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Why Canada’s Western Society Should Embrace Northern Canadian Inuit Food Sharing
Having a sustainable food industry is exponentially important for the surrounding
environment and all its living entities. In this paper, I will argue that Canada’s Western
society should embrace Indigenous food ways, specifically a traditional Inuit practice of
reciprocity and exchange known as ‘food sharing’. Food sharing significant within Inuit culture,
while providing immense health and social-related benefits, which if embraced by
Canada’s Western society, would allow for a more truly sustainable food industry, aiding
the planet’s environment. Moreover, this paper will first provide a brief overview on traditional
Indigenous foodways, following a discussion on what Inuit food sharing is, and the cultural
significance of such a practice. Then, there will be a cross-sectional examination and comparison
as to how food sharing among Inuit differs geographically, following a critical analysis on the
benefits of food sharing. This paper will conclude with a brief discussion on limitations, while
reiterating the overarching argument that Canada’s Western society would benefit greatly by
promoting and embracing Indigenous foodways.
Traditional Indigenous Foodways
For thousands of years Indigenous North Americans have nurtured a sacred relationship
with food and the environment (Bodirsky & Johnson, 2008). Given this lengthy relationship,
there are a plethora of creation stories describing the interconnectedness that Indigenous culture
has towards land, animals, and plants (Libguides). These creation stories or storytelling is a
fundamental component of Indigenous culture for the purpose of sharing vital lessons and
practices across generations (Bodirsky & Johnson, 2008). For instance, creation stories have
allowed for a shared understanding across Indigenous culture on the importance in respecting
and maintaining a relationship with land and all living entities (Bodirsky & Johnson, 2008).
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Additionally, Indigenous creation stories also bring a sense of peace in knowing that plants and
animals will take care of them both culturally and physically, as it has for generations
(Libguides, n.d.).
With regard to the Indigenous cultural relationship to food, it is important to note that
food means more than just the physical experience of eating (Libguides, n.d.). Food is a pathway
to Indigenous culture, in which aside from food production, preparation, and distribution, has
significant spiritual and cultural meaning (Libguides, n.d.). Firstly, food is tied to land, meaning
that land is another relevant entity that is hugely significant to Indigenous culture and beliefs –
knowing land intimately is key, especially when it comes to hunting and gathering practices
(Libguides, n.d.). Unfortunately, the forced removal of Indigenous peoples from their lands from
the 16th century onwards, has greatly impacted their traditional foodways (Libguides, n.d.). For
instance, with such significant land loss, this has resulted in a loss of Indigenous food practices
such as hunting, gathering, and overall, food availability (Libguides, n.d).
Furthermore, Bodirsky & Johnson (2008) argue that learning and sharing traditional
Indigenous knowledge on food is necessary in the process of healing generational trauma.
Additionally, they suggest that Western society and institutions should support the revitalization
of traditional Indigenous knowledge and foodways (2008). Thus, in agreeance with Bodirsky &
Johnson (2008), the following sections of this paper will analyze traditional Inuit food sharing,
and work to argue why this practice is beneficial for Canada’s Western society to support and
implement.
Traditional Inuit Foodways: Food Sharing
Food is meaningful, political, and personal – however, specific to Inuit food practices, it
represents cultural significance and cultural differences, and given how unique Inuit food
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practices are, it also displays the power and importance of food (Searles, 2002). Food sharing is
known for being practiced among small-scale hunter-gatherer societies, such as Inuit Indigenous groups of Canada’s Northern regions (Kishigami, 2004). Food sharing is often
associated and categorized under the concepts of ‘reciprocity’ and ‘exchange’ (Kishigami, 2004).
However, food sharing among Inuit residing in Northern Canadian regions, is essentially the
practice of sharing resources, specifically food, and is strongly linked to Inuit identity and ways
of living (Chan et al., 2006).
Among Inuit communities, food is sometimes given in exchange for other necessities
such as gas, ammunition, or money (Chan et al., 2006), hence why many scholars categorize
Inuit foodways with the concepts of reciprocity and exchange (Kishigami, 2004). However, for
the purpose of clarity, food sharing among Inuit, is a cultural practice, which in turn, has
developed as a very effective mechanism against food scarcity and insecurity (Chan et al., 2006).
Thus, Inuit food sharing practices are also connected to individual and community-level health
and well-being (Kishigami, 2000). This is particularly important, especially in considering the
disproportionate environmental barriers that Indigenous peoples face globally, in comparison to
their counterparts, non-indigenous peoples.
Furthermore, it is also necessary to note that food sharing is practiced in several different
forms. Interestingly, Kishigami (2004) suggests what they call ‘a new typology of food sharing’,
involving the categorization of food sharing into three basic forms – giving, redistribution, and
exchange. Similarly, when it comes to the act of ‘sharing’ in a general sense, Kishigami (2004)
also outlines three differing forms – demand sharing, sharing based on rules, and voluntary
sharing. Although there is a variation in the different forms of food sharing and sharing in
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general, it has been found that giving and redistribution are two of the most commonly practiced
forms of food sharing for Inuit, whereas demand sharing is the least practiced (Kishigami, 2004).
With this being said, another important factor to consider is how each Indigenous
community and group practice food sharing uniquely, which varies depending on entities such as
social networks. For instance, Inuit food sharing is practiced based on Inuit traditional
knowledge, cultural values and beliefs, and food availability and preferences (Newell &
Doubleday, 2020). However, food sharing can also differ geographically, meaning that although
food sharing is a common practice among Inuit in Canada’s Northern region, when it comes to a
specific location, Inuit groups practice foodways unique to their geographical location
(Kishigami, 2004). The next section of this paper will work to examine how Inuit food sharing
differs geographically.
How Food Sharing Among Inuit Differs Geographically
Example 1) Food Sharing – Inuit of Akulivik in Quebec, Canada
Akulivik is an Inuit group located in Quebec, Canada and is a small-scale Indigenous
society (Kishigami, 2004). This society is composed of five large families, making all the Inuit
residents related to one another by blood of marriage (Kishigami, 2004). More interestingly, food
sharing in Akulivik involves three distributions; 1) among the hunters of the hunting group, 2)
between the hunters and other camp members or villagers, and 3) meat or meals distributed
among all members or villages (Kishigami, 2004). Food items that are involved in food sharing
among this group consist of meat from land or sea mammals, fish, and many types of storebought food (Kishigami, 2004).
Example 2) Food Sharing – Inuit of Clyde River, Nunavut, Canada
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On the other hand, the Clyde River Inuit group are located in Nunavut, Canada, and
similarly to Akulivik, they have their own pattern of distribution for food sharing (Kishigami,
2004). Clyde River has six distributions, but importantly, their distribution pattern allows for a
shared understanding as to who is sharing their food with one another, and it also allows for an
equal distribution, where everyone ends up receiving and giving (Kishigami, 2004). Another
interesting point regarding Clyde River’s distribution pattern is that each rule also differs in
terms of where the exchange takes place, what the exchange is called, and what food is being
shared (Kishigami, 2004). The six distributions include sharing between 1) non-kin, 2) a hunter
and the head of that hunter’s family, 3) an extended family head and all their family members, 4)
any extended family head and the entire community, 5) non-related hunters and a task group
leader, and 5) the leaders of an institution (Kishigami, 2004). In addition to these six patterns,
sharing also occurs when food is given to a ‘non-kins-men’, and when others are invited to meals
(Kishigami, 2004).
Brief Comparison – Akulivik versus Clyde River
Given the above descriptions of the two Inuit groups and their differing geographical
locations in Canada’s Northern Region; Quebec and Nunavut, there are significant differences,
one being a difference in social structure (Kishigami, 2004). For instance, Clyde River focuses
their sharing between extended family groups, where several interdependent family households
are integrated via food sharing, allowing for the entire community to eventually share and
receive food (Kishigami, 2004). Whereas the extended family groups in Akulivik consist of
several independent family households and only one mutual leader or elder that completes the
food sharing and receiving process (Kishigami, 2004). Overall, Kishigami (2004) suggests a fair
conclusion to this comparison– majority of Inuit food sharing involves giving food without the
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expectation of receiving something in return, even exchange and reciprocity are two values of
Inuit food sharing.
Critical Analysis on the Benefits of Inuit Food Sharing
Health-Related Benefits - Aiding Food Security
As previously mentioned in the above-discussed section on Traditional Inuit Foodways:
Food Sharing, Indigenous communities globally, face a disproportionate rate of environmental
barriers that largely contribute to food insecurity (Chan et al. 2006). Additionally, Indigenous
food sharing practices, allow for benefits beyond strengthening food security and contributing to
environmental sustainability (Tsuji et al., 2020). For instance, Indigenous food sharing practices
have the potential to be adapted and employed by non-indigenous groups (Tsuji et al., 2020) –
Canada’s Western society. Given that the Inuit cultural practice of food sharing has developed as
an effective mechanism in fighting against food insecurity (Chan et al., 2006), Canada’s Western
society may also benefit just as greatly by implementing food sharing, which would promote
good health by aiding food security across the nation.
According to Richmond et al., (2021), food security is determined by four factors:
availability, access, utilization, and stability. Thus, food insecurity refers to those who do not
have food to utilize that is stable, available, and accessible (Richmond et al., 2021). Within
Canada, Indigenous populations experience levels of severe and chronic food insecurity and are
therefore at a greater risk in experiencing negative health impacts such as stress, chronic disease,
and early mortality (Chan et al., 2006; Willows et al., 2011; Richmond et al., 2021). However,
Inuit food security and health and wellbeing is strongly linked to food sharing practices (Chan et
al., 2006), emphasizing how sustainable and beneficial this food practice is. More recently, there
has been a noticeable trend in including Indigenous cultural activities and practices within health
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and wellbeing initiatives and resources (Tsuji et al., 2020). Furthermore, Richmond et al. (2021)
has found there to be positive outcomes associated with Indigenous food ways, but also with a
variety of other Indigenous activities and practices globally - food security via food sharing
serves as one example.
Arguably, given that food security is a result of food sharing, this may leave one
questioning why there hasn’t been any successful attempt to include Indigenous cultural food
practices into Canada’s Western society? In considering how Canada’s Western society is
incorporating Indigenous traditions into non-Indigenous health and wellbeing resources, why
wouldn’t they do the same when it comes to foodways? By incorporating food sharing, Canada’s
Western society could target food insecurity, and therefore take a step in the right direct, towards
a more sustainable and secure food system.
Social-Related Benefits
Not only is food sharing beneficial in aiding food security and creating a more
sustainable food system, but food exchange works to develop and expand social relationships
and establish a sense of social solidarity (Kishigami, 2004). The social context in which a food
sharing exchange happens is also paramount to traditional Indigenous knowledge, especially
because positive interactions are crucial for Indigenous wellbeing (Tsuji et al., 2020; & Bird &
Bird, 1997). Moreover, within the practice of food sharing there is an underlying emphasis on
social relations and the skills needed in the process of sharing with other households, families,
and communities, which gaurentee the development of social networks and bonds (Richmond et
al., 2021). The development of these social bonds is crucial in strengthening cultural identity,
belonging, and the roles and responsibilities of a community (Richmond et al., 2021).
Additionally, Indigenous foodways ensure positive health and wellbeing, but also strengthen
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social support and belonging (Richmond et al., 2021) – two crucial aspects required in any
society. Thus, if Canada’s Western society embraced Indigenous foodways, they would have an
opportunity to aid each citizen with fundamental social wellbeing necessities.
In a journal article by Leonard et al., (2020), they share results from a study where
Indigenous community members were asked to share their thoughts on specific themes with
regard to Indigenous foodway practices, such as food sharing, and one theme included ‘social
aspects’. One of the participants explained how such culturally important foodway practices
allows for making new friendships, new experiences, and the transfer of Indigenous knowledge
(Leonard et al., 2020). Thus, it is apparent that Indigenous foodways, specifically Inuit food
sharing practices, provide a plethora of social benefits both individually and on a communitybased level. If Canada’s Western society were to incorporate food sharing practices, it is evident
that it would greatly contribute to strengthening Westernized social relationships, bonds, cultural
identity, and provide an overarching sense of solidarity (Richmond et al., 2021).
Another important social benefit of food sharing practices is that fact that engaging in
positive social relationships will also work to foster healthy social behaviour, therefore
decreasing poor social interactions between individuals in a community or society (Tsuji et al.,
2020). Interestingly, behavioural ecologists suggest that food sharing also creates a stronger
emphasis on reciprocity – the transfer of goods and services in which social relationships among
those involved are more important than the actual value of what is being exchanged (Bird &
Bird, 1997). This finding suggests that food sharing has the potential to decrease materialistic
views, and frankly, decrease greed. This would allow Canada’s Western society the ability to
create a sustainable food industry rooted in food security, but also to reap the rewards of the
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social-related benefits - a genuine and sincere view on the concept of exchange, rather than a
self-centered and greedy mindset.
Final Remarks
In critically analyzing the benefits of food sharing practices; health-related such as food
security and social-related benefits, a noticeable lack in literature on Indigenous foodways was
found, specifically on Inuit food sharing in Canada’s Northern region. Arguably, this lack of
academic research and literature on sustainable foodways among Indigenous culture, could be
the result of Westernized cultural-discrimination, non-recognition, and stigma. Aside from
limited literature, the academic work that was found, makes it evident that Northern Canadian
Inuit food sharing and the cultural importance embedded in this practice, produces a sustainable
and secure food system for Indigenous communities globally (Richmond et al., 2021)
Discussion
Altogether, this paper explored Inuit food sharing in Canada’s Northern region, while
touching on the significance of traditional Indigenous foodways. Sequentially, prior to the
critical analysis section, this paper conducts a cross-sectional examination and comparison as to
how food sharing among Inuit differs geographically – specifically between two groups in
Northern Canada, with differing geographical locations: the Akulivik group of Quebec, Canada
and the Clyde River group of Nunavut, Canada. This examination allows for an understanding on
the importance in not generalizing an Indigenous foodway practice. In reality, although food
sharing is a common practice among Inuit globally, the comparison presented between two
groups in the same Northern region, displays how each small-scale society is different, choosing
unique food sharing distribution patterns and rules specific to their community.
Following the brief comparative examination, this paper provides a critical analysis on
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the benefits of Inuit food sharing – health and social-related benefits. For instance, Indigenous
food sharing strengthens and aids food security and contributes to environmental sustainability,
providing reason as to why food sharing should be adapted by non-Indigenous groups (Tsuji et
al., 2020) – Canada’s Western society. On the other hand, food sharing provides a plethora of
social-related benefits to a society, such as strengthening cultural identity and social bonds,
creating new relationships, the transfer of knowledge, and practicing genuine and sincere human
exchange and behaviour, to name a few (Tsuji et al., 2020; Bird & Bird, 1997; Leonard et
al.,2020; Richmond et al., 2021).
Conclusion
In conclusion, this paper explores a way in which Canada’s Western society can create a
more sustainable food industry overall – embracing Indigenous foodways, specific to food
sharing among Northern Canadian Inuit. Inuit food sharing has a positive impact on a
community, making it much more desirable for Canada’s Western world to alter their capitalistic
approach to foodways, and instead, embrace and emulate traditional and sustainable Indigenous
foodways.
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