full
capabilities. Unlike men, women with high achievement motivation have a tendency to work hard in whatever conditions they are subjected to; therefore, there
was not much difference in women’s scores between individual trials and group
trials as there was in the case of the men. Further research is needed to understand
the influence of gender, culture, and achievement motivation on social loafing.
Second, it is necessary to verify whether the present results are universally
true across various types of tasks. Most social psychology textbooks that discuss
sex differences in influenceability suggest that women are more susceptible to
sympathy and persuasion than men are (e.g., Allen, 1965;Aronson, 1972; Baker,
1975; Baron, Byme, & Griffitt, 1974; Bass, 1961; Bird, 1940; Freedman, Carlsmith, & Sears, 1970; Krech, Crutchfield, & Ballachey, 1962; Middlebrook,
1974; Secord & Backman, 1964; Worchell & Cooper, 1976). On the other hand,
some criticism points out that women are not familiar with, or cognizant of, tasks
and topics used in such experiments fe.g., Baron & Byme, 1977; Jones, Hendrick, & Epstein, 1979; Sistrunk & McDavid, 1971). In addition, some
researchers have pointed out that if tasks are designed so that men are unfamiliar with them, men are more affected by such tasks (Eagly & Carli, 1981;
Sistrunk & McDavid, 1971).Therefore, it may be speculated that women would
show a tendency to engage in social loafing if researchers gave them different
kinds of tasks.
Physical strength, required in the present experiment, is expected of men.
Consequently, if women exerted superior physical power, it would not add much
to the experimenter’s evaluation of them. Kashiwagi (1972), on the basis of factor analysis, picked out the factors of intelligence and action for the male role and
the factors of beauty and obedience for the female role. In her analysis, action
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The Journal of Social Psychology
included such items as economic power, strong will, activity, positive attitude,
devotion to work,and patience. Power is generally expected of men. In addition,
some research has pointed out that variables such as ability, competition, and
achievement are not in accord with the concept of femininity, that women’s success is incompatible with femininity, and that women, therefore, fear success
(Homer, 1972). According to this interpretation, women were already engaging
in social loafing during the individual tasks so that the experimenters and others
would not give them negative evaluations, as mentioned earlier. Or it may be possible that women engage in social loafing less than men but engage in individual
loafing more than men.
Third, the effects of the ratio of mixture-the proportion of men and
women in a group-on individual performance in collective tasks deserve further investigation. It is commonly said that when 10 people are carrying a
portable shrine (Omikoshi) at a Japanese festival, 2 are seriously supporting the
weight of the shrine, 2 are hanging from the shrine (carried by others), and the
remaining 6 are just giving the impression of carrying. The results of my
research showed that social loafing was indicated by the differences of scores
between the individual trials and the group trials (a mean of the 1st trial and the
10th trial), that 2 men and 5 women obtained minus or zero scores for social
loafing, and that 2 men and 6 women pulled 1 kg or less. The latter finding indicates that about 20% of the men and 60% of the women pulled seriously. More
research is needed to explore the effect of gender on the distribution of social
loafing in individual performances.
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Received July 28, 1997
Accepted November 25, '1997