A COMPENDIUM OF
THE TAROK PEOPLE
AND
THEIR CULTURE
Editor
Elias Nankap Lamle (PhD: Leuven, Cum Laude)
i
© Tarok Students’ Association, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, 2021.
All Rights Reserved
No part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system or
transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise without prior permission of the publisher or copyright owner.
ISBN:
Published by Ahmadeu Bello Univeristy Printing Press, Zaria
ii
PREFACE.
‘A Compendium of Tarok Culture’ is a significant contribution from Tarok Students’
Association (TAROSA), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria branch. The book became a reality
because the University builds intellectual capacity that can perceive needs in our society. It
is within this environment that the Ngwang Ishi O’Tarok (NIO), Zaria branch has exercised
a positive influence over the students’ association, which has demonstrated teamwork. We
also acknowledge the contribution of Elias Nankap Lamle (PhD: Leuven) for his
contribution as editor who upgraded the book to this publishable state. Also the chapter
contribution by Elias Nankap Lamle (PhD: Leuven), Rev Selbut Longtau and Hon. Solomon
Dallung to the cause of these students is laudable. The chapter they contributed is giving
the book a deep thinking write up to the book. It’s hope that these contributions will
stimulate further discourse that will bring to highlight hidden historical discourses on the
Tarok nation.
The presence of this book in your hands gives a testimony in favour of a healthier
community where hands and hearts join efforts to produce a document with a high
potential of reaching several generations. Therefore, the book is worth reading. Its contents
will convince readers that an ethnic nationality with self-written documents, which describe
her practices, is quite ready for more penetrating friendships and integration with the
neighbouring people groups. At first, it appears as if it may produce a ground of
vulnerability, but it gives room for emergence of a new generation of Tarok people with a
wider worldview. A liberal reader can find that the contents will surely contribute to
stabilizing the culture from excessive influences originating from a neighbourhood that
makes minor tribes to lose their identity. I encourage all Tarok youth and the lovers of
Tarok people to read this book and find its relevance in a larger society beyond our culture.
You will see adoptable reasons for the bravery, discipline and self-respect in people from
our background. Values taught within the cultural environment makes the people generally
worthy of trust in many areas of life, especially where such values agree with religious
teachings in the modern society.
Dr. Sohnap James SAMBO (PhD)
Department of Veterinary Pathology,
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria Nigeria.
iii
DEDICATION
This book is dedicated to God Almighty and to all Tarok sons and daughters, and
generations to come.
.
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Pls take note that you can only generate this the Table of Content when you have finished
desk top publish and printing the main text as the pages will change once that is done.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE - HISTORY
1.0 .....................................................................................................Tarok History 1
1.1 ................................................................................................ The Tarok People
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1.2 ............................................................................The Major Clans in Tarokland
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1.3 ..................................................... Tarok Unity and Evolution of Ponzhi Tarok: 5
1.4 .............. Leopard Skin as a Symbol of Authority (Greatness) to Tarok People 9
1.4.1 Leopard Symbolism … ................ Ошибка! Закладка не определена.
1.4.2 Having the Heart of a Leopard................................................................... 26
1.4.3 The Secrets of the Leopard Totem ..............................................................27
1.4.4 Spiritual Meaning of Leopard... ..................................................................27
1.5 Tarok Day (Illum O’tarok) ..............................................................................27
1.6 Evolution of Ponzhl Tarok............................................................................. 28
1.7 Reasons why only some Clans are entitled to the Stool of Ponzhi Tarok ..... 29
CHAPTER TWO - AGRICULTURE
2.0 ..................................................................................... Farming In Tarok Land 30
2.1Nkam-Igwal, ‘Payment for use of Anatomical Arms’, at the Manual Crop Harvest
31
2.2 ................................................................ Meet a Plant Called Amuam (Amora) 32
2.2.1 ............................................................................. How Amuam is Proccessed 32
2.2.2 .............................................................................. Ceremonial use of Amuam 32
2.2.3 ....................................................................... Step on how to Prepare Amora 33
2.2.4 ....................................................................... Amwuam( Amora) Ingredients 33
2.3 ......................................... The Production of Local Beer in Tarok Land (Nche) 34
Tarok Agriculture in Context
2.4.0 Introduction ............................... Ошибка! Закладка не определена.
2.4.1 ................................................................................................ Farm and Bush 35
2.4.2 ........................................................................................ Land and Soil Types 35
2.4.3 ............................................................................... Social Context of Farming 36
2.4.4 ................................................................................ Bride Service Iram Nggya 37
2.4.5 Neighborhood Group Nnung-Bwang .........................................................37
2.4.6 Farm Work for an Individual......................................................................37
2.5 ........................................................................................... Tools of the Farmer 37
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2.6 ........................................................................................... Farming Techniques 38
2.7.0 Crops .......................................................................................................... 39
2.7.1 General ........................................ Ошибка! Закладка не определена.
2.7.2 Cereals, Tuber and Pulses .......................................................................... 40
2.7.3 Agricultural Change ................................................................................... 44
2.8.0Conclusion .................................................................................................. 44
CHAPTER THREE - FUNERAL RITES
3.0 .......................................................................................... Burial in Tarok Land 45
3.1 ............................................................................. Burial Rites in Tarok Custom 47
3.2 .................................................................................................................. Burial 47
3.3 ......................................................................................................... Nna’ Anung 48
3.3.1Translation .................................................................................................. 48
3.4 .................................................................. Nkan Orim and Nre Iku after Burial 48
3.5 .......................................................................................................... Nsar Ngbat 50
3.6 ............................................................................................................ Nga’nga’a 51
3.7 .............................................. Nkam Urim - ‘Transition to the Spiritual World’ 51
3.8 .................................................................................................................... Orim 51
CHAPTER FOUR - TAROK TRADITION
4.0 ................................................................................................. Tarok Tradition
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4.1 .............................................................................. Tarok Divinities and Spirits 53
4.3 .............................................................................................................. Habitats 54
4.4 ...................................................................................... Defication of Ancestors 54
4.5 ........................................................................................ Rules and Regulations 54
4.6 ..................................................................................... Cults of Zhingol and Icir 54
4.7 ................................................................................................................... Ibyari 55
4.8 ............................................................................................................... Imalkan 55
4.9 ....................................................................................................... Icir Iwopwop 56
4.10 .................................................................. Tarok Shepherd Boys’ Sub-Culture 56
4.10 ...................... Initiation into the Nggare, ‘Children’s Cult’, and its Functions 57
4.11 ................................................................. Nkyer-Nwei ‘Appointment as Police 58
CHAPTER FIVE - TRADITIONAL MARRIAGE
5.0 ........................................................... Concepts of Tarok Traditional Marriage 59
5.1 ............................................................ Tradition of Ikyan - ‘Uncleship’ Labour’ 60
5.2 ...............................................................Unmarried Adult Person (Unimkpari) 61
5.3 ..............................................................................................The Birh of a Child 61
5.4 ....................................................................................................... Baby-Sitting 61
CHAPTER SIX -GAMES AND HOBBIES
6.0.................................................................... Games And Recreational Activities 63
6.1 ................................................................................................ Ntat Iji, ‘Archery’ 63
6.2 .............................................................................Ntat Igyat, ‘Snail Shell Game’ 63
6.3 ........................................................ Nggbap Afi, ‘Bambara Groundnuts Game’ 63
6.4 ............................................................................................... Nsal, ‘Night Plays’ 63
6.5 ............................................................. Ntə m Isur, ‘Evening Social Discourse’ 63
6.6 ........................................................ Ngga Ngga - ‘Mock Death Warfare Dance’ 64
6.7 ..................................................................................... Some Folktales in Tarok 64
CHAPTER SEVEN - SYMBOLS AND MEANING
vi
7.0 ......................... Literal Meaning of Some Symbols in Tarok Land City/Village 66
7.1.................................................................................................... Types of Knives 69
CHAPTER EIGHT -HEROES IN TAROK LAND
8.0 ............................................................................ Notable Heroes in Tarokland 71
8.1 .......................................................................................................... Gandulong 71
8.2 ....................................................................................................... Ndong Alaka 71
8.3 .......................................................................................... Zhimak the Musician 72
8.4 ................................................................................. Reverend Damina Bawado 72
8.5 .............................................................................. Tyem Nimram of Wongɗə p 73
8.6 .............................................................................. Chief Solomon Ɗaushep Lar 73
vii
Editors Note
A young man approached me to have a look at a book that the Tarok students in Ahmadu
Bello University were trying to produce. To undertake such a task in December is quite out
of the way, knowing that I have many other datelines to meet. However, for the fact that
these young men and women had this desire spurred me to accept the call and I threw in
the towel to help. It was not easy at the very beginning because I saw many contradictions
and altercations. Nonetheless, as I summoned the task; I saw it is worthwhile venture that
this documentation came into existence because even though I am an anthropologist who
undertook my PhD on the Tarok people, I learned so much from this book and I am happy I
had to pay the price. The price is that I have to undertake the editing in less than two weeks
to meet the dateline. With the thesis from my primary responsibility at the University of
Jos and other Universities that I am visiting, it was not easy, as I had to burn the midnight
candle to meet the dateline. I also saw that it’s worthwhile that I contribute to the work by
adding a chapter and co-writing another with my friend Solomon Dalung, a one time
Minister of Sports in Nigeria. The chapter contributed by Rev. Selbut Longtau is cardinal
because he is one of the crucial scholars on Tarok people and their culture. Similarly, the
chapter illuminates a quintessential historical documentation on the Tarok people that
corroborate the position of other within and outside this publication. It is seminal because
it addresses a contemporary issue on Tarok people and their culture which needs
documentation for the sake of posterity.
The truth of the matter is that this book is a child of necessity in the mist of these
bedeviling annexations of lands by marauding forces trying to take over physical and
cultural landscapes from the people within this region. As such, many people’s cultures are
disappearing. This book is a significant attempt to keep in record the Tarok cultural
heritage in these mists of disappearances. Thus, I am of the opinion that this book needs
very urgent attention for all well meaning Tarok people, the Tarok local government
administrators, the Plateau State government, the Nigerian government and the global
community. It also needs the attention of all and sundry in the academic world and those
who might need it for entertainment. It’s a great material for archeologist, food scientists,
and gerontocracy studies and beyond.
It wills be out of point to assume that the book is flawless. The hurry in the editing
might have left some palaces with mistakes that need attention. It’s with all sense of
humility that I as the editor hereby apologize for these errors. They are human and fallible.
I also apologize for any form of perceived intellectual property violation. Looking at the fact
that these students initiated these thoughts is worth encouraging and also forgiving so that
the Tarok nation will make it debut in the present wave of cultural upheavals. Herewith, I
present a material that will challenge your thought pattern into deeper thinking on the
Tarok people and their culture
viii
CHAPTER ONE
THE TAROK PEOPLE: AN INTRODUCTION
Elias Nankap Lamle (PhD: Leuven, Cum Laude)
Centre for Conflict Management andPeace Studies
University of Jos
&
Barrister Solomon Selcap Dallung Esq
Former Federal Minister for Sports And Youths Development
Tarok History
Lamle (2001), a conflictologist and an anthropologist at the University of Jos, Nigeria states
that in the early twentieth century, people from other ethnic groups such as Tal, Ngas,
Jukun, Tel (Montol/Dwal) and Yiwom (Gerkawa) migrated and settled together with the
initial or authoctonous Funyallang Timwat and Kwallak clans. People from these ethnic
groups came as migrant labour workers. The Timwat and Funyallang people gave them land
to settle in Tarokland after they have served the former. Colonialism and Christianity came
into Tarokland by 1904 (Lamle, 1995). The initial inhabitants or authoctonous people could
not trust the missionaries and colonialists as such did not encourage their people to join
them. With the introduction of modernism, the later migrants to Tarokland used their
connections to the missionaries and colonialists to acquire western education and join the
army. Today, these latter migrants are at the helm of affairs in Nigeria as such they try to
use their influence to change history (cf. Lamle, 2005)
However, other peoples of the Chadic language family, such as the Ngas, Boghom,
Tel (Montol) and Yiwom, shifted to the Benue–Congo family and are given full status as
Tarok (Lamle 1998). Also the Jukun, who speak languages of the Benue–Congo family,
joined the Tarok. What is called the Tarok people is actually a mixture of many ethnolinguistic groups (Lamle, 2008).
Lamle argued that the authoctonous people have varous rituals for accentping
peole into their folk. He gare the example of the Funyellnag people who accept migrants
throu the ritual of Ikur (sorgum). Lamle citing Yildo Nanvyap, the Ponzhi Mbin Oga Kusang
clan and overall Ponzhi Mbin of the Funyellang (Nyellang) Clans, and Danladi Tanglar an
ever popular commentator on radio about Tarok issues gave a critical analysis of how these
rituals of acceptance into the Tarok fold is not only initiated but executed. The two
gerentocrats narrates the acceptance model in the migration and settlements of the four
Funyellang clans namely Man, Kuswang, Kwangpe and Dwal Clans.
The migration and settlement of Funyellang clans: an example of Tarok
interactional capacity
The section of this chapter above alleges that the Funyellang, Kwallak and Timwat
settlement pattern can explain how the other clan attaches were accepted and settle into
becoming Tarok people. In thus section we will use the four Funyellang settlement pattern
to explain this phenomenon. There are four clans in Funyellang (Nyellang) ward of Gazum
district namely, Mann, Kusang, Kwangpe and Dwals.
The Four clans of Funyellang came into the place at different times and have fully
engrafted into one single entity called Funyellang. The first arrival among these clans is the
Mann clan. Mann clan arrived and cultivated the land area called Funyellang but he lack
1
the scepter (amulak) and the ability to nurture and get bumper harvest to feed his people,
thus the land (Funyellang) did not produce much yield for him because the land was in
dispute with his ability. In addition to having low yield in cultivation, whenever he prepared
food the people do not eat and get satisfied thus there was hunger in the land. It was not
long that Kusang clan arrived Funyellang and domiciled himself within the same vicinity
with Mann. When Mann clan discovered that the Kusang clan had the ability to take care of
the problem of cropping and eating by prescription of the appropriate scepter (amulak),
thus the Mann clan Ponzhi Mbin pleaded with Kusang clan to take over the administration
of the Funyellang (Nyellang) and become the overall chief over him (Mann clan). By
implication, the Ponzhi Mbin Oga Mann handed over the scepter of leadership to Kusang
clan. He handed over the entire scepter, of leadership in all ramifications to Kusang clan.
Kusang took over the temporal, physical, spiritual and psycho-social leadership from Mann
and became Uponzhi Mbin over Mann clan.
The takeover of the mantle of leadership by the Kusang clan brought bumper
harvest and prosperity in the land Funyellang (Nyellang) and food became satisfying to eat.
That is the reason for which whenever the Kusang clan UPonzhi Mbin in calling Ikur at his
ritual of planting season he incants in a pattern which he states thusShirioo, shirioo,shirioo.
Ikur wong kache ya’
Inkur wong ke Ampang
A wong ke Ampang te’ apel ki chiya’
Apel ki Kazang’
A wong ki Kazang te’ a pel ki Waksok’
A wong ki Iwaksok te; a pel Igwomlar,
A wong ki Gwomlar te’ apel Anapzing,
Awong ki Napzing, te apel Ikulba’
shirioo, shirioo shirioo.
Uza nyang Inantan’ Uzaa tar’
Ma kam ucher gi iwu izing
Kang mi yir kan kukun.
Shirioo, shirioo,shirioo.
Translation
Shirioo, shirioo ,shirioo
The guinea corn came from where?
The guinea corn came from Ampang,
From Ampang it went where?
From ampang, it when to Kazang,
From Kazang to Waksok,
From Waksok to Gwomlar,
From Gwomlar to Napzing,
From Napzing to Kulbal,
Shirioo,shirioo, shirioo,
Let the corn become ant and enter the ant hill (Funyellang),
So that there could be bountiful harvest as big as the ant hill,
Let us marry a one eye woman,
2
Then we can surfer paying the dowry in poverty,
Shirioo,shirioo, shirioo.
The implication is that this incantation analyses the historical migration pattern of
the Funyellang people when they are invoking Ikur to enter the land. This incantation is the
exclusive preserve of the Kusang clan which is the bye product of the knowledge impacted
by Kusang Uponzhi Mbin.
The Kusang clan kept administering the land which became prosperous to work on.
After an extended period of peaceful co-existence between Kusang clan and Mann clan,
then Kwangpe clan arrived and pleaded to settled with the Kusang and Mann clans.
Kusang Ponzhi Mbin further consulting the oracles and accepted the entry of Kwangpe
clan into the folks of Mann and the Kusang clans. To achieve full integration, Kwangpe clan
people have to accept to abide by the oracle and statuses established by Kusang caln which
before now guides Mann clan and Kusang Clan. The Kwangpe clan accepted the statutes of
Kusang clan as the overall Ponzhi Nbin over them. The three clans existed in peace
respecting the social structure that has been set up in the land Funyellang (Nyellang). The
three clans settled and have bumper harvest with a lot of prosperity in terms of crops,
children and herds. Every conflict is settled by the Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang who is also
doubling as the overall Ponzhi Nbin over the other clans. The three clans lived in peace and
harmony for a longtime until the arrival of Dwal clan.
Then the Dwal clan arrived and pleaded with Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang to settle in
Funyellang. The Ponzhi Mbin of Dwal was asked what he brought to Funyellang; the latter
announced he brought Ikur. He was asked to show his Ikur, the Ponzhi Mbin of Dwal
brought out the few seeds of Ikur from his iugwor (bag) and planted and watered it. Within
a short time, the Ikur grew and reached harvest level. The Ponzhi Mbin of Dwal brought out
his knife and cut the head of the Ikur which he gave to the Ponzhi Mbin of Kusang as his
contribution to Funyellang. In consultation with the oracles, the permission was granted to
Dwal clan to settle in Funyellang. Thus, Ponzhi Mbins oga Mann and Kwangpe clans and
Ponzhi Mbin of Kusang accepted the Dwal clan and settled them in the Funyellang Land.
The four clans settled in Funyellang and administer deed with Ponzhi Mbin oga
Kusang as the overall Ponzhi Mbin (Chief Priest) over the other clans and administered
Justice and fairness to his people in the four clans of Kusang, Mann, Kwangpe and Dwal.
Despite the fact that the other three Ponzhi Mbins are under the Ponzhi Mbin Oga
Kusang, they have their separate scepters (amulak) which plays divergent roles in the
Funyellang settlement and cultural co-existence of the people which is accepted by land.
The scepter (amulak) of Uponzhi Mbin Oga Kusang clan is nkung Asang (count
rope) for recording of days in the land so as to ascertain the date for Imalkan so as to
invoke ikur and imar (millet) and similarly mark the beginning of the new planting and
raining season. He is the overall Uponzhi Mbin over all of the other Ponzhi Mbins.
The Scepter (amulak) by the Ponzhi Mbin Oga Mann clan remains under the
scepter (amulak) of Ponzhi Mbin Oga Kusang. He is bonded by scepter (amulak) of Ponzhi
Mbin oga Kusang. Thus Uponzhi Mbin oga Mann is only responsible for planting the first
seed into the ground prepared by Uponzhi Mbin Oga Kusang.
The scepter (amulak) of Ponzhi Mbin Oga Kwangpe is called abaer (javelin) to
defend the Funyellang people in term of warfare; he has the supreme say over the
Funyellang clans in term of war. The Ponzhi Mbin Kwangpe counts the Moon which means
Kwaung-ape. This is his statutory responsibly. He reports the counting of the moon to
Uponzhi Mbin oga Kusang who corroborates the moon counting to the days counting so as
to determine seasons for planting, harvesting and other rituals in the land.
3
The scepter of Ponzhi Mbin oga Dwal is Ikur (guinea core) which has to
corroborate with the incantation of the Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang so that the harvest can be
appropriately managed thereby augmenting the people’s socio-economic status. In this
manner, the Ponzhi Mbin Oga Dwal is responsible for Ikur (Guinea corn).
Looking at these anteceded, you will understand that the four clans have their
responsibilities on a flat role and every one among them has a conscientious role to play as
a Ponzhi Mbin of their various clans and the Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang clan remained their
head, overseer and coordinator.
Whereas the Ponzhi Nbin oga Kusang is in charge of counting asang (rope)
through which he invokes Imar (millet) and Imalkan in convenience with Ponzhi Mbin oga
Mann. The Ponzhi Mbin oga Kwangpe is in charge of counting moon to help determine the
seasons and ritual while in consultation with Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang clan as the general
custodian of the traditions of the people. In the like manner, the Ponzhi Mbin oga Dwal is
in charge of Ikur (guinea corn) in synergy with Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang.
From the above historical anteceded, a good historiographer will understand that
the four Ponzhi Mbins of Kusang, Mann, Kwangpe and Dual clans have their distinct role
in synergy with each other under the supervision of Ponzhi Mbin oga Kusang who has the
final say on whatever happens within the land.
This pattern of acceptance was practiced by other clans of the Kwallak and Timwat
in diverse forms in accepting all those who came into Tarokland and gave them the same
status. Thus, once anyone is accepted into the Tarok nation, he is a bonafide member of the
community and participates in the full rituals and ceremonies of the Tarok nation. It’s
based on these acceptance models that the clusters of Tal, Ngas, Jukun, Tel (Montol/Dwal)
and Yiwom (Gerkawa) migrated and settled together with the initial or authoctonous
Funyallang, Timwat and Kwallak clans. The have all rights and priveleige of Tarokness.
Thus anyone that is called Tarok remains Tarok once his ethnic cluster is accepted by the
Tarok nation using this ritual.
Other clan distribution in Tarokland
As raised by Lamle (2013), the Tarok people are found in Langtang North and South,
Kanam and Wase local government areas of Plateau State. Langtang North and South are
however, the heart of Tarok land in the lowland area of Plateau State, central Nigeria. The
journey from Pankshin to Langtang, the main town of Tarokland which is bye-and-large a
slope through a road that meanders around spectacular rocks to open up in a broad plain.
The plain is encircled by high mountains that leave a few accesses to the town. Once these
accesses are patrolled, you cannot come into Langtang without being seen. It is said that the
choice of the location was deliberate in order to guard against enemy tribes.
The Tarok people are indeed proud of their heritage and are determined to
preserve it. This is evident in many of the cultural elements of the Tarok people. For
instance, the traditional Langtang architecture has endured till today. This conspicuous
architectural style sharply marks the boundary between Ngas land and Tarok land, such
that one gets the impression of a cultural change at the boundary. The people live in round
huts with a coned-shaped roofing of grass that the environment provides. Usually, a
number of these huts that depend on the size of the family could be seen clustered together.
In view of the plain nature of the topography of the biggest town in Tarok land,
Langtang, houses are opened to the destructive menace of the winds. Planting trees to serve
as wind breaks has, thus, become a practice among the Tarok people. The most favored
plant used for this is the dogonyaro plant. These trees are also punctuating the Tarok
4
skylines with an evergreen quality that accounts for the aesthetic uniqueness of the
[Langtang/Tarok] landscape. That has thus defined the uniqueness of Tarok skyline which
is evergreen.
The Tarok people call themselves oTárók, their language iTárók and their land
ìTàrók. They are found principally in Langtang-North, Langtang-South, Wase, Mikang and
Kanke Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Plateau State in Central Nigeria. The main town
of Langtang is located about 186 kilometres south-east of Jos, the state capital. They are
also found in large numbers in Shendam, Qua'an-Pan, Kanam, Pankshin LGAs and some
part of Tafawa Balewa LGA of Bauchi state the Sur (Tapshin). Scattered in Nasarawa and
Taraba states are Tarok farming communities. (Lamle, 2015). The people have been
described to some extent in anthropological and ethnographical works by Fitzpatrick
(1910), RogerBlench, Lamle (1995), Famwang and Longtau (1997) describe the Tarok
people. The oTárók is an amalgamation of various peoples who now form a more or less
‘homogeneous’ group. The constituents were of Pe, Ngas, Jukun, Boghom, Tel ( Montol )
and probably Tal origins, while others still remain obscure or unknown. The culture at a
micro level portrays this admixture of peoples of the Tarok nation. The focus here is a
description of their language.
In the literature, other names have been used for Tarok as Appa, Yergam and its
variants of Yergum and Yergem. The name ‘Tarok’ itself has been wrongly spelt by some as
‘Tarok’. The name Appa on the other hand is used by the Jukun to refer to oTarok as a
friendship term. These fresh insights are pointing to a conclusion that Tarok was a
nickname given to the Tal/Ngas immigrants. The name of the original group is lost and has
been replaced by the nickname. The term ‘Pe-Tarok’ refers to the people who first spoke the
original form of the language called Tarok today the mismatch notwithstanding. The origins
of the peoples may be a knotty topic, but it is clear that Proto-Tarok is the parent of the
language which is known as Tarok today (whatever might have been their original name).
(Lamle, 2015).
The clan startifications in Tarok land can be listed under sections as the one listed
below. Though some of them are subclans most expecially under the Gazum district but
wihth time and political influnces have graduated themselver into clans of them selves. This
needs further and most explicit research to explain, we will in this section try to analyse
them so as to gather intrest for further study.
1. In Gazum District; Kullok, Gebong, Nyinnang, Kwallak, Gyang, Warok, Lagan.
(Lamle, 2015).
2.
In Gani District we hae the following; Shammot, Genko, Piga, Bwallang,
Lyangjit, Billeng, Gwan, Dokkot, Singha, Rimman, Kofat, Bikang, Binding, Wang, Laka.
(Lamle, 2015).
3.
In Bwarat District; Kamtak, Laka, Lohmak, Diyan, Ghanghang Nyinnang,
Myer, Ngarak, Pe, Nghum, Jat, Ndal, Nachang, Kau, Dangre, Gbak. (Lamle, 2015).
Tarok unity and evolution of Ponzhi Tarok: a plausible perspective
The unification of the Tarok people was product of the Colonial reforms of 1926, when
Plateau Province was created out of Bauchi and Muri Provinces. Hitherto, the Tarok people
were divided into Hill and Plain Tarok. The Hill Tarok was in Bauchi Province, while Plain
Tarok under Muri Province; the genuine efforts to foster the unity and development of
Tarok people was catalysed by socio-cultural factors of common myths, traditions,
language, folklores, customs etc. It was conceived practicable to evolve a modem
governmental institution of creating a Native Authority for the people. (Dalung, 2018)
5
Another factor, which stimulated the unification appetite, was the hospitable
disposition to early SUM Christian Missionaries who were displaced in Wase in 1907 but
accommodated by the Tarok people. As a result, the land witnessed massive transformation
into a modern society with the establishment of schools, health facilities, improved road
networks, etc. (Dalung, 2013). The first zinc building in the entire lowland federation was in
Langtang, hence, the name "Lantang Kwano”. By 1915, the Tarok people had already
acquired reading and writing skills. Thus, the documentation of the first church council
meeting which was held in Cooper Langtang in 1925. With these developments, the Colonial
administration was convinced that Tarok society possessed the credentials of modern
administration, thus, the need for unification of the two distinct blocs. (Dalung, 2018)
Initially, the leadership of the hill Tarok was opposed to the idea of unification,
according to Wuyep Zhar and Ponzhi Zini, the concept of unification is mere subterfuge
intended to undermine the status of Hill Tarok. Oral traditions recognized Zini as elders of
prototype Tarok, so it was an aberration to subordinate their heritage to younger ones.
Another concern was fear of the cosmopolitan nature of Plain Tarok and its evolution into
an urban settlement by the influence of early Missionaries activities. This structural
imbalance created mutual distrust between leaders of hill and plain Tarok. Consequently,
the merger theory was vehemently resisted. (Dalung, 2013).
The Tal Tarok Tradition argues that Tarok people are descendants of Vongro of the
Bantu race who migrated to Tal in present day Pankshin. There are no accurate population
of those that came to Tal, however, from oral narration supported by colonial
documentation, it is suggested that Vongro, was the father of Tal migration. Vongro gave
birth to Vwarka, the father of the prototype Tarok. Vwarka’s decedents are Wan, the father
of the present day Hill Tarok, while the Plain Tarok are descendants of Gunung, a tall, huge
and great personality. Vwarka migrated from Tal to Lagan hills as result of dispute that
arose from an uneven distribution or sharing of meat after hunting expeditions. Dissatisfied
with the act of discrimination meted against him, he protested by leaving with his three
children, two males and a female. There is no record of his family, but it appears they were
perhaps of Tal parentage and thus could not be allowed to accompany him. (Dalung, 2018)
The Hill Tarok clan is made up of Gantang, Kullok, Dambar, Gabong, Jwakbar,
Lagan, Luktuk, Dibbar, Warok, Ghang, Kwallak sub clans known as "Tarok ga bam or Zini".
The Plain Tarok is made up of many sub clans found predominantly in present day
Langtang, Bwarat, Pilgani Districts known as "Tarok ga byan". Some of the sub clans are Ce,
Kumbwang, Timwat, Kau, Jat, Laka, Binding, Nachang, Lokmak, Dyan, Hanghang, Dangre,
Gbak, Miyer, Kamtak, Shamot, Piga, Mwal, Wang singha, lyangit, nanni, etc. It is worthy of
mention that the Tarok political system is confederal and is made up of autonomous
communities which are united by common languages, traditions and culture. No any sub
clan, however small, is subordinate to the other. Every sub clan has a chief priest known as
"Ponzhi nbin"who has absolute authority on issues affecting the traditional rights and
privileges of the people. The social bond unifying the people is fraternity and respect for
each other. (Dalung, 2018).
Based on the aforementioned reasons, the Colonial Administration abandoned the
unification project as not feasible due to lack cooperation from Hill Tarok. However, in
1933, the constitutional reforms of the colonial administration provided another window of
opportunity to revisit the unification agenda. By then, Wuyep Zhar, the Ponzhi Rim Lagan
had succeeded Goselle as the Ponzhi Zinni, while Datyem was the Ponzhi Langtang. The
merger theory was re-submitted to Gazum and Langtang Traditional Councils for
consideration. (Dalung, 2013). Again, the Ponzhi Zinni, Wuyep Zhar contested the sincerity
6
of the move and argued that based on Tarok traditions, he was senior to Datyem, therefore,
why will he subordinate his position of seniority to his younger brother, the Ponzhi
Langtang? Even though Datyem admitted the seniority of Ponzhi Zini, he argued that he
presided over the larger portion of Tarok sought to be merged, therefore it will be unfair to
expect him to donate his majority and as well lose the leadership. Again, there was no
consensus because the parties could not agree on issue of leadership. In-fact, the manner
with which Wuyep Zhar rejected the merger theory made the District Officer, in-charge of
Lowland Federation in Shendam to make recommendations that Tarok unification project
be suspended pending the demise of both traditional rulers. This report painted graphical
the picture of the level of distrust apprehension, and mutual suspicion that existed and
existing among the Tarok people. (Dalung, 2013).
Although, 1926 colonial reforms united tarok people under one provincial
administration but they continued to maintain the different traditional administrations
until in 1955, when Miri Wuyep ‘was Ponzhi Zini and Wuyep Garba was Ponzhi Langtang.
After the demise of Wuyep Zhar and Datyem respectively, a window was opened for
activation of the unification machinery. (Dalung, 2013). The Colonial administration
mounted unbearable pressures on Ponzhi Zini, Miri Wuyep to convice them about the
benefits of merging into one traditional administrative entity. Like his predecessors, Miri
Wuyep expressed serious reservations about the idea. But as an ally, the District Officer,
lowland federation in Shendam persuaded Miri Wuyep that the tarok nation stands to gain
more from the merger, which includes the creation of a Native Authority and treasury that
will guarantee self-determination and autonomy of the people. (Dalung, 2018).
Reluctantly, Ponzhi Zinni, Miri Wuyep conceded to the merger theory, which set
the tone of the historic Assembly in August 1955 popularly referred to as "REAK
CONSENSUS". It was this gathering that gave birth to Tarok’s unity. At the Reak meeting,
the concept of a paramount ruler for Tarok people known as "Ponzhi Tarok" (Chief of
Yergam) emerged. After the creation of the institution of Ponzhi Tarok, the next question
was who was going to be the new father of Tarok? Miri Wuyep declined the offer on the
strength that he was old and Wuyep Garba was much younger who was barely six months in
office, so he should be Ponzhi Tarok. Ponzhi Bwarat and Gani accepted the proposition.
Ponzhi Zini, Miri Wuyep latter gave conditions for accepting the merger on grounds that
after Garba Wuyep, the next Ponzhi Tarok should be one of his children. The Reak
Assembly adopted the principles rotation as the method of selection between Lagan ruling
house for Hill Tarok and Ce ruling house for Plain Tarok. (Dalung, 2018).
At this juncture, Mamven, Ponzhi Gani asked what was the interest of Gani and
Bwarat people in the Tarok unification project since they were notbeneficiaries’ofthe
arrangement. Miri Wuyep responded that the Lagan ruling house was for the entire Hill
Tarok while the Ce ruling house was for the Plain Tarok. He stated further that any eligible
male child of Tarok worthy of been trusted with leadership can aspire through the two
ruling houses. As demonstration of commitments and respect for the Ponzhi Tarok, Ponzhi
Zini Miri Wuyep removed his royal robe (Alkyaba) and dressed the new Ponzhi Tarok,
Garba Wuyep with it. But when he was asked to surrender his staff of office to the new
Ponzhi Tarok, he declined. It should be noted that Ponzhi Zini was installed as Fourth Class
Chief in 1925 in Bauchi. Also, he was the only chief who had staff of office during the
merger in Reak. (Dalung, 2013).
In their acceptance speeches to the merger and establishment of new traditional
institution, Ponzhi Bwarat and Gani stated that it was a welcome development capable of
guaranteeing the unity of Tarok people. After arriving at consensus, Tarok leaders sealed
7
the agreement with performance of traditional rites of oath taking. A white ram signifying
the united Tarok was brought, the Ponzhi Bwarat held the two front legs, while Ponzhi Gani
held the two rear legs, then Ponzhi Zini held the head and Ponzhi Tarok held the chest, then
Ponzhi bin slaughtered the animal. (Dalung, 2018). This traditional ceremony concluded
the Reak merger of the Hill and Plain Tarok.
Of course the fears of marginalization expressed by Ponzhi Zini manifested itself in
1975 after so many years of his demise, when the Ponzhi Tarok Gazette was enacted. This
law completely breached the spirit of the reak agreementas major clauses were expunged
from the provisions of the Ponzhi Tarok law. The rotation clause was replaced with
Selection College. The fears of the Gani and Bwarat people expressed by Ponzhi Gani,
Mamven was enacted as they were only reduced to Kingmakers. The late Ponzhi Zini, Ayuba
Kum raised an alarmed and threaten to pull out of the Union but he was persuaded by
superior counsel. (Dalung, 2013).
The litmus test of this agreement was when the first Ponzhi Tarok, Garba Wuyep
died and the Zini Clan demanded for the throne based on rotation. Ponzhi Zini Ayuba Kum
was tricked into accepting to participate in a selection process which he lost with one vote.
This was the last straw that broke the camels back as the Hill Tarok opted to return to
Pankshin Division where they were before the merger because of lack of sincerity to the
spirit and letter of the merger. The Union was shaken to its foundations but took the
wisdom of elders to restore hope and stability. Edward Chirdap Zhattau from the Ce ruling
house again became the second Ponzhi Tarok. He was elected on legal notice, the
Appointment and Deposition of Chiefs Ponzhi Tarok gazette 1975. (Dalung, 2013). This
document to all intents and purposes negated Reak consensus by importing the concept of
royalty in a confederal traditional system. It designated certain families and super imposed
them as ruling houses without any history of either conquest or being descendants of
founder of Tarok nation. The noble intention of tarok leaders in 1955 was not only betrayed
but drafters of the 1975 gazette sowed seed of discord. The document confirmed earlier
fears expressed by Hill Tarok leadership that merger of Tarok was fraudulent and riddled
with insincerity. (Dalung, 2018).
Subsequently, the relationship between the two blocs became tinted with mutual
distrust, as any political step taken was view with barometer of marginalisation. There were
so many issues, which compounded the situation especially siting of community projects,
like Secondary Schools, health centres and clinics all were located in Plain Tarok and the
Hill Tarok was neglected. This escalated misunderstandings between them. Even though
these differences took cold war patterns it developed phenomenal clannish consciousness.
In defence of 1975 Ponzhi Tarok Law, key actors adopted macavilian techniques of
dismissing genuine concerns of Hill Tarok. To consolidate traditional power hold, clannish
instincts are usually deployed as social garrison of perpetual division. Essentially, the origin
of clannish consciousness, which ravages the unity of Tarok people to sub clans level, can be
located in the injustice of the 1975 law. This negative tendency is well rooted in Tarok
leadership where justice and fair play is a factor of social background. (Dalung, 2013).
Instead of yielding desirable benefits for the people, the crisis of the Ponzhi Tarok
throne has factionalized them into clannish camps with even some architects of Reak
consensus leading opposition battalions. It is unfortunate; the great warrior’s nation has
been plagued into state of near anomie, Things have fallen apart and the centre can no
longer hold. Tarok elders must realize their indebtedness of durable legacies to prosperity.
They are products of collective efforts of our common heritage. (Dalung, 2013).
8
There is no doubt personality feuding has devastating tolls on common efforts to
advance better understandings especially amongst younger generations. This ugly scenario
is no more sustainable in view of raising political gang up to liquidate Tarok from
leadership in the state. Since 1999, deliberate scheming’s designed to relegate Tarok from
political relevance. Every political appointment in the state is carefully fashioned in a
manner of the "used and dumped theory". Instead of democratic dividends, the land was
manipulated into state induced conflict in favor of a power calculation that will incapacitate
the political resolved of the people in 2003. Consequently, there was crisis from 2001-2005,
where Tarok people were abandoned to the Biblical "to your tents oh yee Israel" fashion by
their neighbors. (Dalung, 2013).
Therefore, it is about time for sober reflections about the damage inflicted on the
common psyche of the people. It is about forty-five years since Tarok occupied the state
executive position. The challenge is for the youths to take their destiny into their hands by
confronting the elders on the question of unity. If it looks impossible, then a period to
mobilize consensus to take common position in the overall interest of the future
generations. This will convey a positive signal signal that it is bussiness unusual. However,
he who wants equity must do equity, therefore, the youths must purge themselves of greed,
selfishness, dependency and praise worship. They must have deemphasized primordial
envy, hatred, clannish sentiments or sectionalism. (Dalung, 2018). The time to set a new
agenda for reviving the Tarok nation is long over due. May God provide the Nehemiah to
reconstruct the fallen walls of Tarok unity. (Dalung, 2013).
9
CHAPTER TWO
THE STRUCTURE OF MIGRATION AND SETTLEMENT OF THE TAROK
PEOPLE: TREES IN ONE FOREST
Elias Nankap Lamle (Phd Leuven: Cum Laude)
Centre for Conflict Management andPeace Studies
University of Jos
The Tarok nation in context
The Tarok people call themselves oTárók, their language iTárók. They are found principally
in Langtang-North, Langtang-South, Wase, Mikang and Kangke Local Government Areas
(LGAs) of Plateau State in central Nigeria. Their main town (Langtang) is located about 180
kilometres southeast of Jos, the state capital. They are also found in large numbers in
Shendam, Qua'an-Pan, Kanam and Pankshin LGAs. There are also Tarok farming
communities in Nassarawa and Taraba states.
The Tarok people have received adequate attention in anthropological and
ethnographical works by Fitzpatrick (1910); Lamle (1995, 1998, 2000 and 2005); Vongdip
(2000), Jemkur and Longtau (2005). The oTárók are a blend of various peoples who now
form a more or less ‘homogeneous’ group (Lamle 1995). The Tarok people are a
conglomeration of clans from diverse ethnic clusters that have come together to form an
ethnic group. These clusters migrated from ethnic groups such as Pe, Ngas, Jukun,
Boghom, Tel (Montol) and probably from Tal origins, while others remain obscure or
unknown. These ethnic groups retain their linguistic distinction from the Tarok. They also
have a different cultural set up. However, those among them who migrated to Tarokland
have adopted the language and culture of the Tarok. Even though they retain their history,
they have more in common with the Tarok than with their initial ethnic groups. The culture
at a micro level portrays this mixture of peoples within the Tarok nation. A more detailed
history of iTárók will be analysed as the study develops.
Even though the oTárók are scattered all over Plateau State and Nigeria, their
ancestral home is located in the Murchison Hills region of Langtang North Local
Government Area. The Murchison hills are a rugged range of hills rising up to 13 metres
from the plains to an altitude of 336 metres above sea level. (Jemkur and Longtau, 2005).
These undulations serve as a security network for the people in times of adversity. It
provides them with natural protection against their enemies, the Hausa-Fulani who, since
the DanFodio Jihad of 1820 continually invaded iTárók until the establishment of the
colonial government within the vicinity in 1904 (cf. Lamle 1995). Murray Last (1967)
alleged that in the 19th century, the Northern Nigerian area witnessed a Jihad led by
Shaykh Usman Danfodio. This movement culminated in the establishment of the Sokoto
Caliphate. The Jihad brought about significant political changes in the region as it ushered
in a new order based on the application of the Shari’a law. Islam became the state religion
and, therefore, the driving force in the Caliphate.
The hills provided the oTárók protection, which largely influenced the cultural
evolution of iTárók. Such evolution is evident even today in the location of the most
venerated site of the Tarok which is the nzhi orim or ancestral worship sanctuaries. The
senior nzhi orim of the different Tarok clans is located at various spots in the Murchison
10
hills which are the final resting place of their ancestors. (Jemkur and Longtau, 2005).
Facial marks are potential indicators used to distinguish ethnic groups in Africa.
While the Yoruba have facial marks running from one end of the cheek to another, the
Fulani use tattoos all over their faces and bodies and the Kanuri have tiny stripes all over
their cheeks. The Tarok, on the other hand, have marks that are confined to their faces
which “…consist of three pairs of straight cuts radiating from the outer corners of their eyes,
repeated at the corners of their mouths” (Fitzpatrick 1910: 25). While facial marks have
virtually disappeared among the city dwellers of iTárók, the rural folk still embrace the
practice. However, with the advent of globalisation, cultural diffusion, social integration,
and free movement, facial marks from other ethnic groups such as Jukun, Goemai, Ngas,
Youm, Tel and Boghom, have invaded traditional Tarok cultural marks. In fact, some
oTárók who had close contact with the Fulani have copied their tattoos. Due to these
changes, using of the ethnic marks as a means of identification for oTárók is no longer
feasible.
The ethno-linguistic configuration of the Tarok people
Some Colonial ethnographers attempted to define the ethnic configuration of the oTárók.
Fitzpatrick (1910), Johnston (1922) and Temple (1922), lump the oTárók into one group
descending from a single ancestor who had originated from the hills. This position is as
simplistic as saying that all Amerindians descended from a common ancestor. Recent
studies dispute this single origin of the oTárók.
Colonialism also introduced another simplistic approach to ethnic configuration in
Tarokland. In an effort to tally the Tarok administrative system with other ethnic groups
around the region, British colonial administration created and appointed a new leadership
among the oTárók and named it uPonzhi Tarok. This appointment is in antagonism to the
organised gerontocracy which is administered by the various priest/chiefs of oTárók called
uPonzhi Orim. To give this new leadership legitimacy, the colonial government created a
myth that brought into the limelight the so-called oldest venerated skull in the land. It is
this myth that legitimised the appointment of uPonzhi Langtang (Ce clan) over the other
oPonzhi Orim i.e. uPonzhi Orim O Zini, uPonzhi Orim O Tumwat, uPonzhi Orim O Ghang
(Funyallang), uPonzhi Orim O Kwallak, uPonzhi Orim O Gani and uPonzhi Orim O Bwarat.
These are the varied sections of the Tarok people. They also point to the various ethnic
segments that make up Tarok land.
Furthermore, colonial administration named the ancestral worship place of Ponzhi
Langtang (i.e. Ce Clan) as the oldest and of course most senior. Jemkur and Longtau (2005:
2), referring to this erroneous categorisation, write: “One will reach the same conclusion if
we accept the practice of reference to the oldest venerated skull at the central shrine of Ce
clan as that of Tarok.” They assert that the ethnic group called oTárók comprises a
collection of people who migrated into the area in contingents at diverse times and from
different directions, and identify some of these contingents, correcting the colonial
structure (Jemkur and Longtau 2005: 2). They write:
Various sections lay claim to different origins and a reference to a venerated skull
at Padur of Ce as that of the ancestor for all the Tarok is too simplistic. Just a stonethrow west of the Ce clan central shrine are shrines of the Timwat, Ghang and the
Kwallak clans. East of Padur are for Bwarat, Gbak, Sa, and others of Gani. The
Zeni shrine lies further north and the south and southeast is the gateway to the rich
plains of the Benue Valley.
Although this lays to rest the naive assertion of the colonial position which grouped oTárók
11
into one unit, it also explains the clan composition of the oTárók. Thus the clan structure
that comprises what is called iTárók today is made-up of the Ghang (Funyallang), Tumwat,
Kwallak, Gbak, Sa, Zeni, Gani, Bwarat and Ce clans. Essentially, they are not clans but
migratory groups that settled into iTárók. Some of them are made-up of different ethnic
groups, while others migrated from the same ethnic group but branched out to form clans
within iTárók. This neo post-colonial categorization implied that in Tarokland, a clan is the
principal social unit of an ethnic group, in which descent is reckoned exclusively in either
the paternal or the maternal line depending on each context considering the ikyan system
in Tarokland. Ikyan system gives rights of a child to the maternal uncle until the paternal
uncle redeems such a child with certain gifts giving. (Smith and Smith 1990)
Other researchers have attempted to categorise the Tarok people into two sections:
the hills and plains Tarok (cf. Temple: 1922). Temple used the ecological spread of hills
versus plains as a major structure for the categorisation of oTárók. According to Smith and
Smith (1990: 242),
Following Fulani and Hausa, British officials called the Tarok Yergam, and
distinguished those of Gazum (sic) of Zinni as ‘Hill Yergam’ from the ‘Plains
Yergam’ settled on the lowlands of Langtang, Bwarat and Gani. Both groups
descend from a mixture of the Angas-speaking immigrants and indigenous
inhabitants whose original language, now called Tarok, is spoken by all. The Angas
immigrants came from Tal and the word Tarok is said to mean ‘Tal has increased
or multiplied, Tal is made plenty. Tarok now used is derived from that of the
indigenous people, whose language has survived.
Yergam is synonymous to Tarok because it is a nickname given to the Tarok people by the
Hausa Fulani during the Trans Saharan Slave Trade. This pattern of nickname is not
peculiar to the Tarok. Such instances abound within this vicinity. Predominant among them
are the nicknaming of Tiv as Munchi, Birom became Show Show, and the Mwaghavul were
nicknamed Sura and the Geomai called Ankwe, etc
The position of Smith and Smith posed a less plausible explanation as it is a
conjectural generalisation which fused two ethnic groups (Tal and Angas) into one. I would
refute such categorisation because the use of mere cultural traits and rituals should not be
the basis of deciding the origin of any people. In my opinion, the dynamism of cultural
evolution and borrowing suggests that cultures can be easily borrowed as people integrate.
From the aforementioned, it is clear that early tradition of categorizing oTárók hinges on
less plausible presumptions. OTárók are composed of different ethnic groups, who came
from different directions and conglomerated into what the people call oTárók. These
direction include southern migration, the Pe-Tarok migration and the migration of
Tal/Ngas-Tarok into Tarokland,
Southern migration of the Tarok people
This migration tradition stems from the researcher’s observation of the Tarok, Nok and
Egyptian material culture. Although Lamle agreed with Longtau suggestion of a western
route, he came up with a thesis that went further than the homeland of the Tarok being in
the Niger-Benue confluence. Borrowing from Mathew Egyptian’s linking of the Tarok; he
suggest that similar to the Egyptians, the Tarok have more of a matrilineal system. Some
aspects of Tarok material culture, such as hoes and baskets, are quite distinct from those
used by the people of the Plateau. Such material cultures are also similar to that of the Nok
and Egyptians. This has made the researcher to postulate an Egyptian connection.
Although, this route has been identified as the idiosyncrasy of the colonial masters who
12
were obsessed with the East in the early part of the twentieth century, however, the
Egyptian connection needs clarification, (considering the Nok material culture within
Tarokland), so as to give room for continuity.
Similarly, A. B. Mathew tried to prove that the Tarok have cultural affinities with the
early Egyptians and may be grouped into the heliolithic cultural stage. The link-up of Tarok
cultural identity with Egypt, might not be easily proved. However, in agreement with A. B.
Mathew, Lamle contend that the Islamic invaders might have on offshoot of a migratory
ethnic group pursued the Tarok. This must have been during the activities of the Jihadists
of Egypt who invaded other parts of Africa between the seventh and twelfth centuries. The
quest for conquering states might have led the invaders to pursue the Tarok together with
the other ethnic groups through the Sahara desert to the Bank of the Niger or even to the
Futa Jallon Mountains, (the source of the River Niger). From there, they could have
migrated down the Niger as the Yoruboid, Nupoid, Igboid, and other ethnic groups to their
diverse homelands. This is possible considering the Yoruba and Oduduwa or Yoruba
experience. The Tarok could have stopped at their homeland at the Niger-Benue
confluence, and then migrated through Nyellang to Tal en-route Langtang. This position is
not conclusive as there is no categorical evidence that the Jihadist in Egypt pursued any
ethnic group that far. However, it could serve as a challenge to anthropologists,
archaeologists; historians and linguists who could research this claim and either affirm or
debunk it. It will be further explored in future studies on the Tarok.
Lamle’s Egyptian theory tallied with a verbal discussion the researcher had with an
informant John Shagaya a retired Nigerian Army General who further stated that, the
Tarok has a connection with the Shehu of Borno. He suggested that this connection has
some degree of kinship. He further argued that somehow, the Tarok has the Nile connection
because many witnesses are pointing there. However, he concluded that there is a bone of
contention in this migration route.
Buttressing the southern migration of the Tarok, Vongdip, made a critical review of
both Lar and Longtau but charted a different course from them. Vongdip argued that, the
Tarok might have migrated southeast to their contemporary homeland. Commenting
further, Vongdip remarked that the western school of thought seems to have more reliable
evidence than the Eastern. (Vongdip, 2000). He accepted the researcher’s ethnographic
evidence that the researcher suggested in Lamle has apparently good ethnographic
evidence, but that it tended to be too conclusive. Vongdip argued that, ee expected that one
example of such folktales should have been as an illustration. Furthermore it is misleading
to simply imagine that the beginning of the River Benue would not have provided enough
species of aquatic animals for the proto-Tarok to see, named and probably used equally.
Concluding his position of the southern migratory route, Vongdip claimed that it is
rather too early to disregard good information such as this, particularly when there are
uncertainties of the actual situation in the on-going investigation. Vongdip asserted that
there is need for diversity in the scope of the evidence for the routes of migration of the
Tarok. He went further to consider the results of presumably long-term inter-group
relations between the Tarok and some Chadic language groups occupying the present
geographical location. (Vongdip, 2000). Supporting the southern impartation, he disclosed
that the Tarok had long established social relationships with many ethnic groups from the
north-east. These include: Babur (Biu) and Bachama of Numan in Adamawa State, Jukun
of Taraba State, and the Kanuri of Borno State. Today, these groups still recognise the
Tarok as their joking partners.
Vongdip postulated that, it could not only have been through long and peaceful co13
mingling of people, irrespective of their linguistic differences, that such culturally
sanctioned relationship could have been initiated and practised. The origins of these social
relationships are not farfetched. They implied that the groups had probably once lived
together in the recent past. This may in part explain A. B Mathew association of the Tarok
with early Egyptians and his resultant grouping them into the heliolithic cultural stage.
Vongdip was quick to point out that it should be borne in mind that during the
empire-building process of the Borno Empire (1504-1602), there was massive expansion. In
fact, this reached its zenith during the reign of Mai-Idris Alooma between the fifteenth and
sixteenth century. (Vongdip, 2000). The Mandara Mountains in north-eastern Nigeria and
its environment were under the expanded Borno Empire. This resulted in the population
dispersing southwards. He suspects therefore that, the population so dispersed included
some Tarok ancestors who had initially migrated through the Benue River on a southwestern course. He further suggested that, it was through this kind of inter-group mixing
that the proto-Tarok established social relationships with other groups. The route of
migration could have been from Maiduguri among the Kanuri through to Yola and Jalingo
crossing into the present Plateau State on the East, to Kabwir and Amper in the Ngas hills
and eventually to Tal. (Vongdip, 2000).
Vongdip concluded that the on-going discussions on the schools of thought
concerning the migrations of the Tarok are one-sided. These schools of thought tend to view
the entire Tarok nation as one holistic cultural entity. Indeed, when looked at more
critically, it would appear that many cultural variations, clan groupings (structures) with
differential dialects and traditions exist among the clans in the current Tarok
nation. Vongdip’s position is critical as it laid the foundation for the study of clans in Tarok
land. (Vongdip, 2000).
I will move further to explore the migration of the initial Pe-Tarok units to their
contemporary homeland. Then the researcher will endeavour to also relate the arrival of the
other contingents and attachment to the initial Pe-Tarok settlements. This will be
elaborately explored so as to give the detail relationships that exist within the Pe Stock and
other ethnic stocks in Tarokland. It is cardinal for us to pursue this setup as it will open
insights into understanding the social relationship that exist within the Pe-Tarok stock and
the later settlements of Tal-Tarok, Ngas-Tarok, Yiwom-Tarok, Goemai-Tarok, and JukunTarok.
Migration of Pe-tarok into Tarokland
In Lamle (2012) I established that the initial inhabitants of the contemporary homeland of
the Tarok in Langtang are the Pe-Tarok. The researcher has also established that the PeTarok are part of the Benue-Congo cluster. Therefore, the researcher will trace the route of
their migration from their homeland at the Niger-Benue confluence to Tarokland.
Following a similar pattern, Jemkur and Longtau established through their word-list that
cognate exits between the Pe and the Tarok language of the Benue-Congo cluster. (Jemkur
and Longtau, 2005). They asserted that, the Benue-Congo clusters were wide spread on the
hills and the plains of the Jos Plateau in Nigeria. Ballard had explored this position; who
established that the plains that are south-west of the Jos Plateau were the home land of
several Platoid languages, which also occupied the wide range of the Jos Plateau in Central
Nigeria. In agreement with Lamle, Ballard, Jemkur and Longtau, this study concedes that
the initial people that populated the plains of the Plateau were the Benue-Congo before the
arrival of the Chadic stock. This explains the contemporary surrounding of the Pe of the
Benue-Congo by the Chadic of the Afro-Asiatic linguistic stock. Blench (1996a) had
14
accepted this position when he stated that, the Yangkam language, Pe in Pankshin and Sur
in Tapshin of Bauchi State share the same common lexical items. In their lexical explination
of the contemporary language spoken in Tarokland, Jemkur and Longtau acknowledged
this position and contended that the Tarok, Yangkam Sur and Pe, share a number of
common lexical items, although most of these are not exclusive to them. (Jemkur and
Longtau, 2005). However, they share more with each other than with any other Plateau
Language. They conclude that there are no such common borrowings from the Chadic,
although there are scattered Chadic loans, suggesting that contact with Chadic was mainly
after the break-up of the Tarokiod.
Jemkur and Longtau (2005) further claimed that the Pe-Tarok must have had close
association with the Yangkam and the Sur because Yangkam gave birth to the Pe, and the
Pe in turn gave birth to the Tarok. This is because oral tradition from the Yangkam showed
that their traditional dwelling place had been at the foothills of Wase rock. In addition, the
Yangkam are fully aware of their kinship to the Pe and Tarok people.
Jemkur and Longtau in plotting out the route through which the Tarok travelled to
Langtang accepted that the Nok material cultural artifact reveal a great similarity to Tarok
material culture. Jemkur had earlier substantiated this position by revealing that Wamba is
one of the underlying places where the Nok cultural artifacts were found. As such, if the
homeland of Pe, Sur and Tarok is to be located within the Wamba region, then the protoTarokoid homeland of Pre-Tapshin in Wamba will take us to the Nok borders of Ake, Eggon
Mada and Ham. If we accept that Pe, Sur Yangkam are linguistically related, then obviously,
they must have migrated together. Roger Blench had asserted that the Niger-Benue
confluence is the homeland of the Tarokoid. (Jemkur and Longtau, 2005). He argued that
over the period of about 20,000 years ago, there was intense aridity over the Saharan
region. He further positioned that, during this period, there were many activities and
movements of ethnic groups leading to tremendous language evolution. This probably
implies a hunting/gathering economy based on highly dispersed population and may well
be reflected in the present-day scattering of the Nilo-Saharan subgroup and the deep
divisions among them. Blench finally concluded that, it is far more likely that the homeland
for the Niger-Congo was at the centre of the present day Sudan (and not the headwaters of
the Niger) and the Kordofanian represents the Niger-Congo speakers who stayed home.
(Jemkur and Longtau, 2005).
Jemkur and Longtau accepted this assertion, arguing that this could be the definitive
point to trace the migration of the Tarok. They saw this suggestion as revolutionary because
it suggests that the Tarok might have come down from the Eastern-Southern migration
from the Chad that adjourns Borno State in Nigeria. According to them, this migration is
hypothetical, it is not yet widely accepted among scholars; as such still pose a challenge.
Relating this to the researcher’s position, they argued that by implication, if Borno was to
be the migration route of the Tarok, it is not the Tal-Tarok (Chadic) but the Niger-Congo
cluster of the Pe-Tarok that migrated into Tarokland. This is because the phylum of the
Niger-Congo languages is well established and the Pe-Tarok is of the same phyla, while the
Tal-Tarok is Chadic. Jemkur and Longtau (2005), went forward to chart the course of the
Tarok migration as follows:
A plausible route the Tarok took if Chad is to be accepted as the homeland for the
Niger-Congo is a westward migration first and then a major southern detour on
hitting the Niger in line with the traditional thesis.
The charting of this migratory route has more implication to this study when the ethnic
contacts along this trail are considered. A causal examination of available comparative word
15
list of Beromic languages reveals affinity between the Tarok and the Tahos. This taken
together with an etymology of Funyellang in Longtau (1991) gives weight to a migration
route for the Tarok from the Niger-Benue confluence. Mudrock (1995) corroborated further
a western migration route for the Tarokiod. He proposed the spread of crops like sorghum
and Fonio from the west to the East, and the converse for livestock.
In conclusion to this section, it is evident that the south-western migration for the
Pe-Tarok has a lot of implication to this study. Principally, the ethnic stock that inhabits
these trails might have had some contacts with the Tarok and such contacts might have
metamorphosed into social relationships.
Migration of Tal/Ngas-Tarok into Tarokland
This is the most popular tradition which most Tarok people know about. That is the TalTarok connection. I purposely left this tradition until now so that our sense of judgment will
not be altered. I wanted us to have a proper look at the various traditions with the hope of
getting a very board perspective of the vastness of the Tarok people.
After the arrival and settlement of the initial contingents of Pe-Tarok into
contemporary Tarok homeland, a later migration of the Tal/Ngas-Tarok went and settled in
the same area, spreading and moving into the plains. The accounts that will be rendered
here are based on the myths of origin and migration as accepted by the Tal/Ngas-Tarok. In
their narration, you will find the centripetal hegemonic references of seniority, big clans,
major clans and other power relations used when referring to the Tal/Ngas clans. These are
hegemonic relationships that came into existences after colonial authority tried to fuse the
various ethnic units of the Tarok into one for administrative conveniences. Banfa alleged
that the reason why they are prevalently used among the Tal/Ngas-Tarok is because these
groups have risen to hegemonic positions, which gave them access to the political economy
of power.
The Tal/Ngas Tarok believes that they have one common ancestor, allegedly known
as Pir. It is claimed that Pir had three children namely Zini, Gunning, and Zhizhi. Zini is
said to be the most senior and Zhizhi the youngest. Somehow, after the death of their
father, Gunning moved to what is known today Langtang and Zhizhi settled in present-day
Bwarat. Famwang further claimed that, Zhizhi later had two sons-Bwarat the senior, and Sa
the younger. Sometimes later, Sa moved eastwards from Bwarat and settled at the present
Pil-Gani. The respective descendants of Zini, Gunning, Bwarat and Sa, form the major clans
of the Tal/Ngas-Tarok people today. Since their departure from Gazum (Zini), each of them
has his independent shrine. (Jemkur and Longtau, 2005).
Furthermore, the present position of ascribing chieftain to the four brothers Zini,
Gunning, Bwarat and Sa indicates that a quarrel must have split them up. This position is
further reinforced by the name Zini which originally was ‘Zingmi’. That is, after the two
brothers (Gunnung and Zhizhi) left Zini, he declared, ‘mi tim ki zing mi’; meaning that, ‘I
have to stay, although I am alone’. It is a common thing with the Tarok to name their
children by the fortunes or misfortunes that befall them. It is also possible however, that
Zini was not necessarily the actual brother of Gunnung, and Zhizhi but a son to their
brother. (Famwang, 1998)
There is also a disagreement by some Tal/Ngas people against the supposition that
the common ancestor of the Tal/Ngas-Tarok was called Pir. Some people advance the
argument for the claim that Pir must be the common ancestor of the Tal/Ngas-Tarok people
because during worship, particularly when a lion or leopard is killed, the Gunnung clan
always says, Gunnung Pir, Gunnung Pir. The Zhizhi people say the same thing - Zhizhi Pir,
16
Zhizhi Pir. The proponents of this claim take these phrases to mean “son of Pir, son of
Pir.” But those who raise objections to this assumption claim that Gunnung Pir, Gunnung
Pir, or Zhizhi Pir, Zhizhi Pir, means Gunnung is as hot as fire or Zhizhi is as hot as fire to
have performed such a valour by killing a fierce animal like a lion or leopard. (Famwang,
1998)
The Tarok word Pir literally means fire. The general view is that only a man of
valour can face and kill a lion or leopard, considering the makeshift type of implements that
the people use in killing such precarious animals. The latter assumption seems to be more
meaningful and more acceptable in view of the fact that Tal/Ngas-Tarok people do not
name their children by natural objects such as fire, water, wood, etc.
Within Tal/Ngas-Tarok clan are numerous sub-clans. Some of these sub-clans
have amusing stories about their origins. For example, the Nacan clan in Bwarat district
claimed to have come from Bashar in Wase emirate. Some of their brothers are currently
living in Bashar. Paradoxically however, instead of the so called ‘visitors’ from Nacan going
to their place of origin (Bashar) for the yearly religious worship, it is the brothers from
Bashar who come to Nacan to worship. This is contrary to African traditional worship
system-where one normally goes to his place of origin for worship-not vice versa. Moreover,
these brothers at Bashar normally bring a lion or leopard to the shrine at Nacan whenever
they kill one. This further attest to the erroneous engrafting of oral traditions to serve
parochial interests as demonstrated earlier. (Fwamwang, 1998)
One interesting fact is that each of the sub-clans mentioned above has its
independent shrine. However, in cases where some minor sub-clans emerge from within a
major sub-clan, they would usually go back to their roots for their sacrifices. Since the
major sub-clans are autonomous, they have their independent Ponzhi Mbin. Clan
arrangement among the Tal/Ngas-Tarok offers an interesting system of government or
political organisation. The clans and the sub-clans have families which are regarded as
royalty. The sub-clans also choose some of the clans among them as the royal clan. For
instance, in Bwarat, all the sub-clans look to Kau sub-clan as the royal clan; in Gazum Zini
all the sub-clans recognise Lagan as the royal family, while Ce and Mwal are the royal clans
among the sub-clans of Nimbar and Sa respectively. In the entire Tal/Ngas-Tarok group
however, Lagan is considered the royal clan. This is evident as, whenever the Tal/NgasTarok meets on any important issue, it is usually the Ponzhi Mbin of Lagan who takes the
chair.
It is worthy to note here that the chair is given to him on mutual understanding
and not that he has any power over any of the major clans, and not even over the sub-clans
within Zini main clan. In fact, Zini is recognised all over Tal/Ngas-Tarok as the senior so
that in sharing things (and this has some important socio-political bearing in the society),
he is always given first priority. In line of seniority of the Tal/Ngas-Tarok, Nimbar follows
Zini while Bwarat comes next and Sa comes last. It is also worthy of note that Timwat, who
is said to be living in the land before the coming of the Tal/Ngas-Tarok ancestor, is
recognised as a major clan and therefore also has a share. However, relationally the Timwat
share closer link to the Pe Tarok than the Tal/Ngas Tarok. (Famwang, 1998).
Pre-colonial Tarok migration into the plains of the River Benue
This section examines a recent migration of the Tarok from their homeland in Langtang to
the plains of the River Benue. The researchers aim in this investigation is to find out how
such migration might have influenced the cosmology of the Tarok. Based on interview
conducted, the assumption is that during this migration that the Tarok people once more
17
had the opportunity to meet with those whom they previously might have migrated; as
such, this recent contact would have intensified their practice of social relationships. One
basic example of this is the contact of the Tarok with the Jukun in Wase. The researcher
gathered that although the Tarokoid had migrated with the Jukunoid from the confluence
of the Rivers Benue and Niger, the Jukun passed through the south-eastern axis to settle in
Wukari, their headquarters, while the Tarok took the north-eastern axis to Langtang.
Wukari is about 200 kilometers south east of Langtang. Although they had contacts
between them, they did not have the continual opportunity for the outplaying of social
relationships. However, Kums claimed that with the recent migration of the Tarok from the
hills and the Jukun from the River Benue, they would have met at the plains of the River
Niger. (Smith and Smith 1990). It is assumed that this meeting would have greatly
influenced the outplaying of any exiting social relationships. This recent migration and
contact also brought the Tarok in contact with other ethnic groups as the Bachama
(Bwatye), Tiv, Alago, Idoma, Agatu, and other ethnic groups would resulted into more
outplaying of social relationships between them. Their meeting point during the migration
was at the plains of the River Benue. (Smith and Smith 1990).
To achieve the analysis of the migration of the Tarok to the plains of River Benue, the
researcher will delve into the emigration pattern of the Tarok before exploring the
dimension of the area in which they live before they migrated from the hills to the plains of
River Benue. By implication, the plains of the River Benue included areas such as the Wase,
Langtang South and part of Taraba State. In this context, the name Tarok includes all the
Tarok clans units, as there is no distinction to their linguistic classification or origin and
migration pattern. (Kums: 1998:39).
At the time of the recent migration, the Tarok people were divided into two sections,
the hill and plain Tarok. The hill Tarok referred to the plain Tarok as the O Tarok ga byan
(Tarok who live in the plains), while the plain Tarok refers to the hill Tarok as OTárók ga
mbam (Tarok who live on the hills). The most observed use of the expression O Tarok ga
byan referred to the Tarok people in the present Bwarat, Sa, Langtang town and Langtang
South Local Government Area. OTárók ga mbam on the other hand, referred to the Tarok
in Zini, Funyallang and Kwallak. The compositions of the clans that make up Zini section of
hill Tarok included Jwakber, Kullok, Dibar, Luktuk, Gebong, Dambers, Lagan, Gangtang
and Warok. The Funyallang clans include Kurswang, Kwangpe, Man and Dwal. On the
hand, the Kwallak clans include Kwangpe and Dangyil. This categorisation is necessary
because it presents a clearer picture than earlier categorisation of Tal/Ngas Tarok and PeTarok. It is also necessary because, prior to the migration, the various ethnic influxes had so
much intermingled, that the differences that existed among them had virtually disappeared,
and the Tarok nation has metamorphosed into a single ethnic unit. Consequently, the
researcher will maintain the categorisation of one unit so as to create an enhanced
understanding of the later spread of the Tarok people. (Kums: 1998:39).
The present spread of Tarok settlement in the plains, to a large extent, correlates
with their movements from the hills. Before their migration into the plains of the River
Benue, the various clans of Tarok were residing in the hills. However, with population
growth and the inability of the land to accommodate the growing population, most of the
people migrated to other places. As such, only the clans of Zini, Kwallak and ‘O’ Hang
(Funyallang) were left in the hills. In Langtang Ce met Timwat, already settled north-east of
Langtang, Bwarat also moved to his present location in the Bwarat hills, giving birth to Sa
who moved east of Bwarat. Kums alleged that, Bwarat met Kankur clan who had already
settled in the area of Langtang town when he arrived there. On the other hand, Wang clan
18
was already settled in Pil Gani when Sa arrived. (Smith and Smith 1990). Each clan settled
in a separate area and established its mode of living on an independent basis. Although
each clan had its own homogenous settlement pattern, whenever they migrated, however,
they usually lose their individual identity and become absorbed in the settlement pattern of
the clan to which they migrated.
The seats of power or locus of control of these clans also led to the settlement
location becoming their headquarters. Thus, the ‘O’ hang who were the initial arrivals into
Tarokland, settled in Funyallang which subsequently became their headquarters. Similarly,
the Zini people settled in Gazum and it became their headquarters, while Langtang village
became the headquarters of the Nimbar (Ce) people. Langtang was later adopted as the
name of the Council Area of the Tarok people, while the town served as the headquarters of
Langtang North Local Government Area. Kau became the headquarters of Bwarat, but has
now been replaced by Reak. Also Kwallak became the headquarters of the Kwallak people.
While Pil-Gani served as the headquarters of the Sa people (Kums: 1998:39). Thus, the
settlement pattern of the Tarok corresponded to the clan structure of the Tarok people.
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the various clan units in Tarokland had
already migrated to their homeland in their contemporary locations. The migration
occurred in about three waves: first the Pe-Tarok, then Tal and Ngas-Tarok. Traditions have
it that the arrival of the Tal and Ngas-Tarok was orchestrated by the arrival of Zini clan into
the hills. Another branch of the Tarok people led by Nimran, also known as Namarrang or
Nimaram, went to Kanam a neighbouring Local Government Council. Gunning took Ce,
Bwarat and Sa to what today is referred to as the plains of Langtang. It is the plain Tarok
that later migrated to the plains of Wase. Even though it was very difficult to migrate in the
pre-colonial period due to threat of enslavement, the Tarok were able to migrate to the
plains of Wase and settled on the river bank, there they eventually came in contact with the
Jukun at Kumbwung. (Kums: 1998:39).
One of the most controversial points is the exact dating of when the Tarok people
were able to reach the plains, as there were no written records. However, Captain T. A.
Izard proposed 1760 as the date for the establishment of the Jukun settlement in the Wase
area. On the other hand, 1820 has been agreed upon as the exact date of the arrival of the
Madaki Hassan of Bauchi at Wase. At the time of the Jukun settlement in Wase-Tofa in
1760, the Tarok had already settled in the hills and the plains of Wase.
Oral tradition indicates that the Tarok of the Sa, Dangal, Singha and Shuwi had
already spread to the plains before 1760. To properly appreciate this position further, the
researcher have to go back to the Tal/Ngas-Tarok migration from the hills. When Tal/NgasTarok left Tal, Gunning established himself at the south west end of Langtang hill, and
Bwarat went North West, and settled close to Bwarat. The clans of Gani, Dangal, Singha
and Shuwi were the first to leave the hills to the Wase plains. Hence, when the Jukun came
to Wase Tofa in 1760, Gani, Dangal, Singha and Shuwi had already settled and spread in the
Wase plains. (Kums: 1998:39). An informant alleged that the Jukun went into a treaty of
allegiance with these four sub-clans. He asserted that, a case in question is the worship
pattern of the Jukun in cognisance of the Singha people. He said that, it is accepted even
today, that the Jukun in Wase Tofa give tributes of meat sacrificed in their shrine to the
Singha people as a sign of allegiance.
Even though the Tarok had a good relationship with the Jukun, such was not the
case with the Madaki Hassan of Bauchi. Thus in 1815, Singha in alliance with the Jukun
fought the Madaki Hassan of Bauchi as he spread his tentacle in the area. On the other
hand, Gani, Dangal and Shuwi clans were diplomatic and met the Madaki Hassan with
19
friendliness as they were not aggressed by them. (Kums: 1998:39).
Although the exact date of the migration of the Tarok to Wase plains is not certain, it
is asserted that the Jukun came in contact with the Tarok during the reign of one Ponzhi
Mbin of Ce by the name of Gadong, who ruled between 1675 and 1735. This oral tradition
reported that Gadong met a Jukun one day as he was out hunting, and not understanding
each other, they communicated in signs asking each other for tobacco. On another day
when they met, Gadong told the Jukun of his settlement near to Wase Tofa. At this time,
there was no Wase only Kumbur village. Wase is a Hausa word indicating the victory of
Madaki Wase over the Jukun and Tarok in 1820.
Even though there may be different versions of the migration of the Tarok to the
Wase plains, the aforementioned seemed to be historically more accepted and has a backing
of Tarok oral tradition. Interestingly, all traditions pointed to the assertion that the Tarok
people were fully assimilated into Wase as citizens long before the arrival of colonialism
20
CHAPTER THREE
CREATION OF CHIEFDOMS AS SELF-ACTUALIZATION STRATEGY AND
CONFLICT RESOLUTION TOOL: ISSUES ABOUT REFORMATION OF THE
PONZHI TAROK STOOL
Selbut R. Longtau
Nigeria Bible Translation Trust, Old Airport Road, P.O. Box 790, Jos
1. Introduction
The stool of Ponzhi Tarok has been vacant since the demise of His Royal Majesty, Edward
Cirdap Zhattau, OON on 16th November 2008. General Domkat Yah Bali was elected as a
new Ponzhi Tarok in 2010. That exercise generated much conflict and court litigations. His
resignation did not quell the disquiet, discontent and clamour for justice. A landmark court
ruling in November 2020 on one of the litigations stated that the stool has never been filled.
For inexplicable reasons the Plateau Government appealed the case as with others.
The exit of the General in December 2020 seem to be a vista for stalled action on filling the
stool to move forward quickly. A Think Tank, called Tarok Elders Forum (TEF) which has
been an interventionist platform on Tarok socio-political matters had attempted in 2019 to
profer a solution on the imbriogio. It commissioned a select committee of academics to
study the impasse and make recommendations on the way forward without much success.
The Tarok Joint Tradition Council did act on the recommendations.
However, recently the State Governor informed the Tarok people through TEF to initiate
action so that the stool of the Ponzhi Tarok can be filled. In response, on 23rd March 2021,
TEF wrote a letter to the Governor for the whole issue of the chieftaincy to be addressed in a
comprehensive way and want the governor to give them the opportunity to initiate the
action and see how the Tarok people will come up with a position that will be acceptable to
everyone. The Governor gave the go ahead as consultation and permutation in trying to
address the issue took place a submission made to the Governor since May 2021.
The above positions makes any further comment on the matter a mere academic exercise.
In this paper1, I shall bring the dynamics in Tarok conflict resolution mechanisms by
drawing lessons from a plausible chieftaincy reform and to posit that a neglect of traditional
mechanisms, history and fairness a flurry of unending agitations and litigations will
continue.
2. History of the creation of the stool of the Ponzhi Tarok
1
This work is partly drawn from a research discussion to enrich a contribution by Dr. Elias Nankap Lamle to a
Stakeholders Meeting on the appointment of a Ponzhi Tarok or a follow-up letter to the Plateau State Government. This
has been overtaken by events since a position has been by the entire Tarok nation. However, it has recommendations that
can inform more discourse. Views here are personal and have nothing to do with my membership of the TEF. Nothing is
written here to bring disrespect or generate controversies to TEF.
21
Any objective and detailed analysis on the creation and appointment of Warrant Chiefs by
the Colonial Administration is a big lacuna. This long excerpt from Shagaya (2006) will
suffice.
There are many undergraduate projects, which usually have some axe to grind.
Amongst the better ones are J. Daddy: ‘The Development of Political Chieftaincy
among the Tarok, and the creation of the Ponzhi Tarok or Chief of Tarok’ and Nimnan
Langnim: ‘A History of the Development of Gazum chiefdom in Tarokland from the
Precolonial Era to 1990’. (Howver) in dealing with a decentralised political group like
the Tarok, the British found it difficult to create an emirate style system of
administration based on districts headed by political chiefs with executive powers. The
multiplicity of political units and the rivalries between the clan groupings made it
difficult to find a chief who would be a satisfactory district head from the British point
of view in either the Plain or Hill Tarok areas. The oPonzhi mBin, because they were
surrounded by taboos and had their religious duties to perform, were not anxious to
assume the role of political chiefs. In any case, almost all of them had been either
killed or deposed during the period of the pacification, except for the Ponzhi Gani,
Zhakom, who was in charge of diplomatic relations with Wase and Bauchi, and who
was confirmed as headman of Gani. It is reported that when the British approached
the Fulani of Wase, they referred them to Gani who took them to Zuzul Dadi who, as
Ponzhi Mbin Ce, was regarded as their ritual superior. It is reported that Zuzul Dadi
ran away. Later he was either invited to a meeting of chiefs by the British or was taken
to Ibi by force and subjected to so much ill-treatment that on his return he died in
1904. Since the Ponzhi Mbins could not accompany the whites on tour, it was decided
to appoint political chiefs who would be officially the deputies of the Ponzhi MBins.
Thus the first political chief appointed for Langtang was Fallan Kalam of Kettang in
1903, one of the ruling houses in Ce, of whom Captain T.A. Izard wrote in 1922:The first chief of Langtang (Fallan) appointed by the administration was not a
happy choice. The reason for his appointment being apparently merely to
supply a tax collector influenced by the fact perhaps that the hereditary chief
was unwilling to accept service under the British administration.
Miri Saldun who succeeded Zuzul Dadi as Ponzhi Mbin Ce although himself a member
of Marzwal house nominated two political chiefs from Kettang house, Likli who only
served for a short time in 1906 - 1907 and was removed by the Europeans because they
thought he had the signs of leprosy on his hands, and Vonjen Dodo who ruled from
1907 - 1916. On his death he was succeeded by Yarling Toktau also from Kettang who
ruled between 1916 and 1922 and who was the first chief to rule over the whole of the
Plain Yergam (Tarok) District. He became involved in a dishonest cloth deal and was
found guilty, gaoled (sic) and dismissed. Miri Saldun who had all the time been the
Ponzhi Mbin Ce decided that he would himself become political chief and perform
both political and religious roles. However, after a short time, 24th August, 1922 1923 he decided he could not perform both roles and preferred to revert to being only
a Ponzhi Mbin. He nominated Ndam Tyem Gung (Datyem) from Vongen ruling house
who ruled from 1923 until his death in August, 1954.
Jacobs (1994, 1995) are detailed synthesis of the origin of the stool of the Gbong Gwom. It
is of a different nature because unlike the Tarok case, a coexistence of a traditional and a
quasi-tradional systems. The seeming contradictions in Tarok system are no contradictions
at all. The Colonial Office had no patience to untangle the labryrainths of factors are are
necessary for a reform that can stand the test of time. The very first reform that led to the
22
creation of the stool of the Ponzhi Tarok was when Plain Tarok of Lowland Division and
Hill Tarok of Pankshin Division were merged together under the Reak Accord of 1955. What
transpired at the meeting for the signing of this Accord under the mango tree?
At the time of the Accord in 1955, the HRH Garba Wuyep, Ponzhi Langtang was the
Paramount Ruler in Plain Tarok and HRH Sarkin Kwariya Wuyep Miri, Ponzhi Zinni. With
the signing of the Accord, HRH Garba Wuyep became the 1st Ponzhi Tarok. Ponzhi Zinni
had wanted to take the 1st shot but HRH Garba explained that he was HRH Miri’s junior
and so he should be allowed to take the shot first. He appealed to the fact that Zinni was the
most senior amongst the descendants of Gunnung. Apparently the Ponzhi Zinni was
contented and on his return home his new born was named Talgwang (Gen. Jon Temlong,
personal communication).
The exchanges between HRHs Garba and Miri did not just go without input from
others. Ponzhi Gani wanted clarification on where the rest of Tarok stood in the scheme of
things. A consensus was arrived at after much discussion that the 2-way division should be
used in ascending to the stool. A rotationary basis between Nimbar and Zhizhi was clarified
and established. Under the system, when it would the turn of Nimbar, the composite units
of Ce, Kumbwang and Timwat would meet and bring a candidate who will automically
ascend the throne. The next vancancy will automically filled by Zhizhi after a consensus
candidate has emerged from the composite meeting between Zinni, Bwarat and Gani. This
formula was sealed by the slaughtering a covenant ram. Unfortunately, this all important
conflict prevention and mediation strategy was not captured in the formal 1975 Gazeette
and subsequestion selection processes to date. Reak Accord remains a squandered hope for
an inclusive stool.
3. Contemporary Situation
The TEF requested the Governor to give them the opportunity to address the issue were
specific in giving the Governor a proposal for the creation of seven chiefdoms namely:
Langtang, Kumbwang, Timwat, Zinni, Bwarat, Gani and Byan. This simply means that a
position had been taken without taking the matter first the complex Tarok composite units
for input. This is like putting the cart before the horse. Secondly, the letter from the TEF to
the Governor was a breach of participatory conflict resolution norms since it is an informal
group. Moreover, the Forum is apolitical and so it is not the best platform to solve a
political problem. This group started as an informal meeting and remains as such.
Mr. A.T. Bigun in a personal communication stated that TEF was birthed when Chief
Solomon D. Lar was released from prison in 1987 during a visit to him. The event led to a
mobilization by him to Chief Lar. Seeing the multitude of Tarok elders at his house, Chief
Solomon Lar was deeply touched. He suggested that such an informal gathering of Tarok
elders should not be allowed to wither or die just like that. He further requested that they
should continually meet together as Tarok elite. This history is meant to absolved the
Forum from misgivings.
Culturally and historically, Tarok as a people are Republican even before the coming
of the white man. In our culture, the elders of each village and clans form the highest
authority in the land. They are the ones that handle even religious matters. The elders
belong to a council called akumbik aponzhi to advise the Ponzhi Mbin. For example in
Nimbar, Langyi is where appeals to the composite unit are resolved be they social, religious
or political. A matter involving Nimbar and the whole Tarok, resolution takes place at
Longgong.
23
For avoidance of duplication of roles the TEF can be a formal akumbik to Ngwang
Ishi Otarok and Ponzhi Tarok. This will free the true traditional arm of Tarok governance to
his its deeply rooted structures in choosing a Ponzhi Nasara that will work closely with a
customary system with in-built conflict resolution mechanisms that have been tested for
thousands of years.
4. Chieftaincy Reforms in Post–Colonial Era
The creation of chiefdoms during Civlian Administration in Nigeria is an emancipation tool
that gives people the opportunity find expression and fulfillment of the development
aspirations of the people. Basically, Tarok people are divided into two broad divisions based
on prehistory. We have the Tarok people who traced their origin from the Ngas or Tal. Just
for convenience, they are called “Tal Tarok”. There are also Tarok who traced their origin to
Pe and related groups. Again for the sake of convenience, they are called “Pe Tarok”
(Jemkur et al. (2005); Longtau (2010) and Lamle (2010). This Pe Tarok have advantage in
priority of arrival. It is important for this historical precedence to be noted for any fair
chieftaincy reform. Monthlithic Tal Tarok are Lagan and his brothers in Zinni; Kau and
brothers in Bwarat; Sa and his brothers in Gani and Ce and his bother Kumbwang and
others. These core groups trace their descent to Gunnung. Gbak and Mer are linked to
Bwarat through the same ancestor. However, in their cases, they are ritually allied to
Timwat.
The major constituent of the Pe Tarok are Ghang, Kwallak and Timwat (Longtau
2020). The territory from their hills right to the Benue River belonged to them. Therefore a
Lagan man can never be a a Ponzhi Zinni without the amullak of Man of Ghang. The
Timwat also have a pact with the descendants of Gunnung with regard to ritual meat. These
are the authentic factors that should take precedence in a fair reform. A proposal of the
seven chiefdoms that gives 4 to Gunnung of Tal Tarok (Zinni, Bwarat, Gani and Langtang)
and only 1 to Timwat of Pe Tarok is lobesided. The intrigues highlighted can be easily
rectified. The Ponzhi Nasara have always been seen as messengers of elders and the clan
with the amullak of the chietaincy. Superiority was never in doubt. Territorial ownership
was never a matter of discussion before colonial times. Traditional sitting arrangements be
it igban or ipang attest to the historicity of this fact. Now that status of chieftaincy has been
glamorized in line the Emirate system, there is the need to re-address this issue for the sake
of posterity and fairness. Will the messenger continually or perpetually become the Lord
over the Master? In those days up till now the Ponzhi Zinni cannot be installed without the
permission of Ghang becausee what is called ultimate amullak (blessing and confirment
libation) belongs to Ghang. The amullak of Lagan is given to him by Dibar, whereas the
amullak of Dibar is given to him by Ghang. Man of Ghang extraction is the one who
receives amullak for the Kusang clan in Funyellang. This is the practical and symbolic
representation of power and authority in the land. Hence, the power and authority of
installing Ponzhi Zinni resides with the Ghang people. It is critical and important for the
government and indeed everyone to recognize this issue in pursuance of justice and
fairness.
For instance under normal circumstances of full participatory discussion, it is
expected that, the Zinni people, should meet the Ghang and Kwallak people to discuss and
come up with an acceptable resolution, and not any position to be imposed on them. This is
one of the issues that needs to be addressed with immediate effect and should be clearly
spelt out for government action and give justice to Kwallak and Ghang people. This same
scenario should take place in the other chiefdoms that are being created in the Districts.
24
It has earlier been mentioned that the Timwat people are relatives of Kwallak and Ghang
were the autochthonous or aborigines who welcomed and accepted some section to Tal who
immigrated into their land. It should be recalled that, in those days, land was not totally for
farming rather, it was primarily for hunting. The descendants of the Tal people who come to
Timwat requested or pleaded that they should be given a portion of land to enable them to
hunt and feed the family. Out of the magnanimity of Timwat people granted their request
for the land from Langtang. The 1910 Colonial Map is the greatest attestation to this fact
and the control of ritual game. Right to the black sea (referring to R. Benue) the belong to
them. Timwat people allowed Tal Tarok to hunt on that vast land, under the condition that
if they kill animals like lion, elephant, buffalo, leopard (considered sacred animals) such
kills should be given to the land owners, the Timwat. The Tal Tarok joyfully accepted this
condition and they appreciated them for such a kind gesture. The saying that Timwat yar
mbin yap izhe ko, literally meaning that Tmmwat people sold their land in exchange of
meat is bad spirit meant to change facts. That is not the right thing to say, they did not buy
meat with their land as assumed, rather they only entered an unwritten transaction with
people they considered brothers. This was something that was done in those days for peace
to reign.
This historical analysis is only for the purpose of setting the record straight for
posterity. Fortunately for the people of Timwat, a chiefdom is being proposed for them in
the current arrangement. Likewise in the Langtang section, Ce is also proposed to be given
a chiefdom. In such arrangement, the question to be answered is where will the boundary
be? Because Timwat has no boundary with Ce. Their boundary his with Kwallak and Ghang
people because they are the autochthonous landowners. By implication, the boundary
resides among these three aboriginal people. A question that may beg for answer is where
such a boundary can be drawn? This is where intricate and discrete discussion will resolve
difficulties. There is the need for justice in this regard in order to address the burning issue
or contention. Justice here do not necessarily going to court, but for the people to sit and
say what does their tradition and custom say no such matter in an exhaustive manner. This
will systematically lead Tarok people into a new covenant or agreement vis-à-vis the earlier
agreement on hunting which is no longer obtainable as a result of both human and
environmental changes. Since it was a gentle man agreement, the people need to
renegotiate on the basis of respect. This exercise should be painstakingly done in all the
districts. The Colonial masters had no patience or time to dig into the real history of the
people but what will improve tax collection. They wanted administrative convenience and
in the process the people rights and privileges had been trampled upon. This work has no
hiden agenda but to make historical data function in conflict resolution rather gun-anung
‘closing the mouth’ so that secrets will not be leaked.
Conclusion and recommendations
Another practical scenario for Government to consider merge Timwat, Ghang and Kwallak
to form a chiefdom to be called aBam as a Primier Grade 1 Ruler with all the other
chiefdoms under him. The Ponzhi Tarok stool can stiil exist but will be subordinate to aBam
Premier. The Ponzhi Tarok can be rotating among all the Gunnung clans. The Premiership
Ponzhi will be a rotation between the Pe Tarok.
In the alternative, based on the 1975 Gazette should be followed in selecting a Ponzhi
Tarok. When this is done, the Ponzhi Tarok will now convene a kind of a Tarok national
conference and present the issue Tarok people have at hand. Therefater credible and
acceptable solutions will be drawned for a national rebirth and rapid development and
25
industrialization. Chiefdoms that can stand the test of time now be created. All the
agreements will be properly documented and not just word of mouth.
CHAPTER THREE
Azhi Nanpon Nden
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Nankpak Dangde
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
LEOPARD SKIN, THE TAROK SYMBOL OF AUTHORITY AND KINGSHIP
TRADITION
Leopard is one of the most fascinating animals, and has an extraordinarily powerful totem.
Tarok people are drawn to it, captivated by watching it and they seem to be hypnotized by
his presence. Leopard is the fiercest of the big cats, and like Artemis the Greek Goddess
reigns as the archetypal hunter, they each carry the energy of a warrior god or goddess,
always on the hunt. And so the Leopard is a life long totem whose appearance comes with
delivery of a message.
In Tarok tradition, Leopard symbolism comes bearing the message that the time
has come that people must now tap into thier own innate hunting nature, whatever it is they
are desiring and must awaken the hunter within to obtain it. The hunter must go after his
desires with fury and passion, he must lay down his fears and become the fierce
hunter. The time is now as the hunter enters into this energy he will find latent skills
waiting deep within his DNA. These skills have been with you all along, but it is the hunter
that must call up these powers, the powers of stealth and deep desire and desire enough to
hunt down and fight for what he want. This is the passion of the Leopard.
Heart of a Leopard in Tarok Tradition
To the Tarok people, a leopard’s heart is of the jungle and the desert, she can be very near
and keeping a watchful eye on hunter and the hunter will never even know she is there. A
Leopard spirit animal carries the symbolic meaning and energy of privacy. If the hunter
feel the presence of a Leopard in his life, he will have a great need for privacy, and will keep
a keen eye on his surroundings at all times. He will find Leopard power animal high in a
tree when she is not hunting, lounging on a branch her tail swaying almost
flirtatiously. Leopard is a gorgeous representation and symbol of sensuality and feminine
mystique.
The Leopard as a symbol also conveys great physical strength as she can carry her
kill which sometimes weighs two times her own weight, high up into the tree where she
keeps it safe from other predators. The hunter must use this spirit energy of the Leopard to
know when he needs to keep his knowledge or possessions private.
26
The Secrets of the Leopard Totem in Tarok Tradition
In Tarok tradition, a leopard is a totem animal that hides among the trees, using the dark of
the night. The symbolic meaning of Leopard is that she is secretive in all that she does and
is therefore a wonderful talisman and symbol of secrets and the need to keep them.
To the Tarok people, the leopard is the queen of the night, she hunts by night,
loving everything about the night, her prowess and powers come alive at twilight, and her
magic is illuminated by the star filled sky. Leopard symbol uses the cloak of darkness to
give herself great advantage in her quests. People will find that this personal magic, talents
and creativity comes alive at night, and would benefit greatly by doing creative work at
night if the Leopard totem spirit animal is appearing.
Spiritual Meaning of Leopard in Tarok Tradition.
In Tarok tradition, the spiritual significance and meaning of Leopard symbolism is rooted
in the shamanic way. The Leopard has long been a totem of the Shaman and medicine
people of ancient ethnic configuration. People are being guided to explore or expand the
path of the Shaman, there is much for them to experience and learn. Leopard symbols can
help guide people on shamanic path and vision quests leading them to greater
understanding of thier true identity and life purpose (Precisely love.)
Above all, a great man is one who once killed a leopard, an extremely ferocious
animal. Thus, he has the right to wear a cap made from the spotted skin of the animal. The
cap is now generally won as symbol of greatness among Tarok men. Great men are also
known by the size of their harvests, the number of children and the spirit of giving to the
less privileged. Those that lead men to war and return victorious are also, without doubt,
among great men in Tarok land.
Tarok Day (Illum O’tarok)
The Tarok people have an annual event, the Ilum O Tarok (Tarok Day). The celebration of
Ilum O’Tarok is driven by the imperativeness to push for peace and togetherness among
Tarok people. It is also a platform for updating the Tarok traditional skills for the sake of
spurring technological development, leading to economic and social development. If Tarok
people must remain distinct, there is also the need to encourage upcoming generation of
Tarok men and women to uphold the culture and traditions of their ancestors. One cannot
deny the link between a distinct culture and tourism and the economic blessing that trails
it. A tribe living in isolation cannot move on with ease. Thus, the need for community with
neighboring tribes is another driving force behind the Ilum O’Tarok.
27
Evolution of Ponzhi Tarok: Another perpective
This section looks at the status of the Ponzhi Tarok from a perpective. Since this material
gives voices to all and sundray within the Taork Traditional Strata its cardinal that this
perpective be resepected and given its own merit. Thus using oral tradtion, this position is
then crafted and presented here.
An important change in the political studies of the Tarok. The Ponzhi Tarok stool
was further upgraded to first class status in October 1980 in Plateau state. Before the
coming of the Europeans, the Tarok people were been ruled by Ponzhi mbin (chief of the
land) as practiced elsewhere in African. The Ponzhi mbin came alongside or as old as the
existence of the Tarok people. In fact, custom did not allow them to shake hands with any
body even up till date. The Ponzhi mbin stone (stool) were exchanged between two clans as
Gandulong (ce) and Ritak (kumbwang) and the stool traditionally killed many lives. The
Ponzhi mbin usually took responsibility on behalf of the people as stated above.
At the same time, for about 200 years ago, there was a tribal war within the
Shendam province under the then lowland federation which included present Langtang
North and South, wase, Mikang and Shendam Local Government Council. As a result of
this, the Tarok people captured a woman at the war front and was taken to their
headquarter, that is the mountainous hill where the Ponzhi mbin lives with his elders and
this woman was having pregnancy. One day, there was a problem that needed financial aid
and the Ponzhi mbin and his elders that the woman should be sold to the gandulong people
that is the house people a nicknaname given to them by the Tarok people reached a
consensus. Specific intsructions were given concerning the trade; if the woman gives birth
to a girl on their way the woman and the baby should still be sold, but if she gives birth to a
baby boy they should returned back to the mountainous area. Not far away from where they
took off the woman gave birth to a baby boy and safety did as ponzhi mbin and his elders
gave instruction to them. Tarok tradition demands that in the case of such an event or
occurrence, the eldest is expected to take responsibility. Thus the Gan (Ce) who was the
eldest within the Lowland Tal Tarok extraction became responsible for the boy and his
mother. The boy given up to the ages of herds boy (oven gibil), range from five to eighteen
years he started taken care of cattle (goats/sheep) in the field, and the behavior of the boy to
his fellow mates was abnormal that is he proved wanders by feeling with varieties of food
from the water which eventually made them not to eat at home in the evening and it so
much disturbed the elders and they found out from the other herds boys and was true. This
tradtion justifies the Marzwal sub section of the Ce clan. Therefore, there was a decision by
the elders that let him (Gundulong) be give the stool of the Ponzhi min so that he could died
because it is believed that the stool normally killed people called the Wausa Gandulong and
the name of the person would be Gandulong people (Wausa people) that was why he was
given the name Gandulong.
Gandulong later married and gave birth to children named Sinnap, Naittang, Ngim
(Lirfa) Marzwal, Gigan as the most senior. When their father died, the Ponzhi Mbin to
Iponzhi O’Tarok is restricted to the Gandulong families as mentioned above
interchangeable to date with the Sinnap ruling infact confirmed that is only the Ce Clan that
constitute the Royal lineages of the Tarok and not even all the Ce Clan but the sons of
Gandulong.
28
Clarify the clan tradtion within the Stool of Ponzhi Tarok: An attempt
This tradition is basedon oral evidence, even though whimsical, its needs to have a voice so
that it can give give room to all voices by the Tarok students in ABU Zaria, thus, this
tradtion is herby respected and presented here. This tradition does not desire to present
any sence of superiority, schism, or division, rather its gives room to the oral tradtion of the
people who crafted it. Thus it’s so presented as crafted by the advocates.
The reason why it is only the Gandulong (Ce) clan that is entitled for the stool is
because there was a decision by the elders to let Gandulong (the slave boy) who belonged to
the house of Gandulong (Ce) to become the ponzhi mbin. This gesture was to ensure his
death because his action of feeding his herd with variety of food in the bush was abnormal.
Contrary to their expectation, he didn’t die thus giving him and his clan Gandulong (Ce) the
advantage of being she Royal lineages of the Tarok people up till date
Looking at it critically, the Gandulong (Ce) people is being pronounced because he
was the eldest son among his brothers and the responsibily of watching after Gandulong
(the slave boy) and his mother wasbeing given to him that is why his name is emphasized to
date, but sincerely, the real blood of Gan (Ce) is not the ruling family rather is the blood of
Gandulong (the slave boy) that is ruling in Tarok land to day
The king makers (Onim Oga yak Iponzhi)
According to his Royal Highness, the late Ponzhi Tarok in person of Mr. Edward
Cirdap Zhattau the king makers of the Ponzhi Tarok are as follow:
1.
The Kuffen District head
2. The Gani district head
3. The Bwarat district head
4. The Gazum district head
5. The Ponzhi zinni (Chief)
6. The Ponzhi Warok (chief)
7. The Ponzhi mbin (Chief priest) zinni
8. The Ponzhi mbin (Chief priest) Dambar
9. The Ponzhi mbin (Chief priest) Kuffen
10. The Ponzhi mbin (Chief priest) Sa
11. The Ponzhi mbin (Chief priest) Bwarat, respectively.
29
CHAPTER FOUR
Dashe Augustine Manchang
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Nanbol Napdo
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
FOOD PRODUCTION, PREPARATION AND TAROK AGRICULTURE IN CONTEXT
This chapter metamorphosed into a more detailed version co-authored with Dr. Roger M.
Blench. Any enrichment is attributable to Dr. Blench’s contribution. Our aim here is to
revisit the topic form a utilitarian scope in view of the central role agriculture still play in
the life of the people now and in the foreseeable future. We have fallen back strongly on a
background in development studies and comparative linguistics as the mythologies of the
chapter. This might make arguments in parts of the chapter to appear cyclic and repetitive
but that is not the case as it is only an emphasis.
Farming in Tarok Land
Farming has always been the pride of the Tarok people. The Tarok people are cultivating
varieties of food cash crops. Food crops such as beans, yam, maize, guinea corn, millet, etc.
are usually cultivated for household consumption while cash crops like ground nut, pepper,
Bambara nut, etc. are usually cultivated and sold in order to satisfy other needs.
Because of the great unity of the Tarok people, farming is usually undertaken by
the people coming together to form a group, or people of the same clan and community
forming the group, usually having or giving it a name. This is so because individuals can
easily get help with the tediousness of farming and other benefits that is associated with
people coming together to form a group. Having formed a group, authority and power are
given to some persons in the group. Anyone holding a position of authority can be changed
from time to time, if he/she is found wanting in anything. Members are expected to
conform to rules and regulations guiding the group.
The following are positions in the group with the functions of any person in such
position. It should be noted that some of these names carry some Hausa connotation, its
has been accepted within Tarok oral tradtion, thus is so presented because languages are
always evolving and borrowing, thus the Tarok language has borrowed these names from
the Hausa language.
PONZHI IRAM: This is the king in the farm. Any other member in the group is under
him, he gives direction on how the farming work should be carried out.
BARDE: Normally a male youth who has experience and physical strength and ability in
farming. He is the head of the youth; he is in charge of leading the youth.
30
BEDIRY: This is an assistant to the Barde. During the farming process, they normally stay
at extremes, other members will be in the middle. No one passes them when the work is
ongoing.
ZARBIA: Normally a woman that sings in the farm while the work is ongoing. She also
plays an instrument called lalaji. Other members join her in singing the song. Songs
normally sang are usually intuitive and basically singing on reality of life and also
happenings in the Tarok land either the bad or good things that the Tarok people are facing.
UNIM GA NIM IGANGA: This is the drummer. A drummer, normally a male,
accompanies Tarok-farming process. He beats the drum in other to assist the Zarbia,
bringing out good melody. This normally charge or give more morale to the youths or the
members in the farm. Helping them to work without getting tired.
SATI: This is a person who normally brings a gallon of nchér (gruel) for the Barde to take
and other members. Normally known as “achippur” when they have worked and are tasty. If
a member comes to the farm when achippur has been taken, without giving reasonable
complain for late coming, the Barde within his authority can charge the member for going
against the rules and regulations. The charge can be iruku (fowl), Ibél (goat) or any wild
animal. Days or week will be given to the said person to bring either any of the items.
MAKAJIYA: It is a female, who organized women to take items like nchér (gruel), iyamri
(food) and other items to the farm.
O’NIMBÀK: These are the elders; they are partially engage in farming with the youths.
But they are responsible for cleaning the farm before the youths will weed it. This is done in
order to prevent snakebite and any other bad things that might be hiding under thick
grasses or shrubs. After a lot of work has been done for the day, there is what we called
nwon àyi.
NWON ÀYI: This is when everyone will go under a tree for shed, normally a big tree in the
farm were Makajiya has instructed the women to drop the nchér(gruel), iyamri(food) and
other items. This activity is carried out whenever the Barde calls for it. O’nimbàk (elders)
don’t sit in the same àyi (shed) with the youths, theirs is different under a tree too. Their
own share of nchér (gruel) and iyamri (food) is been taken to them. The ponzhi iram, Barde
and Bediry are among whom to be first served with the nchér in calabash and iyamri. It is
during this period of time, a day can be agreeing upon and fixed on whose farm they will
work next, and other things concerning the group will also be discussed.
NNÀN IKUR: This is usually the remaining work to be done, usually not much before
everyone will disperse to their homes. The Barde and Bediry been among those first served
with nchér and iyamri will be the first to go back and start farming (nnàn ikur), after a few
minutes, every other member is expected to go and joint them.
Nkam-Igwal, ‘Payment for use of Anatomical Arms’, at Crop Harvest
The harvesting of crops like millet and sorghum is done by communal neighbourhood
labour. The children are responsible for collecting the harvested heads of guinea-corn or
millet to a central pile. They may sing any entertainment songs. They stretch out their arms
31
as containers to collect the harvest. The to-and fro movement to collect the harvest is very
strenuous. But the child is compensated at the end is allowed to take home the very last
collection. The mothers typically encourage their children and wards to take advantage of
the special offer.
The men on their part would have noticed the more hardworking children and
similarly encourage the young ones to take full advantage of the opportunity as well. The
children therefore stretch out their arms to the utmost limit in order to collect ample
portions of the harvest. This exercise eases off the fatigue that the children have endured in
the course of the day, and their display of hardwork attracts much commendation and
laughter from the adults and the children alike. It is through this rewarding process that
harvestis chieved. Through this process, the child is taught the dignity of labor and the
heroic feat of straining himself to the limit of his/her endurance in order to take home an
abundant harvest for the mother. The praiseworthy climax in this process is that each child
is given an equal opportunity to compete; and so justice is served when some of the children
distinguish themselves and emerges as champions. Indeed, the sheer display of such virtues
as patience, a determined willpower and physical strength are moral values of intrinsic
worth that can see them through life, once the children can cltivate such affirmative
character traits at this early stage of life.
The Amuam (Amora) in Tarok Tradition
Amuam is a plant that grows naturally on the plain land, it eigther grow on a virgin land or
on a farmland. It produces a fruit with seeds that is commendably attractuve. It also
produces two tubers inside the ground. One of the tubers is called nka which is brownish in
nature while the other one is whitish in colour. After harvest, the nka is left inside the
ground to serve as the next seed to reproduce another set. The tuber is very bitter but once
it is processed the bitterness goes naturally or automatically.
Proccessing Amuam
The white tubers will be packed home and grinded. After grinding, it will be taken to the
riverside, where the grinded particles will be mixed with water and stirring action
continues. The next action is the filtration or stiffing of the products. The stiffed particles
now are called aya and it is thrown away. It has no any use to the Tarok society. The good
particles that passed through the stiffer are the good ones and are allowed to settle in a
container for hours especially five to eight hours. After this period, the watery part thrown
away and the remaining dense particles in the container is the real amuam. The product is
like the corn flour and it has no test of bitterness or sour.
Ceremonial use of Amuam
In Tarokland or traditional settings, the product can be used for the following purpose:
1. It can be used in the shrine during or on the last day of masquerade festival.
The amuam is prepared by women at home to be taken to the shrine so that the
masquerades will eat and seal the lips so that they will not talk again till the next season
before, the lips will be reopening by the chief priest.
2. It is used during marriage ceremony. The bride who is newly married will
prepare amuam to be served to all guests that were present during the programme. During
this period, all those that were present will have to do what is literally called ndang ikpang,
that is youth and those elders who were present will contribute to be given to the bride
(closing the calabash).
32
3. A woman whose her father-in-law or mother-in-law died or any
member of the family of her husband which is an in law to her (uka) she will
prepares amuam during the burial or at any time at her convenience not necessary
that day of mourning.
4. A woman who want to gain her husband advantage draw his attention
especially in polygamous marriage, will prepares amuam for her husband with good
ingredients that will give wonderful aroma. (ngub ivang)
5. Amuam is used for starching clothes. That is, it will be mixed with
water make it liquid and a cloth will be socked inside and later dryied, it will be
pressed or ironed after which the cloth will looks new and very attractive.
6. In another development, the product Amuam is used to serve the
intermediary (go between) that is the man that mediates between the in-law and the
groom himself. He takes information from the in-law and relates it to the groom. He
is called (unimsel). When amuam is prepared on the day of ntimcir, one of the dish
is specially preserved for the intermediary and once the dish is presented to him with
Amuam inside, it can’t be taken back. The dish has become the man personal
property.
Preparation of Amuam
1. Rinse liver into a pot and season it with onion, pepper, stock cube and salt and place on
heat to cook
2. Sliced the carrots, A1/2 onion, dress the dried fish and pound peppers and set all of these
aside
3. Once the liver has cooked, separate it from the borth, cut into tiny pieces and set aside.
4. Add one cup of water to the meat water and bring to a boil, add palm oil, the chopped
onion, pepper, stock cube and let the oil dissolve
5. Add the dried fish, liver, carrots, and the peas and cook the stock for 5 minutes so that
the carrots become soft.
6. Reduce the heat to medium low; use tour hand to fetch the starch into to the content
while stirring with the other hand. A spatula is best for this process.
7. Keep adding the starch to the stock until it starts to thicken. Once it has thickened, stop
adding the starch and keep mixing until the white starch is longer visible in the pot
8. Leave the Amuam to cook for five minutes with the lid closed, come back to it and stir,
take it off heat.
9. Amwuam is ready, serve it warm just as it is
Amuam Ingredients
1.
3-cup amuam starch
2. 500g of liver/heart
3. 3 medium sized dried fish
4. 1 medium onion
5. 3 scotch bonnets
6. 2 tablespoons ground crayfish
7. 2 stock cubes
8. A ½ cup green peas
9. 3 medium carrots chopped
10. A ½ cup palm oil
11. Salt to tas
33
The Production of Nche (Sorgum Beer)
The beer (Nche) plays a very important role in Tarok social life. Large quantities were
consumed during rituals and festivals and at the meeting of elders, called achipir, to settle
disputes. It also provided an incentive for taking part in co-operative labour.
Tarok local beer (nche) is made exclusively by women chiefly from guinea corn and
millet. The grain will be soaked in water, and left to germinate for two to three days. The
sprouting grains are then ground, boiled and allowed to cool gradually. The mixture then
will be then being left to stand for twenty-four hours before it ill be ready for consumption.
The whole process usually took about five days. Netting (1968:5) quoting De Schlippe says:
Originally every human group has built its culture ‘from the ground up’. Agriculture
is one of the main links between a human group and the ‘landscape’ in which it lives and
which it exploits. Through agriculture, every environment has taught its inhabitants a
certain way of life.
A lifestyle of hunting and gathering of wild fruits the asserted hunters/gatherers
cannot sustain sedentary life. It is not known when the Tarok switched from hunting and
gathering to permanent agriculture. The share the cogates for sorghum and millet, ikur and
imar respectively in common with other Central Nigerian Languages is an indication that
they came (2007:299) and (2008:240) provides the documentary evidence. Even in the
early 1950s some farmers could be seen squatting in the process of using stone implement
to weed their fields. That is no evidence that the Tarok were still practicing stone-age
lifestyles.
Tarok agriculture has undergone great transformations since colonial time when
some of the hill dwellers and 2nd World war veterans were persuaded to move to the plains
in Langtang South Local Government Area (LGA) so as to increase their farm holdings and
consequently their economic fortunes as they learn how to grow new crops (1957:283-291).
This is so much so that even the practice of bridal farming as an obligatory requirement in
traditional courtship has been replaced by monetary equivalents. The agricultural practices
on the plains are far from being traditional.
Within the last 35 years combine harvesters and other heavy agricultural
machineries were in use at Sabon Gida rice farms. Livestock’s breeding had become a huge
success. The Tarok participated actively in cash crop productions of groundnuts and cotton
under the auspices of commodities.
Marketing Board; and tobacco under NTC Zaria, Cotton and tobacco are no longer
being cultivated. Rice, Yam, Groundnuts and beans are the dominant cash crops of the
Tarok. Fonio, tiger nut and finger millet are no longer being cultivated on a large scale.
However, the cultivation of pearl millet is on the increase because gruel it is now said to be
lower in calories and therefore good for some diabetic patients.
The 1980s saw a great expansion of interest in farming systems research by
agricultural scientists. However, its rhetoric was hardly completed with a corresponding
increase in detailed descriptions of particular systems to cover a wider range. An institution
as institute for Agricultural Research, Samaru, Zaria could hardly cover the entire northern
Nigeria. As a result, researchers seeking information on crops and their distribution as well
as farming practices more generally in Africa are often forced back on older literature.
A valuable counterweight can be found in the occasional studies of African
Agriculture by anthropologists an example being Blench (1989, 1997). Valuable reference
material on individual crops can be found in Burkill (1985, 1994, 1995) and Purseglove
(1974, 1975). This chapter is intended to contribute to this literature by looking at the
34
farming system on the Tarok people of east-central Nigeria in some cultural details so as to
engender interest in traditional crops that are actually highly endangered. Apart from
describing farming practice, care has been taken to transcribe vernacular terminology as
accurately as possible to assist in comparative work. The farming calendar determines the
cycle of the socio-economic life and culture. There are planting and harvest rituals that
bring out the salience of particular practices. The agricultural cycle was closely linked to the
ritual cycle, especially in the case of sorghum, Bambara groundnuts and millet cultivation.
Farm and Bush
Farm and bush are regarded as the same sort of entity, uncultivated land, and so have the
same name, anyin. A decline in simple slash-and-burn systems led to farms acquiring a
distinct name iram applied to any marked out area considered long-term farmland. A
particularly large area of farmland is known as nwur. The act of taking area of possession of
virgin land and its economic trees is called nkpa iram chopping the farm’. Special marks are
slashed on trees to demarcate the land djring hunting expeditons. The Tarok distinguish
cultivated, i.e. fallw land, is called mpom hwile land yet to be cultivated is imwark. A small
patch left unweeded is ajang. Bush farms are known as anyin as opposed to homestead
farms, iram iga anungwang. The act of farming is nwap, while mwak is pwak mpom
‘clearing cultivated land’. Other vocabularies conneted to land preparation are wap
njan/wap iram ‘weeding’, shang iram ‘rdiging’, kap iram shallow ploughing’, tap iram ‘deep
ploughing’, garb nwaci ‘final wedding’ and kpat atak ‘clearing a parcel of land’.
While a woman is till giving birth to children she is supposed to act only for the
benefit of the whole family and therefore does not have a separate farm from her husband.
During this period of her life, she only has a small vegetable patch known as nsem nzhi and
for staples as atak abu. However, when she ceases to produce children and hers own are
settled, her husband can then permit her to won a farm through the custom of nfa iram. At
this time, she sometimes also moves out into her own homestead. The land behind a
woman’s compound used to grow vegetables is known as nseam-nzhi, literally the ‘back of
the house’.
Land and Soil Types
There are two broad classes of farmland recognized by the Tarok; mmwal ‘riverine area’ and
nzam ‘upland’. The mmwal can also be referred to by the term awing ‘stream’. The mmwal
covers two principal soil types, a well-drained alluvial soil called amimiri and a fertile dark
loamy soil, ame, usually translated ‘mud’. Another soil type, amalit, is red clay rich in
mineral, much used by livestock as a lick. Separating the upland form, the riverine soils is a
band of soil, known as alam, considered unproductive but with adequate drainage as in
recent times, rice can be grown there. A soil type, ibanggat with a hard crust but soft wet
earth underneath is found at alam. The grass with shiny leaves, icicil, grows here along with
the shrubs mbwari and nkararo. The generic term for soil is mbin. Elsewhere in the riverine
area, the swampy areas, icitik have clay, aber underlying them.
Ame soil may be either red or white and is held to be best for legumes, groundnuts
may be grown on the red gravel known as ijat. Stony areas in a field are known as ajarak.
This kind of soil is prone to drought and wilting of corps. Soil and water conservation
practices improve the productivity of this soil type. The soil from the rubbish dump, isal, is
also used extensively for cultivation of homestead crops like ikur-ayang, squashes and
gourds, mints, pepper, maize and sometimes millet. Treatment of the pedology of the Tarok
has not been exhausted here.
35
Social Context of Farming
Tarok farming remains a largely social activity, even though monetarization has penetrated
this region of Nigeria in common with other parts of the Middle Belt. An important reason
is that the Langtang area falls neatly between the regions suitable for ox-cultivation and
those where large-scale tractorisation has had some impact. In the 1980s, when tractor hire
was highly subsidised, farmers commonly made use of Local Government and (Plateau
Agricultural Development Programme) PADP tractors to clear large areas of farm land.
The nuclear family unit, nzhi, is the main source of farm labour. However, at times
of peak labour demand, such as weeding and harvest, there are a vaeirty of groups that can
be mobilized for farm work. The most community-wide of these is acipir (shortened from of
acir apir meaning ‘fire of the hearth) an association of all adult males of the village. The
leader of this group is called uponzhi-iram ‘chief of farm’. He forms a group or ‘cabinet’
consisting of;
Tarok
Translation
Hausa
uPonzhi-Iram
Unem ga nca izhar
Unem ga nder ishi ovanben
Chief of Farm
Perso who splits open
buffalo
Man in charge of women
the
Sarkin Noma
Barde
Bidiri
The plan the collective labour acipir together with the unem ga nca izahr or ubarde
(Hausa) who goes to the farm and decides on the areas to be cultivated (izhar). The Tarok
name means literally ‘person who splits open the buffalo’, the term ‘buffalo’ being an
oblique vey unlucky not to complete the ‘buffalo’ and therefore the Barde must plan the
farming effectively so that it can be finished within the time available.
On the day of the acipir, the men gather early in the morning at the house of the
person whose farm is being cultivated and are given beer. This drinking session is called
nwa acipir. When the people have gathered for the work, they from a line across the farm
with their hoes. The drummers, onem gi iganggang, and zither-players, onem ga abwa,
stand behind them and begin to play. Young people actually do the work, but elderly people
also attend to provide moral support. At noon the farming party stops for a bteak, nwong
nwa mmeng, literally ‘stoping to drink water’. Despite its name, beer will be drunk and any
further cases to be adjudicated will be considered. This break lasts about half-an-hour and
the collective work then officially finishes. However, the uBarde usually announces that this
world would be extremely impolite and that out of respect for their host they should be to
the farm for one final piece of work. This is knowm as nkpan imimyang, literally ‘stopping
the farm from growing’. Imimyang, literally stands for dew. The metaphor here is a litotes,
insignificant moisture symbolic of precipitation or rain, extended here to mean a pieces of
land marked out by the Barde to be farmed after the Ponzhi-iram has called everyone to go
home. It may be small but it is symbolic that an extra effort by household no matter how
small can add to finishing the task. In most cases the ponzhi-iram does not join this party as
a sign respect. After the final work is completed, the Barde leads the party to the household
of the host for more drinking and dancing.
Curiously enough, collective farm work is not seen as entirely positive, since the
presence of a large crowd on the farm lays it open to magical attack from envious
neighbours who would like to see the harvest fail. The host therefore performs a rite called
nlep amulak which involves going to the farm early or preferably on the eve of the work
party to place a charm, amulak, in a strategic site. This is considered especially important
before the sorghum harvest.
36
The importance of brewing and drinking beer in the course of acipir has been the
source of conflict in recent years. Some groups of Christians disapprove of the drunkenness
and there has therefore been a move to popularize another type of work-group. This
collective farm work, iram npang, literally ‘farming of porridge’. Was more tolerable to
Christians and does not involve brewing beer. The rich vocabulary with their Hausa
terminology is eloquent testimony of the dynamism of this sector. It is resplendent in
figurative language.
Bride Service in Iram Nggya
Another important form collective farm work is bride service. Part of the agreement
between a son-in-law and his fiancee’s father will include carrying out farm work. The home
village organizes this if the suitor is from another settlement. The suitor brings along a
group of his age-mates nsamari ‘youth group, derive from maisamari’.
Neighborhood Group Nnung-Bwang
Another social group apart from iram-npang is nnungbwang, neighbourhood group.
Harvesting or collecting produce is regarded as less skilled than cultivation and therefore
children and young girls are often called to help. The children who help are rewarded with
igwal, literally ‘arms’, and an armful of produce. Where married women help, their reward
in grain is iyam-nkpa, literally thing to be ground’ or iyam-mmeng, things for gruel. These
days iyam-nkpa has been given a negative connotation as a reference to a prostitute.
Married women how help in cutting cereals are rewarded grain called iyam-ikpla, literally
‘thing of knife.
Farm Work for an Individual
Women farmers sometimes need to recruit parties of young men to do heavy labor such as
stumping on their farm. The usual form of this is nfa-onem, a barbecue party. The normal
animal roasted is a goat or a dog although it is becoming more common to pay in cash. The
food is often served prior to the work which is then referred to as akat, ‘debt’.
Tools of the Farmer
A. Hoes
The hoe is the central tool of Tarok farmers and given the importance of ridging and
seedbed preparation in their farm a number of difference types have been developed.
These are;
Adir
Acam-adir
Apernya
Ashan
A general term for hoe. Also how applied to a tractor that ploughs
Hoe that originally had a large blade that has worn down. Used for clearing the bush
before the rains and the weeding of rice fields.
A small, light hoe used for weeding, general cultivation, digging graves and
excavating the burrows of rodents and mole-crickets.
A large-bladed hoe for raising ridges and mounds for root crops and tubers.
There are two types of hoe now used only for ceremonial or ritual purposes; adirabwa a ceremonial hoe without a handle used in bride price payments. Adir-ayangga was
formerly used for bush-clearing as it had a long handle but as it fell out of use, the length of
the handle was reduced and it was kept solely for ceremonies carried by young women for
celebrations during farm work.
Animal tractions
37
The use of animal traction in Nigeria goes back at least to the 1920s, but only reached the
Tarok area in the 1950s. The first farmer to use an ox-plough in Tarok country, Mallam
Long Butkat, is still remembered today. Despite the fact that many Tarok people own cattle,
the ox-plough is relatively rare, probably due to the density of vegetation. Animal ploughs
are known by two equivalent names meaning ‘hoe of cow’, adir ina and ashan ina. Harrows
are not all common but here have been attempts to introduce them they are known in Tarok
as adir ga nnem ipepa, ‘hoe for shaking the grass’.
Dibbling stick (idunkwar also ikwar)
A stick with a natural 90 bend, where each arm is about 0.50m. Long and has a sharpened
end, used for making small holes in which to drop seeds at sowing.
Digging stick (nkpanggang)
A long stick with a sharpened end traditionally used for heavy digging work, such as at clay
sources; grave and making holes for sugar cane and banaas.
Sickle (ika)
A small iron sickle used for harvesting small cereals such as rice and fonio and cutting grass
for thatching.
Threshing sticks (nkumbek)
A heavy stick about 1 meter long used for knocking down old mud building, threshing grain
an tamping floors. A shorter type, flattened on one side, is used for tamping mud floors.
Harvesting stick nggwa
A forked stick about 2m. long used to break open the heads of sorghum on the stem so that
they dry uniformly before harvesting. This is called nlur ikur ‘bending of sorghum heads’.
The ceremony of nwur ikur ‘packing sorghum’ will be the subject of a separate chapter.
Farming Techniques
Farming begins by clearing the land, ngbal azang, literally ‘killing the vegetation’. Clearing
bush to open up new fields is known as mmwak imwak. As soon as the farmer estimates
rain has set in the seeds are sown, without preparation of the seedbed. About a week after
this, the household goes out to weed the now softened soil. This primary weeding is called
nwap ngbamtrang. Common agricultural activities are listed in Table 1;
Table 1. Tarok farming activities
Tarok Name
Activity
Gloss
Mbek iyam
Broadcasting seeds
Scattering things
Nsuk iyam
Sowing
Planting things
Ndop iyam
Manuring, application of fertilizer
Fertilizing farm
38
Nshang iram
Ploughing
Ploughing
Mbal ibal
Transplanting seedlings
Transplanting
Mbun iyam
Harvesting with a knife
Harvesting
Nkap iyam
Harvesting with a hoe
Digging
Nkpam iyam
Harvesting with a sickle
Harvesting
Nkwaci
Final light weeding of sorghum
Clearing
Nlur ikur
Breaking sorghum
harvesting easier
Nwap ngbamterang
First weeding
Weeding
Nwap nja
Second weeding following the thinning
Weeding
Nwur ashe iram
Last weeding
‘sweeping the farm’
Nzep ikur
Thinning of major cereals
Thinning
Tak iyam
Intercropping sparingly
Intercropping
heads
to
make
‘wrapping sorghum’
Or nwur nkwaci
Farming is based around the creation of either ridges or heaps for yams. Turning
the soil with the hoe is ntep iram whilst making heaps or ridges is either nshang ananjol,
making rizga heaps, or nshag agot, making ridges.
Originally, the only fertilizer available for Tarok farms was the manue, ndop, taken
from small ruminant pens, cattle were tethered on farms in the rainy season and moved
regularly to regenerate soil fertility. More recently, chemical fertilisers, called by the same
name, have been available and many farmers used them. However, the disappearance of
subsidies has caused a return to animal manure.
The shading of crops is referred to as pep and stunted growth as a result of
waterlogging as shi. Ndang imar is tshe ancestral cult outing after the harvest of millet to
symbolically bless households. Nkal ishi ikur, literaly cooking the head of sorghum, is a
special ritual associated with permission to eat new sorghum.
CROP PRODUTION
Despite the diversity of crops grown by Tarok Farmers, there is no single word for
cultivated plant. Harvested crops are collectively known as iyam-nri, ‘things to eat’. The
39
same in a compressed from iyam-ri has been used by some as collective term for crops. A
number of words exist to describe crops once they begin to be processed, for example, iyamizhakan, a newly harvested crop. Iyam-ikpan is the name for the crop harvested in the
previous year. The term ipi’kur applies to seeds of staples such as sorghum, but can apply to
beans.
The Tarok considers the genetic purity of their crops to be very important and
have specific terminology for individual’s plants that develop differently from the others in
the field. These terms are;
Ishimshar
Akuku
Nkeka
Cereals
Other crops
Yam setts
Not tolerated and uprooted
Allowed to develop to maturity
Planting material of small tubers beside the bigger one
Deviant plant types were systematically uprooted and not allowed to reproduce.
Cereals, tuber and pulses
Cereal plant
There is no generic term for cereal, although a number of terms exist for different parts and
stages of growth of the cereal plant. These are;
Agakci
ngakci
Apir
Aleng
Azang
Ishi
Iwu
Mbyal
or
Mmar ishi
Mpol
Ndungsul
Nfer iwu
Nggal
Nkap nggwan
Nkumkum
Nnak iwu
Nnya
Nyar anyam
Mpipyak
Nsar ipang
Nvang ijili
Dried leaves covering the outside of a cornstalk
Seed
Root system
Dried stalk
Head of crop
Fresh grains
Place where the individual seed fibres join the head of the stem (also applied to
bananas
Lit. ‘birth of heads’ when seed head begins to sprout
Head of stalk of cereal crop
Dried roots
Lit. ‘whitening of eyes’ seeding in millet
Fresh stem or stalk
Lit. ‘weaving cocoyam’ describes the sprouting of a cereal when the first two leaves
appear
Poor quality sorghum grain
Lit. ‘putting eyes’ process of seeding
Poor-quality grain that comes to the top in winnowing
Lit. pregnancy the stage before seeding
Unripe groundnuts
Lit. ‘tie its throat’ the stage at which a plat is sexually mature
Lit. ‘drooping buttocks’ abundant production of subterranean crops like groundnuts
and cassava
A. Sorghum, guinea-corn Sorghum bicolor
The generic term for sorghum in Tarok is ikur. Until recently this seems to have referred to
a single traditional cultivar as Tarok culture did not permit the introduction of other types
of guinea-corn. By the 1960s these prohibitions had begun to break down and new varieties
were introduced into the area, notably;
Amadugu
Ikur ilefer
Ikur oduk
Ikur ogoi
Ikur yang
A long-season sorghum with brick-red seeds introduced by a man named Madugu
A long-season sorghum with white seeds from Hausaland
Literally ‘Angas sorghum’, a long-season sorghum with deep red seeds
An short-stemmed variety recently introduced from Hausaland
An early maturing variety corresponding to Hausa jigaari. The name means sorghum
+ hunger, i.e ‘hunger-killer’.
40
The sorghum harverst was regarded as the central event of the Tarok calendar. The
bird Igel ‘grey hornbill marks the beginning of the harvest by bringing heads of ripe
sorghum form Ngas country further north. The harvest begins and the head are stacked in
the fields in a heap called nkali. The first sheaves are brought in by a party of young men
and women in the mothers of February and March and the whole village will come out to
greet them. The young man with the heaviest load is greed tshiri shriri and m ma mba a bu
and archaic expression meaning ‘I greet you’. The standard reply to greetings while
harvesting sorghum is melken melken! The sorghum heads are placed in a circular stack,
ngbali, surrounded by a mat to keep off goats, for neighbors in the village to admire.
Millet (Pennisetum americanum)
Bulrush millet is probably the second most important crop of the Tarok after sorghum. Its
generic name is imar which also ususaly refers to a short-season, tall cultivar,
corresponding to the Hausa gero. A type of imar, imar-idwal, with a short, stubby head, was
adopted form the Montol people in the 1950s but this disappeared during the 1980s but is
reappearing again in 200s because it matures much faster. The seeds are harder and so less
prone to destruction by birds. Two other types of millet cultivated by the Tarok are’
kat
pil
Adopted form the Ngas people (along with the name) and corresponding to Hausa maiwa
A long-season millet with hairy leaves, brought from Ngas, corresponding to Hausa gayamba
Millet plays a less important role in ritual life than sorghum, and is harvested with any
ceremony. Millet is placed to dry on the ground or on a rack known as ndag. The seed for
the following year is usually selected and cut a week or two before the harvest proper. The
head chosen are woven together in a bundle called ndun and then smoked to prevent pest
infestations during storage. Some clans do associated millet with their ritual cycle. The Ce
and tumwat clan perform ndang imar in August to bless the newly harvested millet. At this
time the orim appear and consume a large amount of millet beer. However, for the Ce clans
ndang imar marks the close of their orim season.
Imar-icaca
Imar-iwarwar
Isam
New millet heads split and laid out to dry to break hunger just before the harvest
proper
New millet head roasted as a snacks
Millet special selected and kept by people harvesting millet to be taken home for
roasting and eating fresh, no individual is allowed to take more than 15-20
heads.
Ikaba /rice (Oryza Sativa)
Rice seeds to have been known as a trade item throughout Central Nigeria from an early
period, as the cultivation of O. glaberrima was well established on the Niger. The Tarok
name for rice, ikaba, appears to be derived from Hausa, although not directly, as similar
shortened forms of shinkafa are found throughout the Benue valley. Tarok have another
epithet for rice, ipipa inyil, ‘birds-grass’, which suggest how it must have appeared when
they first encountered it. The earliest improved rice cultivars were introduced in the 1950s
and were collectively known as abidiri ‘Bida rice’ as they were perceived to originate at the
Badeggi research station near Bida.
Modern rice cultivation was first introduced into the area in the 1970s through the
Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC) which began a large-scale mechanized
operation at Sabon Gida in Langtang South. The ADC distributed modern cultivators
through work on the farm. Ti also functioned to stimulate a taste for and thereby demand
41
for rice. The ADC collapsed, as do all such enterprises in Nigeria, but Tarok farmers
perceived the urban demand for rice and expanded its smallholder cultivation at the
expenses of other flood land crops such as cocoyam.
Other cereals
The cereal repertoire of the Tarok has probably changed dramatically during the last
century the last century. In the period of hill-agricultural, crops such as finger-millet and
fonio were probably major stables and rice and maize were unknown. At present the
importance of these pairs of crops in almost exactly the reverse (Table 2);
Table 2; Other Tarok Cereals
Tarok
English
Ibishi
Fonio,
acca,
hungry
Scientific
Digitaria exilis
Ikondong
Maize
Zea mays
Izangzing
Finger-millet
Eleusine indica
Comment
Fonio was once a very important crosp gwon
in the hill areas, valued for its ability to store
well. As the Tarok moved to the plain its
cultivation has been dropped.
Maize was originally grown only in small
quantities on the home-farm. However,
subsidised fertilizer in the 1980s expanded its
cultivation. Ti is now gradually declining
again. The male maize flower is called ikang.
Finger-millet was once a very important crop
grown in the hill areas but as the Tarok moved
to the plain its cultivation has been dropped.
Small quantities are grown today for use by
traditional doctors.
Tuber
The Tarok grows a wide variety of tuber crops, many of which have been adopted in the last
century. Culturally speaking, the most imporant crops are the Labiatae, Rizga and
Tumuku, but the others (table 3) probably make a more significant contribution to diet.
There is a limited variety of general terminology for tubers, the most important of which is
nka, a rotten tuber used for sprouting.
A. Labiatae plectranthus esculentus-rizga
Rizga is one of the important crops of the Tarok, traditionally, although its cultivation has
recently gone into decline. The generic term for rizga is anayol and this also refers to the
best quality rizga Anayol is dried and prepared together with arrowroot, amwam, for
special occasions such as funerals and visits to in-laws. Also rizga is used for making special
dishes at the period of the orim or festivals of the ancestors. The other cultivars are;
+ ace ga’va
Adangrep
Akemek
Aku
Poor quality rizga with small bifurcations. Lit. ‘dog’s penis’
Large cultivar
Large cultivar of rizga without bifurcations, ususally associated more with the Jos
Plateau
Rod and smooth cultivar
Theses cultivars are eaten at harvest iem or are dried and stroed. Rizga setts are
buried after being dusted with ash. There is only one cultivar of tumuku, Solenostemon
ritundifoluis knonw as aturet. This is a smooth –skiinned variety, shaped like a hand. Rizga
has to be cooked with ash to eliminate bitterness, but this is not necessary for tumuku.
Other tubers
42
The other tubers grown by the Tarok are shown in Table 3;
Table 3. Tubers grown by the Tarok
English
Scientific
Comment
Irish
Solanum
The Irish potato is called the ‘white man’s sweet potato’.
potato
tuberosum
The lowlands are rather hot for successful cultivation
and most of the potatoes in the market are brought
down from the jos plateau.
agugwang
aerial yam Dioscorea
Presently hardly cultivated
bulbifera
Ajigono
cassava
Manihot
Sweet cassava
esculenta
Aketeku
Sweet
Ipomoea
Name derived from Hausa, is a relatively recent
potato
batatas
introduction in this area. It is very little grown and most
of those in the market are imported from the jos plateau.
Akup jinni
Cassava
Manihot
An alternative name for all cassava lit. ‘bone of jinni’
esculenta
Arogo
cassava
Manihot
Generic name for all cassava, borrowed from Hausa
esculenta
Ivang
ga bush -yam Dioscorea
A yam found in the bush and sometimes transplanted.
anyin
praehensilis
Its bitter taste is enjoyed.
Ivang
GuineaDioscorea
Grown mainly in the southern part of Tarok country
yam
guineensis
Mbaya
cassava
Manihot
Bitter cassava, no longer cultivated in the Tarok area.
esculenta
Nggwan
New
Xanthosom a Nto decline as the swanpy areas are now used for rice
nNasera
cocoyam
mafaffa
and bananas and the cocoyam are imported from the
jos plateau
Nggwan
Old
Colocasia
This was not favoured because of the scratching in the
nTrok
cocoyam,
esculenta
throat. It has virtually disappeared, displaced by
taro
xanthosoma
Tarok
adangkali
aNasera
The history of cassava provides an interesting illustration of the patterns economic and
agricultural change over the century. The earliest cassavas were probably the bitter cassava,
mbaya, borrowed from the fulbe in the nineteenth century. These gradually replaced by
sweet cultivars, ajigono, which is also called adanwari, a low-yielding cultivar. Cassava was
used for food but not to make gari (grated, fermented cassava). The technique of making
gari, agari, began to spread after soldiers married Igbo women during the Biafran war and
transplanted the technique to the end of the 1970s. one of the few impacts of the PADP was
its distribution of improved cassava cultivars deriving from IITA during the 1980s under
the IFAD programme. These both increased yields and made it possible virtually driven out
the older types, although ajigono is still grown near house for eating fresh.
Pulses
The major pulses grown by the Tarok in the pre-colonial era were cowpeas and Bambara
groundnuts. However, this century has seen the introduction of many new
Types of bean, especially the new world phaseolus spp. Table 4 set out the major
pulsed grown by the Tarok today;
Tarok
Abnza
Acalkat
Afi
Table 4. Pulses grown by the Tarok
English
Scientific
cowpea
Vigna unguiculate
Runner bean Phaseolus vulgaris
Bambara
Vigna subterranea
Comment
Brown bean with small marks (?<H.)
Small, brown, shiny beans found
towards shendam. The name acalkat
means smooth
The different colours of the Bambara
43
groundnut
feature in a very popular game ngbap
afi, a taboo for not eating by the clan of
mer until the performance a ritual
associated with orim is significant
Small
back and brown
bean
(introduced) also nkayang
Introduced by missionaries (English
‘green grain’)
Refers to both ‘traditional’ cultivars
with small seeds and lax vine as well as
the upright larg-seeded types.
Agedak
bean
Phaseolus sp.
Agingeram
green gram
Mungo sp.
Alemwa
groundnut
Arachis hypogaea
alemwa
aNasera
groundnut
Arachis hypogaea
AlemwaaTarok
AlemwaaGoi
Aso adulu
aso alefer
Aso-inyil
Aso-njiman
groundnut
Arachis hypogaea
Red, early-maturing groundnut. These
types were introduced
In the 1960s
Traditional groundnut
groundnut
Arachis hypogaea
white groundnut, i.e ‘Hausa’
Lima bean
cowpea
cowpea
Common
bean
cowpea
Phaseolus lunatus
Vigna unguiculata
Vigna unguiculata
Phaseolus vulgaris
White beans
Wild cowpea lit. beans of brid
Beans with brown and white stripes
cowpea
Vigna unguiculata
bean
Phaseolus sp.
Isanduk
Isandukizwa
Nkayang
Vigna unguiculata
White
spiral
cultivar
eaten
green.<Hausa
Spotted spiral cultivar eaten green
See agedak.
shield’
Nkayang means ‘famine
Vegetables, fruit trees, gourds, squashes etc., are not treatded here due to shortage of space.
Agricultural Change
Some aspects of agricultural change have been noted in the course of the chapter, adoption
of traction, the monetization of some types of farm, the adoption of new crops and the
decline of others. The main driving forces for change have been the move from hill areas
during the 1930s and 1940s, the economic change attendant upon the colonial period and
later the era of independence and from the 1970s, introduction of new crops, cultivars and
inputs as a result of the ADP system.
Many of these latter change has reversed following the cessation of world Bank
funding, but some change, such as the expansion of cassava cultivation are set to persist.
The expansion of market opportunities has led to the displacement of older crops with highvalue crops, especially in the riverine areas. In some cases, this has led to sequences of
displacement. The new cocoyam, xanthosoma, replaced colocasia in the course of the 1960s.
However, in the 1990s xanthosoma was considered not profitable enough in swampy areas
and has in turn been displace by rice and bananas.
Conclusion
This chapter presents Tarok agriculture from the point of view of the farmer, using the
categories recognized in the Tarok language. It shows the rich repertoire of cultivated plants
and also the inherent dynamism of the system. Internal change and external influences
have helped develop a responsive system, able to test, adopt and adapt new cultigens,
44
varieties and cultivation system and drop them again in response to changing economic
conditions. Effective interventions should be able to build on this reservoir of experience
and technical skill. For instance, cultivation of raining season tomatoes can increase the
income of farmers. Modern processing of crops can lead to better marketing. Even exotic
crops like coffee and grapes, water melon grow very well in Tarok land. These are yet to be
tapped. The spread of farin kaya in the agricultural system for natural manuring is yet to be
exploited. The plant grows leaves only in the dry season.
CHAPTER FIVE
Nansel G Lar
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Nankpak Henry Binshep
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
THE DEATH, BURIAL RITES AND ANCESTORAL VENERATION IN TAROKAND
Burial in Tarok Land
The elaborateness of the deceased’s buried depends on the social status of the individuals
concerned. For an ordinary person, the mourning lasts for three days. Mourning is differed
for about a year for an important person, preferably during the dry season, at that time
there will be a great feasting. This is called Iku-inaknak or “deferred mourning” mourning
is differed to give the deceased an appropriate send off to the other world.
Normal mourning last for three days and nobody goes to the farm. The actual
burial takes place on the first day. If the death occurs during the night or early in the
morning, the body is buried early in the morning or in the evening of the next day. Burials
never take place in the afternoon because it is said that a Tarok man does not start a
journey in the afternoon but in the morning or in the evening. To preserve the body, guinea
corn chaff (Izuzul) is burned overnight in the room of the deceased by elderly woman and
then the burial takes place the following day.
The news of the death is spread to neighbors, relatives and other interested parties,
but the information is only given to men, as women are considered to be too emotional. The
news is usually conveyed in a euphemism (phrase). For example, when the head of family
dies the message will be “the big tree has fallen”.
The site of the grave might has been chosen by the deceased person during his life
time, or more commonly by the elders of the deceased family after his death. Where a new
grave has to be dug, the eldest man in the family will break the ground, and then the
younger men do the actual digging. Given the rocky nature of the ground, graves are
relatively shallow. Having dug a well shaft for about three to four feet, a burial chamber is
excavated. It is often as long as the height of the deceased and the body would be lowered
45
into the grave. The body is placed lying straight in the grave with the head facing sideways
toward langyi in the case of Nimbar clans.
The body is wrapped in a mat of cornstalks which are subsequently burned and not
buried with the body. After the body taken out of the room, it is taken to the door at the
mean entrance facing the path lead out of the house. An elder of the house or of the
community says a prayer commenting on the inevitability of death and hoping that the
deceased will take the straight and narrow path and not linger and scare his relations. The
young men to the grave then carry the body and a whistle (Izur) will be blown to signal the
departure of the spirit of the deceased from the house. So long as the body is within the
compound the women did not wail (Cry), but once it is carried out the women start wailing
(crying), drums are beaten, and whistle blown to derive the spirit of the deceased away and
prevent it from troubling the relations.
At the graveside, the body is taken round the grave so that it can inspect its new
quarters. It is then placed on the ground beside the grave on the left side for a woman and
on the right for a man. The head of the deceased faces towards langyi, the location of the
major rituals site of Nimbar clans.
After this, the men assemble at a particular place and demonstrate the evade dance
called Nga nga or fight against death. In this dance, the male relatives of the deceased use
various weapons to fight against death, but are ultimately unsuccessful. They then sit
around with long faces since men are not allowed to weep or to moum ostentatiously or
flam boy only.
The second day is one of intense mourning. It is on this day that the spirit of the
deceased which is believed to be still lingering in the house, is escorted out of the house.
This process is known as nkam-orim. In the case of a man his bow and arrows, and in the
case of a woman, some of her domestic utensils, (instrument) are cake along the path
leading out of the house towards the east. After this, the mourners return home and assume
that the ghost has departed from the house.
On the third day, the mourners shave their hair. This represents the final day of
mourning. The subsequent growth of the hair signifies that life goes on. The sweeping out of
the compound (NWUR-ATAK) also take place on the third day, and also signifies the
departure of the spirit of the deceased from the compound.
In the case of an important man, deferred mourning (Iku inak nak) is held after
some months, usually during the dry season from January to March. On such an occasion,
all the relations are invited and those families which have joking relations (onim jam) with
the family of the deceased. The ponzhi mbin then lead the evade dance by the various
related family groups.
A cow is killed and its head is placed high up on a tree. The families who maintain
joking relations (onim jam) or are playmates of the deceased’s family are expected to climb
the tree and remove the head in the face of resistance from the members of the family of the
deceased. The playmate will also attempt to penetrate the deceased’s compound to remove
items of their choices. They may even dance on the grave of the deceased. Later, they would
be served with the local beer and their portion of meat.
The rest of the meat is divided according to the set rules amongst the relation. This
ritual is a final sent off of the spirit of the deceased to the ritual grove particularly family
where it is believed that it is the place the ancestral spirit lives.
After two years, the skulls of important persons, especially Ponzhi mbins are
removed and examined to see if they had been witches. If they were not, mud pyramids are
46
created over such skulls to be rebuilt each year at Nce awap and sacrifices offered to the
ancestral spirit
The rituals described thus far are rite of separation intended to detach the spirit of
the deceased from his living relatives. After a luminal period when he lived in the forest, he
becomes a fully fledgedancestral shrine in sacred grove. Those who have been Ponzhi Mbins
and important men had their skulls removed and placed in holes in the ground over which
mud pyramids are raised. Every year, at the time of Nce awap, scarifies are offered to them
by their descendants. Thus, the spirit of the deceased becomes incorporated in the ranks of
the ancestral spirit but is still able to influence the lives of his descendants. From the write
up, it is apparent that Tarok, like most human communities, mark the various stages of the
human life cycle with rites of passage.
Burial Rites in Tarok Custom
Funeral rites in Tarok land are also unique. The death and subsequent burial of an elderly
man is usually followed by ngaga that involves the beating of drums, chanting of
incantations and wielding of spears meant to drive away death. This is followed by nkem
orim during which the spirit of the death man is received and reunited with his ancestors
and by extension the people.
Burial
Fitzpatrick (1911: 213-221) Longtau (2000: 118-132) and Lamle (2012) provide some
description of funeral rites. Suffice it to mention here that all Tarok male adherents of
traditional religion are buried with the face turned towards Wase, with the left arm serving
as a pillow while the right arm faces upwards to hold the bow and arrow, because Wase is
believed to be the only direction in which warfare is likely to break out. So even in death,
heroism of epic value is a desirable trait.
Why was Wase seen as a possible source of hostilities? It is stated in Nansoh L.
Vongdip‟s Exploration in Tarok Culture (2000: 1-13) to the effect that, “Tarok had early
contact with the Hausa during the 19th century”, specifically in 1822 under the leadership
of Hassan Madaki. The newly arrived Hausa people, however, had a jihadist agenda. The
Tarok who had welcomed them and assisted in carrying their goods saying to the carrier
party: “yar i ga” did not know what would happen. The Hausa group then started calling
them derogatively, “Yar-i-ga” (or Yergam), which is a corruption of what literally means
“Carry and let us go” (Lannap 2000: 4). But Tarok were surprised that after such a friendly
encounter, the guests soon engaged them in a sustained religious warfare, being part of the
larger jihad movement of Usman Dan Fodio. The Sa clan at Pil, who had already formed a
settlement on the plains contiguous to Wase, entered into peaceful, diplomatic relations
with the newcomers. Other Tarok people, who were already in the Benue valley far away
from any contact with the Hausas, had to move further away or withdraw tactically northwestwards to the mountain fortifications of their ancestors. It was only at the inception of
colonization and western Christian missionary activities in the area from 1903 that most
Tarok came to resettle on the plains once more. But the bitter experience of sporadic
surprise attacks from the Hausa community became enshrined in the people’s cosmology as
the most likely place from which a boltfrom-the-blue show of aggression could come at any
time.
From the Judeo-Christian perspective, however, the idea of taking up arms in
defense of oneself is forbidden. That should be the prerogative of the organized state to
defend its citizens using its legally constituted armed forces. Indeed, the perpetual spiral of
47
violence frequently witnessed between Palestinians and theIsraelis, and other Arab terrorist
groups occasionally attacking Israel, is a sufficient warning against revenge missions. But
from the purely Tarok traditional religionist viewpoint, fighting in defense of one’s
community, clan and ethno-nationality is a hallmark of manliness and a heroic feat.
Nna’ Anung
This is the process of making a pronouncement to the death body of either a man or woman
as a sign of farewell to his spirit. When a person died, and all the expected authorities are
around, e.g the elders, and relations of the deceased and the Uncles, (male relations from
the side of the mother). Then the body will be taken to the entrance of the compound after
all the necessary dressing were done and placed inside of coffin or raped in a mat. The
person saddled with the responsibility of making the pronouncement is the most elderly
person in the community who is also a traditional worshiper.
Will call the name of the deceased and say “Nda te’te nda mak bucit, bu gate bure a
shinzhi ami pe yak yak, kang a kakci a bar, kang ma fe a tak awam keshi nzhi, asal ve balbal
te a jiyikat, a vinva na bubwot tate nnata ajiyi. Aya pu ugate yaken kpang atak na mayi keba
Translation
Today you have gone sleep and you will leave the house for me in peace, do not tear the
fence apart and let there be no movement around the house. As you go, the wider road is
not ours but the narrow one is ours as you go, please keep sleeping the place we are coming
“the corpse will be carried to the grave site and the body will be buried.
Ikunaknak, Nkan Orim and Nre Iku after burial
This is the process of releasing the spirit of the deceased to go and join his ancestors in the
shrine so as his spirit should not be terrifying his family in the compound.
During nkam orim, the deceased family had to wait for the arrival of his uncle
before the ceremony will take place. When the uncle arrives, the elders will greet and ask
him “we believed you came for our problem that is the death of our son? He will say yes.
The most elderly person will say can you permit us to take his spirit out of the house? He
will give the permission and say go aid get him out before we talk.
Then the whole people that are present will go inside the house and all women in
the compound will be asked to move out to allow men to take his spirit out to be released
outside. When the spirit is brought out, some women will be selected to come out to sing
some songs called (Nyar Ipyang). Then they will be asked to sit-down before the men facing
eastward where again the elders will ask the uncle to permit them for the seconds time to
release his spirit to go. And the uncle will give the permission.
The person that is going to make the pronouncement will ask as follows:
Is Laka around? Is Bwarat around? Is zinni around? Is Nimbar around? And said
any of the above mentioned clans have circumcise can permit us to release the spirit of the
deceased. And there is any one among the aforementioned clans has their chief priest that
had a staff of office can be given chance to make the pronouncement to release the spirit of
the deceased.
If there is none, the family will proceed by saying calling the name of the deceased
Rimfa, your uncle has given us permission, so, today we are going to release you to go, and
you will go and leave the house for me in peace. It did not start with you; the fence of the
house should not be broken or fall. Rimfa, today we are releasing you, note that, the wider
road is not ours, but the narrow one is ours. Rimfa, there are women and children in the
48
house. For those women let their mammary gland produced milk constantly and for
children, let there be flow of saliva in their month. Let dogs in the house bark, cock crog
Rimfa before we let you go, what will you give me to start your grave wih in your absence?
You will give me the following:
Ikur Gunnung, aso, Izanzing, ateba, apir agbandar, so that I will start your grave
in your absence. The person saddled with the responsibility of nre iku start as thus-Ulaka waya ketero? Ubwarat waya kete ro? Uzinni waya ketero? Unimbar
waya ketero? A yapa unim va pacepa te uza ana’aanung ayi. Unim gan pace yakat. He
will now call the name of the deceased
tou! Rimfa Okyangbu na asel ayi cit ndate te nmayi kega rebu na uga. Buga te bu
re ashizhi ami pa yak yak, iku ban kemabu kat, kang abar a shin, Rimfa, ndatete
nmayi ke rebu na uga, asel ve na pe butbut te ajiyi kat, avengva bubwot te nnata
ajiyi. Rimfa, ocha ko ovan maya ke shi nzhi, ocha tate nbyal anang oze ki koksok,
nshi avang ovanta kenung. Iva a swakswak ke shinzhi irugu a kul Rimfa, kang mi
gate ize bu nami kang mi bang awap bu ko kevong ya? Ikur Gunnung, aso,
Izangzing, ateba, apir agbandar, natete mi leb awap bu ko kenvong dak.
Rimfa, iku ban keciya? Iku ban ke kwandal (south) ke pal (north) uga nkwandal ke
bate, ugan pal ma ke ba kpa; natete, uze ba gwan ke Nbyeng byeng, te, ugan pal bub
ugan kwandal nang kpami bu gace wanteya? Te ugan kwandal lape, Nangkpami
ndom pe nbaga ke pal a bam va te na nga julk eta. Te ugan pal lape nangkpami le na
itim kate na ijul. Oze tim, oze wa ateba, oze renung, oze wa nmuk. Nacite, uga npal
lape, nangkpami, ashi a bam ve ula pe bu gakotaru, a byenkat kekul pe ipang naya
keta kapkap ile iga kwandal mote aga yatak keveng ikun na ijulko.
Nacite oze ban acen dak. Ugan pal ayar fa nhuum, afa shaper, afa wang wang,
afa ibill, fa ikurgwai, fa atudunwada, fa gwuiwankogi, uze ga fa’a manwang.
Ugn\an nkwnadal yar te uze fa nkukul, fa kwakrim, uze fa iwa nshakmin, uze fa
tudunwada, uze fa Gwuiwankogi oze ga gwang ke manwang te uze ga.
Rimfa, ndatete, ovan ma ga shinzam, oze gan nim izaya? Oze gan mo a gwal zang
ayapu oze ayate, kang oze zip ka lyling kat, avin ve ka lyling te a byenkat, oze
bako ka azang kang opon byi yiko ke zhi kang yuk e rura. Ovan ta gacit pa gbang
gbang, Rimfa geban a selwu ovan ta adir asel zhi.
Nmapu yennugwan, gaban na uyapci ke zir a kwakci. Iwu ovan ta bap kepal
imar. Oze yar abwua anak kepepal, oze gil ishishi na oze abako ke zhi na iba itip
ishi na iga akurmiko.
To! Rimf unimkum yi verak uze lapu nmawo cwuang apir oku nku kat, a walang
ve uza wang a sat ka sharwo ke nyeding te, iwu ovan a bap ana kizir oze ama
yemro te oyar abwa onak ana ki shi, o kpan ngobit gobit, ayape uza nim iyemro
te, ovan anak a zar ana ki shi, oze gil na, ayape uze ama iyemro te ovan apa
agyata ana, oze a pa barangang ana oze a gil ishishi na bako ken zhi na ma nak
kekul inak kepal abam.
Translation
Rimfa, where did death start from? It’s started from the south and from the north.
The one from the south is coming and the one from north too is coming down and
they met at a place called Nbyengbyeng and the one from the north asked the one
from the south my friend where are you going? And he answered, I want to go up to
49
this small hill if I can find a place to rest. The one from the north said my friend stop
and let us sit here first.
They exchanged pleasantries they smoke, drank mixed corn flour with water. After
which the one from the north said, my friend, as you talked of going to that small
rocky place is not good because there are hills we better go down to the south may be
we can find a place under trees to rest. They started their journey the one from north
followed through Nhuum, shamper, wangwang, Ibill, ikurgwai tudunwada,
gwaiwankogi, he gets into manwang. The one from the south strated his own
followed kukul, kwakrim, iwashakmin, tudunwada, manwang kogi and they met at
manwang and they continued their trip.
Rimfa, today children have gone to the bush, what have they gone to do? They went
to get a leaves and if they get it, they should not remove with the roots. They should
only bring the leaves, the ones with roots are not good for us. Therefore, they should
bring the leaves for their parent at home to bear the consequence. The children have
gone far enough, so, you Rimfa turn the faces of these children to home you are a
hero turn into gwakci (a tree) and squard on a tree called agwankci. The eyes of those
children be on millet, they should carry abwa and put it and they should cut the head
and bring it home so that we can prepare it in the shrine so, Rimfa our enemy who
said he is up to the task, an ash that it fire does not go. Whenever he stands up with
his four legs, let the eyes of the children focus on him. When he tries anything funny,
the children should put abwa on him and catch the gobit gobit, if he tries anything
funny, the children should put azar on him and cut him, if he tries anything, the
children should put on him agyata and put barangang on him, they should cut his
head and bring it home so that if should be kept under Ikang on a hill.
The pronouncer will stop here and the women who were sitting down will start
crying. These women are from specific clans. For instance, in Gani, the piga Gwan, wang
and shammot. There women will start singing traditional songs called Ipyang. After which
all the men that went to release the spirit of the dead man will have to pass through the
crowd of women and for a head to start nga’nga. Before the nga’nga the man that gave
permission to release the spirit will be the first person to start the nga’a before any other
person will start. After the nga’anga then the parent of the deceased will now attain to his
uncle if there is issue then, they will talk about. (Nnap Igwar).
Nsar Ngbat
This is the process of tieing a traditional belt knam as ngbat to a bereaved person. e.g a
woman that lost her mother or father. Her husband’s family can tie the Ngbate. In a nuclear
family or extended family where there are many females of the deceased that have married,
all the husbands of the daughters will tie belt to their various wife give a teba. If the
deceased has many males, the belt will be tied to the youngest one of them. His uncles do
that.
The aim of tieing the belt is, during the mourning period, the bereaved did not eat
nor drink, therefore, the belt will be tied to help give him/her strength and also to comfort
him/her. In process whereby an uncle of a woman died and if he is the one that collect her
bride prize, the husband will come and tie a belt or sar ngbat for his wife. In the case of
males in an extended family, the various uncles from each mother will be tie the belt to
their own Nephew which is the youngest of all.
50
Nga’nga’a
This is the process of the sign that a Tarokman perform which signify fighting the spirit of
death. Which means if a Tarokman had seen death, he would have killed it. This is done
through some demonstrations with firearm in the hand or stick, e.g spears, bow and arrow,
stick, gun long tail of a big animal the purpose of nga’nga’a is to fight death so that it should
not come or visit Tarok land againt and it is send to the zagai which is the enemy of a
Tarokman. During this performance, the Tarok man faces eastward to retreat the death to
go and meet the zagwai not to come back again. That is why even during Nre’iko the
Tarokman faces the same direction so that the iku should go to them.
On the same very, during the digging of the grave, the elder that first starts the
digging before the youth take over, he also does so facing the same direction including
Nna’anung is facing the same direction. All these are done to believed that the Tarokman
has send or chased death to go to the enemy which is the zagwai.
Nkam Urim - ‘Transition to the Spiritual World’
The highest point of heroism is the ritual of successful passage into the world of Ijingjing
‘willful death’ Longtau (2000: 118-132) described this method of death and burial. In the
distant past, a man stricken with leprosy or some disease might have thought is incurable
would request for a special parting meal and ask young men to dig his grave. Members of
his household and community leaders usually tried all they could to persuade the man not
to contemplate such a horrific act that is tantamount to suicide. If he insisted, he would
take himself to the graveyard and would fall inside the grave. Young men could then assist
him by covering up the grave. There would be no mourning for such a willful death. It is the
anticlimax of heroism, and rated as second only to cowardice in Tarok cosmology. Elders
have to perform rituals to cleanse the land of such an abomination.
Orim
The Tarok people an ancestral cult which retains considerable prestige and importance,
despite major in roads of Christianity into the area. The ancestors Orim, are represented by
initiated males and post menopausal women (cult activities take place in sacred groves
outside almost all Tarok settlements. Orim are mostly heard but emergence as masked
figure under circumstances especially for the discipline of stubborn women and for making
prophecies. Orim figures speak through voice disguisers in language slotted with code
words although framed in normal Tarok syntax their utterances are interpreted by
unmasked figures.
Each Tarok settlement of any size has a social grove outside it which is covered as
the place of orim. The singular from urim, is applied to a dead person or an ancestor while
orim refers to collections of ancestors and the cult itself. Men above certain age are allowed
to enter the grove and engage with the ancestors. These inhabit the land of the dead and are
this in contact with all those who have died including young people and children other were
not admitted to the orim. On certain nights when the “Orim are out” women and children
must stay in their house, Orim can also be seen dressed i.e appearing as masquerades, when
the engage with women through interpreter.
Orim society is graded in the sense that there are members who are not fully
initiated and so cannot let into the inner secrets of the society. Some of the orim vocabulary
is therefore for internal concealment that is, there is code words among the elder members’
ton conceal the meaning of what is being said from junior members. The manifestation of
51
the orim from the external points of view is to maintain order; both spiritual did actual
within the society but also to prepare for warfare and other collective action. In practice
maintain order seems to be about women, who are forced to cook food as punishment for
being lazy or stubborn. This category of Orim is called internally masquerade that gives
trouble and it specialist is to fine women. There is a special season age time of trouble for
meting out finds to offenders.
Any betrayal of the secrets of the Orim attracts entrance penalties-death. Orim,
which is the highest institution of social control exclusive for men who offer use as, ready
instrument to control and subdue women.
52
CHAPTER SIX
TAROK TRADTITIONAL CULTS AND ANCESTRAL VENERATION IN
CONTEXT
Gwakzing Nanpon
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Satnzwang Langvong
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
Tarok Divinities and Spirits
The Tarok people have a hierarchy of divinities differently designated in different localities.
In the mountainous area of Tarokland, the following are found; Icir, Mashan, Zhingol,
Mam, Bhushe, Vanwal and Ndau. In the lower part of the first part of the divinities in the
above list are also found and in addition Pigwam Abhatu, instead of Vanwal and Ndau of
the mountainous region. Ancestors are also regarded as divinities.
Ijyen: this stand for twins, they are venerated and indeed worshipped all over Tarokland.
There are sacred pots kept for IJYEN where nchér (gruel) is poured when need arises.
Sometimes Iruku (fowl) are killed and their blood offered to Ijyen at the sacred pots, after
which nchér (gruel) is poured into the pots for spirits of twins (living and living dead). The
Tarok man believes that the spirit of twins come to drink the nchér (gruel). After a day, one
who had ever had twins or who himself or herself is a twin goes to the pots and drnk the
nchér (gruel).
The blood of the fowl is poured as libation on and over the pots, and parts of the
meat is given first to the twins whose Ijyen the pots represent, before all other present share
the meat.
It is strongly believed that failure to give adequate attention and care to the Ijyen
and perform this religious rite for them would lead to their departure. Even after they have
departed, from this world, some households still continue to care for their pots with the
hope that they might come back to any member of the family or clan. It is believed that
twins who have departed are capable of killing their mother if they felt that they were not
adequately taken care of when they visited her. The Ijyen demand that every thing be
shared between them equally whether both of them are alive on earth or not. If the
adequate care is not given; the Tarok believe that the one who felt neglected might decide to
die or if it was already dead, its sprit would call and take the second twin along.
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Imashin: Mashin is a divivnity which gives women hysteria or makes them become estatic.
Mashin is a woman, a deified ancestor, worshipped by women folk whom she protects from
illness. If neglected, she possesses her devotes and makes her rave and shout like one
mentally deranged.
Habitats
All the divinities have their devilling places. Most of them have stories built for them in
which sacred pots are kept. Icir, Zhingol, Abhatu and Pigwan have shrine which are
sometimes enclosed in huts where they are worshipped. Apart from the place of worship,
they are believed to be all over the place and can manifest themselves to their chosen
servants at anytime and in any place.
Divinities like Man, Bhushi and Ndau are worshipped sometimes in huts built close
to living houses, sometimes under a big tree. Some divinities like Ichir, Zhingol, Ndau and
Mam came to be known by the power they manifest in healing and performing wonders.
They are in fact, the power behind herds and also designate the herds and roots themselves
used for healing purpose and for magic. Mam is constructed as a spirits and so as being, in
some place, but the word ordinarily means magic, wonder,
The Ancestors
When a hero in a clan dies, he is remembered in the clan for many generations. Libation is
poured in remembrance of him at his grave every year. If as the years, roll by, his name is
getting out of the mind of clan folk, the head of the clan get trees planted round the hut
built at the place to facilitate his worship. In this way the clan keeps in touch with them, as
he is approached for these benefits from time to time. As a hero of the clan, he is deemed
worthy of constant remembrance so that his name and good works of deliverance do not
perish and fades out of the memory of the clan. Sometimes ncher (gruel) is kept in a sacred
pot in his shrine for spirit to drink. This way the people are assured (or assure themselves)
of receiving his help in times of trouble whenever they are in field and need aid. Such
divinities include Tau, Pigwan and Bhatu.
Rules and Regulations concerning divinites
There are certain rule and regulation to be kept by the adherents of any divinities.
Icir: Rules to be kept by the adherents of Icir vary from clan to clan. Pout generation, an
adherent does not walk between two persons. Lest the magical or divine power from Icir on
its adherents is neutralized and nullified; women who are in their period of menses don
not makes ncher (gruel) or iyamri (food) for any sacrifice meant for Icir. Some of the
adherents do not have coition even with their wives a week before the day of offering a
sacrifice to Icir so that they might remain in a state of purity at the time of the sacrifices.
Some of the adherents do not receive anything directly from a woman, food or anything
directly which wishes where they collect it.
Cults of Zhingol and Icir
Zhingol: the shrine of zhingol is a small hut where its worship happens once or twice a
year depending on the decision of the priest. Immediately before the worship something
happen called amullah, it is a powerful medicine intended to make people believe the reality
and efficiency of Zhingol as a divinity. The items of the worship include Ibel (goat) or Itam
(sheep) Irugu (fowls) and of ncher (gruel) all which are provided usually on behave of the
person possess by (Zhingol) who is also consequently out of his normal senses. The IБel
54
(goat) Itam (sheep) is slaughtered and its blood poured unto the door of a hut. The divine
priest invokes the divinity and does this for about fifteen minutes thereafter he sprinkles
the blood and ncher on the person been formatted by Zhingol, the Nya Zhingol (literally the
one who has seen the Zhingol). The Iruku (fowl) is taken and whirled round his head many
times before it is slaughtered. An amulet for protection against any danger which zhingol
may cause is given to the tormented person. Thereafter the person is restored to sanity.
Icir: Before the worship of Icir amullah is also performed to solicit the support of the
divinity, the ancestors and the elders who are present. As previously noted, amullah is a
potent machine which create a power atmosphere of credulity. It has the effort of unifying
all those present, and of making them believe and see the efficiency and potency of the
divinity. Ncir which is presented by a doll-like object is invoked by the divine priest. A dolllike object is said to begin to dance at the request of the diviner priest, and a man could be
killed as a sacrifices to Icir and later brought back to life! Ibel (goat) or Itam (sheep) is
finally slaughtered and offered with ncher (gruel) to Icir.
The reality of spirit and divinities to the Tarok people is beyond dispute. But with
the advents of Christianity and westernism, the indigenous religion declined and many of
the Tarok people rushed to embrace the new religion and way of life with the many
advantage they promised to offer.
Although presently there are many others who still practice the indigenous
religion especially the Icir, other divinities are no longer practice.
Ibyari
This is a festival of dancing that comprises both men and women young men and young
women which take during harvest. People will go up to the hills or mountains to worship
the heads of our forefathers which was removed from their graves. This worship involved
the slaughtering of fowls. After the worship on the hills, they will come down to begin the
harvest of guinea corn and go for dance known as nce awap (signifiying joy of the season)
this is so because god has blessed them with crops therefore, they have to show
appreciation by dancing. During Ibyari period, certain flour will be mixed with water and
other concogtion to be spread on the forehead, the two chicks of the worshippers even then
younger ones.
Imalkan
This is the period that signify the beginning of the rainy season where all traditional
worshipers will go up to the hills or mountain to worship their ancestors and to appease the
gods so that they start the season planting of crops. They normally claim the mountain or
hills with the following, corn flour, chickens for the worship this granded corn flour is
known as (Ishi ikur) that means the first cord of last years. After the worship, they will
come down the plain land and if you are member, if you go or not you are allowed to start
planting. The irony is, if you are a member and you planted your crop before the Imalkan,
your crops will not yield anything. No matter how the crops or plants look good it will not
produce anything.
In Tarok land, the imalkan is not performing at the same time like Christians
Christmas. It is done in the following order:
The Gyang (Ohang) people will go first, then Kwallak people, follow by Timmwat
people then Bwarat people and followed by Sa people from Gani land. All these clans will
have to go up to the hills with guinea corn flour mixed with water. This mixed flour is used
55
for drinking and pray to the forefathers and received masquerades and get down the plain.
After the Imalkan, the masquerades will be available in the community at any night.
Icir Iwopwop
The history of icir iwopwop can be traced back in the ancient period, the time of our
ancestors. According to Nansoh mama the messenger of the chiefpriest in piga clan of Gani
land, (uyen ga bar) he has the same Icir that we are talking about. He said a woman started
crying and shouting pointing under a tree claiming that people are there pursuing her and
all the crowd that went there could not see any body. This woman keeps having bad dreams
day and night, she was carried round the neighboring community but, there were no
solution.
A hunter was consulted. He came to the scene of the incident and perform some
chantation and destroyed two invicible spirits and gave the woman some medicine (herbs)
to bath with and which she did them the spirits leaved her and she stoped the bad dreams
that she usually had day and night.
The hunter now opined that there should be thanksgiving by the woman every year
and it should take place at the scene. During the thanksgiving, the woman provided wine,
animals, and she prepared it for people to eat, drink and they danced to appease the spirits.
After the celebration, the woman did not experience any bad dream again.
The celebration became an annual event that it takes place at the scene where the
hunter perfomed chantation. After some years, people of the community suggested that, the
celebration be brought home where a small house was built to keep the icir which now is an
idol to be worship annually.
When this Icir was brought home, and during the festival, some instrument like
horns will be blown to call back the spirit to give men power or aid them perform some
magic on the day of the festival.
The power to perform the magic comes from the spirit through the hunter. These
magic’s people are performing during nzem Icir is as a result of the charms or harps that
the hunter gave them to bath with or drink. These charms and harps sometimes have
adverse effects on the user. Some will not marry, other when they give birth, the children
will have some psychological problem or the other, and others will have no problem.
This is how Icir iwopwop came to be in Tarok land and many people have copied
and turned it to be avenue for begging in any public gathering e.g lunching, political rallies
and so on.
Tarok Shepherd Boys’ Sub-Culture
The Tarok shepherd boys ‟sub-culture (girls included) is for children from ages 10-18.
Theirs is an exclusive world that is like a cult and a sub-culture. Its lifestyle is about survival
and the will to excel. Zwalchir (2007: 86) succinctly captures it in these words: “A father’s
primary responsibility is to bring up the male-child in such a way that makes him to
become a responsible adult.” However, in the Tarok society the male-child is a trainer in his
own right. Their exclusive vocation as shepherds affords them the singular opportunity to
play several pivotal roles in society. The lad is so committed to playing out heroic feats that
he or she takes so many risks in order to contribute to the wellbeing of his/her immediate
family. The young shepherd/shepherdess acquires such virtues on his/her own due to the
sheer willpower and determination to outclass one‟s peers. Some of such traits are
illustrated in this section.
56
Initiation into the Nggare, ‘Children’s Cult’, and its Functions
The shepherd boys/girls may be classified into two: Nggare members and non-Nggare
members. That approximately fits a senior versus junior category. This is a social
categorization of the children in the fashion of William Golding‟s older boys and little boys
or “Littluns” and “Biguns” in his famous novel, Lord of the Flies (2009: 64). The Tarok
shepherd boy has to be initiated by being tied up and placed in the holes of black ants,
irishi, in order to take a seat at the Nggare section of atak imol „resting place‟. The initiate
is given a whip made from slender sticks which he holds for that day, and is not to use them
on anyone. The discipline associated with the holding of the whip that may not be used on
humans is to instill self-control. The temptation to use the whip is quite high, but the
thought of re-initiation with its harrowing experience is an effective deterrent. The Tarok
people do not mete out corporal punishment indiscriminately. Unlike the adult initiation
ritual, however, the whip is collected back from the initiate so that adults at home will not
know what has happened. The next morning after the initiation, the initiate brings the
capping of his evening meal, ishi-nkpang, to the „elders‟ in appreciation of the honour done
him. Members of Nggare are the senior children who exercise authority over the junior
ones. They administer all the affairs in the bush that are connected with the welfare of the
livestock and discipline. They sit at imol usually separated from the juniors.
They try serious cases. They eat the choicest fruits collected as the children go
about herding. They remind the juniors by singing:
“O ya ntetelu te, o ri nnyiwo ri.
O ya mbə nggang te, o ɓa u ponzhi »
When you see the tiny (fruits), you may eat.
When you see the big (fruits), you must bring them to the king. The young ones
know too well that the song refers also to rodents, edible roots and so on. As a matter of
fact, the elderly shepherd boys usually keep their loin clothes dry and only use those of the
younger boys in swimming in order not to expose their own nudity. Afterwards, the young
ones receive and put on the wet loin clothes while the elders wear theirs, which were kept
dry on tree trunks or nearby bushes. The seniors make incantations and pour libations and
offer portions of roasted rats, lizards, millet, ground nuts, mmak „flour paste‟, and other
such edible items to the ancestors before consumption. They supervise wrestling, racing
and hockey competitions. They also prompt the juniors to challenge rival shepherds from
other villages to duels and fights. The challenge might be thrown at Fulani herders too.
The diversity of the activities of Tarok lads affords them the opportunity to develop
various character traits. For example, the young shepherd leaves home in the morning with
a small calabash containing a flour paste, mmak, as a lunch box.
The paste ferments and is full of yeast. The crust that forms at the top, called
ishimmak, is a delicacy that senior boys take from the junior ones. Some of the porridge is
used for preparing a delicacy from the broth of cooked rodents and even mutton and meat
of kids which the lads provide for themselves under the pretext that the lambs and kids died
of natural causes. When they are thirsty and the watering point is far off, they use the ends
of their sharpened sticks to dig the roots of an herb called mbini to eat because it is
succulent and can effectively slake one‟s thirst. Such a diet keeps the children very healthy.
They make curd out of goat milk. The herd-boys develop a high masculine prowess and
endurance capacity through indulging in sporting activities such as mma-nggwak
“wrestling”, “mɓarɓar” racing” and ikə lo “hockey”
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. It was common practice amongst the lads for a snake-bitten finger to be cut off
using nfonka (axe), to stop the poison from spreading into the blood stream. As the children
dig holes in search of rats, ipi, snakes could easily be encountered. The children also have
remedies of nɗau,
Arum (lilies), at the Nggare section of imol for the dressing of fractures for both
children and livestock and for all manner of wounds resulting from instigated fights with
sticks and injuries sustained during sporting activities. Through these close and intimate
interactions with the environment and outdoor nature, the young shepherds learn the art of
solo survival, a keen awareness of medicinal herbs, different edible roots and fruits that are
not known to urban youth.
Nkyer-Nwei ‘Appointment as Police
Tarok lads have a policing system by appointment. On each day the most obstinate junior
one is appointed to make sure that the livestock do not stray and destroy crops. The senior
making the appointment on behalf of the Nggare prepares a leafy whip and raises it up and
sings the lines transcribed below 5-6 times. The appointee accordingly sings the refrain.
This is how the song goes:
“Nwuwei akə tə kau ka ce ? (5-6x)
Refrain:
A ken api itulum (5-6x)
Alum ɓu ka ce ya ?
Reply:
Alum mi na ta (pointing up).
Where is the Nwuwei of the Sudan bustard? (5-6x)
It climbed up the tamarind tree (5-6x)
Where is your sun?
Here is my sun up”.
As these words are pronounced the boy is given the whip. The whip is now called the
nwuwei and is given to the appointee as a reward. He dares not drop it until the Nggare
collects it back in the evening at the time of dispersal. However, a bully is appointed to be
giving commands to the appointee about keeping the entire flock incheck. He runs after the
boy beating him. In this way the child is taught to respect constituted authority and at the
same time is punished for his bad character trait. He must show appreciation for this
double-edged appointment by forfeiting his “ishi-nkpang” (top portion of porridge) or
mmak or both to the seniors on the day following the appointment. The child is beaten if he
fails to produce ishi-nkpang but he has to lie to the parents when asked how one’s body
seems to have sustained injury.
58
CHAPTER SEVEN
Dashe Timnan Francis
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Azhi Nanpon Nden
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
MARRIAGE AND FAMILY RITES IN TAROKLAND
Marriage is known as "nkam uchar", which is considered also as attainment of social
responsibility. The traditional marriage process usually commences whenever a young man
sights an unmarried lady known as "uyenben", and then develops interest in her. The first
step begins with making advances which is the common body language indicating interest
and it is also communication. Thereafter, the man is expected to toast her with a gift, which
in the past was not specific but due to cultural dynamics may be toilet soap, cream, a bar of
soap or detergent. Once the lady accepts these then her toasting rights have been secured,
even though such rights are not exclusive. Under tarok traditions, multiple dating is
acceptable as healthy development until the date of choice, when the lady will be invited to
an open ceremony to determine who amongst the numerous toasters is the lucky groom to
be. Sometimes there can be as many as five to even nine toasters, but this was then. Today
multiple dating is no more unacceptable due to religious adoption of monogamy as marital
phenomenon amongst modern tarok people. However, in some rural communities there are
relics of these cultural practice still date. After the collection of gift, the lady will present it
to her mother who will advised on the next step to be taken. The mother is the traditional
adviser and guidance of a female child in tarok traditions. Thereafter, the man will make an
offer for marriage which is known as "nvok ngya". At this stage, the man will present to the
lady another round of gifts which includes head wear, breast cover, panties, under-wears
with bathroom slippers. If accepted the lady will present same to her mother, without
disapproval from the mother, dating is deemed to have taken effect. This aspect of the
tradition has been modified into what is referred to as "introduction", a borrowed cultural
practice from neighbouring communities which is fraud with complexity. The man having
been accepted as a suitor has right of visits to the lady including spending nights in her
place, but without any sexual gesture. Once any advances suggesting anything immoral is
made then the engagement process will be terminated, as the man is considered as
irresponsible. All the gifts received will be returned to the family. But that was then,
currently, it has been a subject of moral questions as it is observed more in breach. At this
stage, payment of bride wealth which is a process beginning with the lady and terminating
with the maternal uncles. For the lady, it is buying of clothes, a bag of rice, one big basin
each of beniseed (izhin) and azul, ananjyol etc. Also, the man will build a round hut guest
room referred to as "ijini", where they will stay with his fiancee, whenever he will be
spending the night in her place. Even after marriage, it remains a guest room for the
visiting family. Due to significance of marriage as an institution, it is believed that the
would be couples need a conducive environment for themselves to relates freely with each
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other. The man will appoint an intermediary known as "nimsel" who shall be responsible
for the entire engagement process referred to as nim igwar. After the lady's entitlements has
been discharge, then she will present him to the mother. At this stage, the man will bring
wrappers depending on the demand but not less than four and not exceeding twelve. Also, a
big basin each of izhin, azul and a bag of rice. For the father is a big gown (agbada) with
trousers, the inner shirt with shoes. The young man will mobilize community labour of not
less than 30 able young men to his father-in law’s farm, at least once but can be more
depending on his capacity. Thereafter, he will also give "adir khaa godo", for the maternal
uncles. This is the symbolic evidence of marriage. Any marriage which the man has not
perform this rite of giving "adir khaa godo" is not recognized traditionally even if they
couple live together for hundred years and has many children. Infact, the children are
deemed to be the possession of maternal uncles until it is performed. It is worthy of note
that under tarok traditions, nobody will fix a day for you to come and take his daughter
under his watch. On the completion or substantial performance of engagement process, the
man will arrange with the lady a date to elope in the night. The following day of eloping the
family of the groom will send emissary to the bride's family informing them of the
whereabout of their daughter. The emissary will present a gift to the in-laws known as
"atiba igwar", which is usually accepted but sometimes it is rejected and the mission is
repeated severally. On some occasions the bridal emissary is attacked by the bride’s family,
where this happens, it is believed that the marriage is bless by evidence of the resistance,
but the groom family will not be deterred. Today, the traditional process of engagement has
been monetized, whereby, at every stage fixed monetary value instead of gifts which
normally determines traditional bride wealth. It has been argued that monetization has
reduced the cumbersome traditional processes, but to others monetizing bride wealth
reduce the human value because it is like placing a price on the lady. Either way it is
considered, the fact remains that tarok traditions like others has been influenced by the
import of western civilization. However, much of the relics are identifiable in the modified
practices.
In life generally love can come at first sight. With consensus with a Tarok girl
meeting a boy for the first time can follow him to his house to become his wife without prior
notice to her parents. The love rendezvous is usually market places on market days. The
next day, a relation of the new husband is led by a mediator, unim sel, to the girl’s parents
to inform them that they should not panic as their daughter is in the custody of their son.
They then present a gift that the girl’s parents hardly take on the first day to avoid creating
the impression of selling their daughter. The eventual acceptance of the present, usually
snuff, is an endorsement of the marriage.
The next step is for the new husband to pay the bride price. This he does by
building a three hut apartment, farming for a few years and buying a traditional wear for
the father-in-law (Dogoro, Y.)
Tradition of Ikyan - ‘Uncleship’ Labour’
One’s sister’s male child (kyan) may be raised in the uncle’s home. Sometimes it appears
that such lads are more used in menial jobs and assignments but ultimately they turn out to
be the best trained and sometimes most socially approved, admired and often well
rewarded later in life. Tarok people have the belief that anything given to one in trust
should be safeguarded more than one’s very own possessions, hence the rigorous training of
ukyan.
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Unmarried Adult Person (Unimkpari)
An unmarried person of adult age is called "unimpkari". It is expected that any person who
attains adulthood should marry and relocate to establish his own home. The significance of
marriage is usually demonstrated during the death of an unmarried adult, where the play
partners referred to as "onim gha ijam" will mock his exit with a traditional drama. This
usually takes place when the remains of "unimpkari" is removed for burial, then "ocha ga
ijam" (women of play partners) will accompany the footsteps of the corpse bearers pouring
ashes and a rolling stone, (igbongbar) raining curses on the deceased saying "go and never
to return again. Woe unto you, you were born but you never gave birth to anybody". This
satirical tradition re-enforces marital responsibility among Tarok people, because young
people are challenged to take social responsibility. (Solomon D. S. post; 8, Feb.2017)
The Birth of a Child
The coming of a new born is seen as a blessing not just to the immediate parents but the
community at large. If the community must benefit from the blessing a new child brings
then he must live and grow up to become a man. There is however death and some women
often give birth to children that usually die soon after their birth. As a result, subsequent
children are initiated into the “Orim” cult to prevent them form dying.
Children are named based on the circumstances surrounding the birth. There are
names like Nanmwa meaning “God has provided”, usually given because the parents where
almost giving up on having a child. Byenchit meaning “it is good”. Ventim means “restored
by God.” In other contexts, Ventim may mean ‘unity’, given when a child is born at a time
when there is a disagreement that divides the community into two or more.
Baby-Sitting
The Tarok child learns how to take care of his/her siblings at a very early age. Parents
usually go to the farm and leave the younger ones in the care of older children of both
genders. The Tarok children imitate their mothers in taking good care of babies, making
sure they are properly fed and ensuring they sleep well. The elderly children sing a lot of
lullabies in the process of catering for their siblings. A typical one is rendered as follows:
Mar yam ɓu mar ɓa ye ye
Unang ayen a ga ce ki yə ng ya ?
Upo ayen a ga ce ki yə ng ya ?
Unang ayen a ga ce uyen ra nda ki Kongkong.
Upo ayen a ga ce uyen ra nda ki Kongkong.
Ra yam ɓu ra ɓa ye ye.
A line-by-line free translation of the above Tarok text goes thus:
Please do keep quiet.
Where has the mother of the baby gone that he is crying?
Where has the father of the baby gone that he is crying?
Where has the mother gone? Baby, just sleep and forget.
Where has the father gone? Baby, just sleep and forget.
Please continue to sleep.
Through the art of mimicry children begin to appreciate, adopt and perform the
responsibilities and roles of adults; and in later years, they grow to assume such roles with
ease. The following words, phrases and exclamations are devices the child employs to
achieve empathy alongside the soft tune of the song: Kongkong, yam ɓu, ye-ye. In the
61
worldview of the Tarok child, both parents share in the role of child care and not just the
mothers. The baby-sitting act is not an exclusive reserve of the girl-child either. The word
Kongkong is a pun involving a place and an animal name and the verb “to forget”. The
advice to the baby is to forget about the parents and just go on sleeping.
The structure of the song itself is not only formulaic but also standard: it is a plea
in the opening line and goodwill in the closing. No wonder compositions by children and
young adults are easily taken over by adults using Orim, “living dead” sanctions (Longtau
1997: 251, Longtau et al. in review). The fact that not every child sees baby-sitting as
delightful can heighten its heroic character formation role. In bad scenarios stubborn and
playful children can maltreat, scold and spank the babies. They damn the consequences of
severe corrections and punishment.
Such unfortunate babies only sleep after much sobbing. The baby-sitter child looks
forward to the parents’ return from the farm with great expectation and relief if the sibling
was troublesome. The joy of the mother bringing home soup ingredients, firewood and
fresh food items usually compensates for the drudgery and any ill-feelings of hard labour
that the child has endured in the course of the day.
This baby-sitting role of the older child is preceded by an earlier childhood phase
called Nnə m ngbam “uninhibited playing”. That is when children spend most of their time
playing and parodying adults, especially their mothers. And when these children are ready
to carry out actual household chores, they fit into the roles effortlessly. There are many
other areas of children’s poetry and creative arts, but these hardly have anything to do with
character formation.
One example is a taunt in the leg-folding game-song:
Ucar ga ndə ng.
Ifang ga ramci.
Vang ku Laka.
ULaka Ɗunggul.
UƊunggul Zhezhe.
UZhezhe Ɓutnap.
UƁutnap Ɗangɗang.
UƊangɗang Gbacilang.
UGbacilang Mamzuk.
UMamzuk Bə kbə ri!
A free translation of the above Tarok text is as follows:
A woman went to fetch water.
Her finger got bitten (by a snake).
She married a person of the Laka (clan).
A Laka man (whose name) is Dungul.
Dungul is (a child) of Zhezhe.
Zhezhe is (a child) of Butnap.
Butnap is (a child) of Dangdang.
Dangdang is (a child) of Gbacilang.
Gbacilang is (a child) of Mamzuk.
Mamzuk is (a child) of Bukburi!
This poetic rendition is an insult directed at a family for maltreating a woman, with
an allusion to a snake-bite resulting from the probable negligence she suffered.
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CHAPTER EIGHT
Nanchak Ponjul Takdul
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Nanden Michael
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
GAMES AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES IN TAROKLAND
Ntat Iji, ‘Archery’
In the dry season, ovan gi iɓə l spend a lot of time competing in the art of archery using
their weapons (usually arrows). They improvise the adult bow and arrow to practise and
perfect the skill of marksmanship. This becomes very handy in adult life and is applied in
defence of the community.
Ntat Igyat, ‘Snail Shell Game’
In the dry season ovan gi iɓə l spend a lot of time competing with spent snail shells
fashioned for a spinning game. A sharp and strong thorn may be attached with wax to the
bottom of the shell. Winners have the privilege of striking the losers at the back side of the
hand. The hand may even bleed but because of the lesson of endurance that has to be
learnt, children still play such a gruesome game.
Nggbap Afi, ‘Bambara Groundnuts Game’
In the dry season ovan gi iɓə l equally spend a lot of time competing in the Bambara
groundnuts game. They learn how to prophesy good things about themselves in a
competitive but healthy manner. Each child chooses the colour of afi – the Bambara
groundnuts - in the competition and sings the praise of that token to attract favour in order
to make his own chosen colour of the nut the winner. Some of the names used during the
game are; aduna, afara, abidi, awuluk, agalli, etc.
Nsal, ‘Night Plays’
Children have much fun during the full moon at the community play-ground. It is an
opportunity for all the children to socialize and get a lot of physical and psychological
exercises. Boys engage in wrestling and one-legged racing competitions. The boys and girls
participate in various sing-songs. In the process they learn good character traits for adult
life.
Ntə m Isur, ‘Evening Social Discourse’
After the evening meals, especially when the moonlight is not bright, the family spends the
evening in full relaxation after a hard day’s labour in a socially structured manner. This is
called ntə m isur – “evening social discourse”. It is a formal learning class for children
taught by adults. The women and children below the age of 10 meet in the family inner
courtyard (ashe amulok) for this purpose. Ovan gi iɓə l and adult males meet in the outer
63
courtyard (anungbwang) with the family head. The time may be used for shelling
groundnuts or some other simple chores. To whirl away time and socialize, the women
narrate folktales (tap irusok), drawing morals and applications for good character
development. Sibomana (1981: 249-279) contains transcribed texts of such tales.
The men relate (shet nnap) oral histories of clans, origins, and so on, to the older
boys while shelling groundnuts. Most of the men’s narratives are about Orim “living dead”
and Zhiritak the ogre, as well as masquerades in order to instil values of manliness and
curb mysticism.
There is a saying of the Tarok that summarizes our discussion thus far: Idari
iwomwom va gan te, mi i wongsə n na ka amə ng ina awuwu kaꞌshe apə r, literally
meaning, “a dry stick that is already bent has to be straightened with the wet excreta of the
cow inside fire”. The underlined words are key concepts in this worldview. A dry stick, or a
Tarok child, has no business becoming bent. So the worst treatment, even if it means using
a waste product such as faeces, is applied to correct deviant behaviour so that a bad
character feature is not formed. Therefore, in traditional Tarok society, there is no one so
arrogant, defiant and beyond discipline that he can emerge as an outlaw.
Another saying that illustrates the thesis of this chapter is: Uda nggo i gbak ikol
anang wo, literally: everyone rubs the camwood of his mother. This is said to a lazy person
who likes good things but will not work hard to get them. The mother labours very much in
order to prepare the beautification powder from the ikol tree.
It is mixed with mahogany oil for rubbing on the skin by both young boys and girls, and by
women who are still strong enough to dance.
Ngga Ngga - ‘Mock Death Warfare Dance’
In observing mourning rites, men perform a mock warfare dance called ngga ngga in
honor of the deceased. The men dress in the full warfare regalia and mimic war tactics and
mumble words to the effect that if death could be seen physically, it would be fought and
utterly defeated. Dancers are directed through coded music from a nggapak, (whistle).
Some Folktales in Tarok
In folktales, the Hare gathered all the wisdom in the world to carry up to the top of a palm
tree, hoarding the entire content for exclusive personal use, but he was unable to lift it to his
head. This is expressed in the saying: uzum ran ntan te, ǹyiyar mat na. Literally, the Hare
tied up wisdom and carrying it became impossible for it. It is the tiniest ant in the ethnotaxonomy of the Tarok, izal, that provided the solution - advising him to kneel with one leg,
bend the other, and then first lift the bundle to the bent knee and finally put it on the head!
Mr. Hare was so infuriated to find that more wisdom was out there with other people that
he threw down the entire bundle and smashed it.
That is why wisdom is available to everyone in the world. In Tarok cosmogony, it is
said that heaven once fell and covered the earth, but it was izal again, the least creature
visible to the human eye, that put it back together again; that is why it is a busy scavenger
cleaning up the entire house. Similarly, the monster Zhiritak was such a terror to the
community. It was a lefthanded tiny cock that dealt with it. Unknown to the ogre, the cock
was carrying a little knife when it swallowed it. The cock pierced the huge animal’s stomach
and came out. It was swallowed again and it kept on wounding the beast to escape again
and again. Finally, the terrorist died and the entire community had total relief. To be lefthanded is considered such a handicap amongst the Tarok, yet it was such a character that
saved the community.
64
The analysis seen in the backdrop of so much stereotyping/myths about the Tarok
people may actually be simplistic. The assertiveness of the people is borne out of the heroic
demands of their environment and rigorous upbringing. The Tarok are undoubtedly one of
the most mixed ethnic groups, with the integration and assimilation of many ethnonationalities from Jukun, Tel, Boghom, Ywom, Ngas, Pe, Tal, Yangkam and so on, which
has left marks in their orature. Jemkur et al. (2005: 27-28) will be a befitting conclusion:
Tarok is undoubtedly one homogenous nation today. However, it will be a scholarly
suicide to sweep under the carpet the rich and diverse uniqueness of the components that
make up Tarok today. It will be a monumental betrayal to cork up the untapped reservoir of
cultural history that nobody has recorded in writing to perish as uncelebrated heritage.
(Jemkur et al. 2005: 27-28)
In a country like Nigeria where the concept of nationhood is accepted theoretically
but most people are, in practice, still bound by parochial and primordial loyalties, perhaps a
good starting point in civic education and the entrenchment of true patriotism is to begin
with a selection of the salient, affirmative heroic values found in all of Nigeria’s ethnic
nationalities. Then a body can be commissioned in each state to do a further selection and
standardization of the quintessential ethos of each ethnic community. The final text on each
ethnic-nationality can be synthesized and an eclectic selection of these books can comprise
the civics textbook for the given state. At the national level, the civics textbooks from all the
states could be further selected and integrated to form a national course book at the tertiary
stage of education, while at the same time retaining the manuscript at the state echelon for
primary and secondary citizenship education.
65
CHAPTER NINE
Nansel G Lar
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
Nanvang B Selbar
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATIONS IN TAROK LAND
Cities and villages represent centers or gatherings of people, thoughts, energy and ideas.
They are a symbol of the culmination of a group that meets for a common goal. They also
symbolize protection, harmony, and team-work. When you notice the cities/villages in a
reading, it indicates a group effort is required, or the querent must tap into some energy
centers or thought centers to accomplish what he/she must.
CLOUDS: Clouds hold the symbol meaning of revelation. Consider out of the mists of our
deepest thoughts suddenly an epiphany comes, a bright idea comes out from nowhere - this
is the basic cloud symbol meaning. Clouds can also symbolize confusion or clouded
judgment. Primarily, clouds represent higher thought and messages from the divine. And
66
it’s a sign of warning to men to allow women most especially those who are nursing mothers
to rush back home for certain domestic duty.
DOG: Man (and woman's) best friend - symbol meanings of the dog deals with fidelity,
honesty, loyalty, and truth. When the dog symbol pops out at us, we might ask ourselves
one of the following questions: 1) Where are our loyalties? 2) In what are we putting our
faith? 3) Are we being true to ourselves? Also every Tarok household most have a dog,
which serve as watch man that gives an alarm in case of any strange thing for proper action.
FIRE: Fire is a symbol of both creative and destructive power. Among its many cultural
symbol meanings are: energy, transformation, passion, ambition, inspiration and power. In
many faiths fire is a symbol representing a test of faith or the measure of one's purity. It
also signals the next people around the present of other people in such a location.
HEART: As one would assume, the heart has long been as symbol of love, joy, and
affection. The heart is also a symbol of truth, courage and conscience. The symbolic heart is
the center of existence - physically speaking it pumps out life to the rest of the body. When
we note the heart in our readings we must be mindful of our own center, and what is at the
center of our focus. We may also ask what we love most - that which is positive or negative.
HOE: Yes, this is a tool, and as such its symbolism deals with work, resourcefulness,
accomplishment. But the hoe is also a message telling us we can make our way easier by
using the resources (tools) that are available to us. The hoe is also connected to the old
adage "what we sow so shall we reap." we might do well to consider what kind of sewing we
are doing and how we are utilizing our resources (are we doing things the hard way, or
should we recruit some help).
HORN: Much like the flagsymbol meanings, the horn is also a symbol of announcement,
only more forceful. Horns symbolize a joyous, boisterous, victorious, triumphant
announcement. They signal all within ear-shot that something has happened or is about to
happen soon. Horns announce both victory and oncoming attack - keep this in mind when
the horn comes to your attention. This alerts every sleeping Tarok man and woman.
HORSE: Featured on all the knight cards of the Tarok, the horse symbol meanings deal
with strength, motion, action, and vitality. Linked in many ancient traditions with the four
elements (fire, water, earth, air) the horse is also a strong spiritual symbol and an emblem
of incorporating all the elements to maintain an equal, powerful balance with all things in
the universe. This is evident in the "either/or" nature of the knights. In a more mundane
sense, the horse is predisposition to have a charging nature. In a reading, this gives us
pause to consider where we are charging to and why.
HOUSE: In houses we live, die, play, cry, grow, hide, dream, the list goes on. As such, they
are symbols of our deepest secrets and the tenderness parts of our hearts. House symbol
meanings also deal with protection and the value that we feel we must guard against theft.
When houses jump up to our vision in a reading it may be a sign that our security is
threatened, or it may convey the opposite, and we should not be concerned with safety and
we are already protected. In Tarok land houses are owned by men which give a sense of
67
fulfillment any man who is living or not living in the land that does not have a house in his
land is not complete and hence the question “where will he be buried if he dies?”.
KEYS: Keys unlock things, and as such, they represent knowledge, intellect, and
uncovering things that are hidden from us. The keys of the Hierophant card symbolize the
keys to spiritual knowledge, and wisdom. The ancient Greeks depicted keys as symbols for
knowledge and life. When these keys catch our attention we may need to ask if we are
locking up our potential, or if we feel something is being locked away from us.
LION: Signifying one of the four fixed signs of the zodiac, lion symbol meanings deal with
strength, courage, royalty, and protection. Much like lightning, the lion is viewed as both
savior and destroyer in ancient cultural myth. The lion is a bit of a paradox - while standing
as a symbol of spiritual valor it is also a symbol for the beastly needs of the flesh. When the
lion roars at us in the cards we are encouraged to consider the level of our courage. Are we
seated in faith or flesh? Are we protecting others or ourselves? Are we being strong or just
stubborn?
SNAKE: Snake symbol meanings deal with renewal, rebirth and development primarily
because they shed their skin during each cycle in growth. Snakes are also cold-blooded
which means they depend on their environment for their body temperature. This is a
symbolic message that we must be adaptive, flexible and adjust as best we can to our
circumstances. When the snake slithers across the cards into our consciousness way may
need to ask ourselves if we need to shed a part of ourselves to allow further growth, or
perhaps we need to be a little more flexible in situations at work or home. Snake is a caring
thing to many culture and tradition because it kills at a bit but with that fact in mind Tarok
culture and tradition permits eating it as meat.
RAM: Featured prominently in most decks, the head of the ram has symbol meanings of
determination, action, initiative, and leadership. The ram is also a symbol of Aries, which is
the astral ruler of the Emperor. Aries is the first sign of the Zodiac, further reinforcing
attributes of leadership, authority, and other forefather-type characteristics. When the ram
butts our attention, it is a sign to take responsibility, get up, take action, and get motivated
to accomplish our goals. The Ram is the only animal that is taken to the shrine for O’rim
with hens which are served to ancestors.
RAIN: Traditionally, rain has held symbolic meanings of cleansing as well as fecundity
(ancient cultures honored the rain for its ability to provide life to crops). In the case of the
three of swords, we take this symbol meaning as one of clearing, and washing away the old
in order to accept the new. The imagery of card is oppressive, as it should be for all its
indications - when we see the rain falling in this card it is a reminder that rain washes away
the dirt, storms do pass, and we are left with more fertile soil for planting (figuratively
speaking) at the end of the storm.
PATH: As you may imagine, path symbol meanings deal with direction as well as the path
we choose to travel in any phase of our life (family, career, love, spirituality, etc.). Paths
remind us that journeys of a lifetime begin with one small step. Paths to us are indicative of
beginnings, endings, and the steps we take in-between that create the life we are living.
When paths wind their way in our readings, we must consider these things, and question
68
the intention and sincerity of the steps we are taking upon each of our paths. We must also
re-evaluate the commitments we've made to our life’s path.
MOUNTAINS: Seen on many of the cards, mountain symbol meanings deal with triumph,
challenge, attainment, and realization. Mountains also represent timelessness and an
endurance that is infinite. When those mountains peak out of our attention, we may
consider the vastness of our universe, and contemplate our place within it. We may also
want to consider the heights to which we are climbing, and what the realization of our goals
may mean for us and those around us. It also represents a one-step victory ahead of our
enemies.
MOON: The moon symbol meanings deal with cycles, time, psychic power, reflection, and
emerging from one phase into another. Consider the power of the moon - able to influence
oceans, and affect the realm of nature in strong subtle ways. Also a symbol of feminity, the
moon is a sign of the softer, intuitive side of all of us. When the moon lights up on our
readings, it is a prompting to consider our level of awareness. The moon asks us if we listen
to our intuition and what we allow to influence our direction in life.
SHIELD: Shield symbol meanings deal with defense, protection and covering up.
However, even in the midst of the happiest and abundant times the shield is a message for
us to protect ourselves from over-indulgence and is a signal for us to make preparations to
shield or protect that which we value most (family, friends, future, etc.).
STAR: As long as we have been able to look up at the stars, we have been looking to them
for illumination, direction and guidance. Thus the star symbol meanings deal with shedding
light on our lives, offering us navigation when we need it, and providing consistency when
our lives seem to be topsy-turvey. When the stars wink at us it is time to look to a higher
source for direction, and realize the starry light within our hearts can also illuminate our
way and the removal of one star represent departure of one’s soul (death).
SUN: So much is dependent upon the existence of the sun, its symbolic meanings are
endless. Primarily, the sun is a symbol of expansion, growth, energy, and creativity. When
the sun shines upon your consciousness in a reading, pay attention to its position in the sky
(setting, mid-day, or rising) as its position is also symbolic. Rising of the sun is a symbol of
new beginings, setting indicates an ending or transition and mid-day indicates going full
force in creative endeavors. It connotes signals of the day-beginning, day mid-way and the
day-ending.
7.1
Types of Knives
 Kitchen knife- without covering (women’s knife)
 Poisonous knife with covering used by men for protection,

Cutting tall grasses (Azang)

Cutting meat but out of the kitchen territory

It is tied round the waist for protection
 Small knife for protection

For fight
 Fighting knife (Ndokchi)
 Knife for hair
69

Ikpal kpan ishe
70
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Nanshep Nankat Nathaniel
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
&
- Gwakzing Nanpon
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
SOME NOTABLE LEADERS IN TAROKLAND
Gandulong
Gandulong was a man who lived for some 450 years ago. He is reputed for introducing the
red sorghum to the Tarok people as a shepherd boy. It is alleged that he kept on visiting the
underworld at the Nkanjili stream to bring out the seeds. In his old age as Ponzhi Bin of Ce
clan he gave specific instructions to his male children that, after his death, his skull should
be venerated in the Nce awap, “veneration of the dead” festival. He was indeed
outstanding, given a controversy surrounding his birth either as a son to a slave woman or
as a bona fide free-born child.
Ndong Alaka
Ndong the son of Laka was a contemporary to Gandulong.16 Laka had three brothers:
uGhə m, uGə rak and uNyinang. They all descended from the Jukun lineage of Ywom
(Gerkawa). Laka had several children but Ndong stood out as a superman from birth.
Nyinang had one superman too. He was called Ɓalwang. Each time Ndong’s mother would
lay him to sleep, he would stand up to dance singing:
“Mmami uDong Dong Dong oga Laka”.
“I-am Dong Dong Dong of Laka”.
This became a great concern to the mother and she reported it to her husband. It
was dismissed as a mere tale until she set some men to hide somewhere behind the house
and to eavesdrop on the boy as she departed from the house. True to her claim, the boy was
heard singing the song. With the corroboration of the mother’s story, it was resolved the
boy had to be killed. The mysterious infant pleaded for his life to be spared because he was
71
sent on a special mission to help the descendants of Laka. He grew up quickly and got
married. He became a great farmer and gave birth to Gə ndə ng, Lokbe and Də mam.
He overshadowed his contemporaries and therefore there was much rivalry and
competition with them. One day he was coming from the farm and demonstrated his
powers by leaving footprints of himself, his horse and his dog on a rock that is visible up till
today, at a place named after him. Another outstanding feat of his was the ability to go up a
hill in a time of famine and bring grains to feed his family.
However, one day as he was returning from breaking sorghum heads for them to be
ready for harvest, his archrival Ɓalwang smote him with smallpox through diabolical
powers. He was isolated for treatment but he died. He was buried but reappeared as a male
lion. One day Ɓalwang disguised himself so that his reincarnated brother would not
recognize him, and invited others to hunt the lion.
As he shouted: Ɓalwang tar! Ɓalwang tar! “Ɓalwang strike it “(with the spear)!
“Ɓalwang strike it” (with the spear)!, the lion came in his direction and he killed it. That
was the end of Ndong oga Laka.
The perfect match between the meaning of his name and footprints is a point that
can generate controversy. However, accounts of his contacts with Ngas, Jukun and his
maternal uncles at Garkawa land credence to the reality of his existence. At some point in
his life-time he was driven away to Ngunji in the Ngas country. A lie was told about him
that he would turn into amə ng-ɓə l, that is, “goat dung”, which when applied to crops kills
them. He then left Ngunji to sojourn at Wase Tofa. His bountiful harvest of millet became a
point of envy and he was driven away. He went to his uncles at Gerkawa and stayed at a salt
mine village. Each time Ngas people would come to buy salt, he would send gifts of salt for
them to take back to their elders. This endeared him to them and they brokered a truce
between him and the descendants of Laka. On his return to Laka land after surviving
several extrications, he came with Orim, or masked ancestral spirits that his uncles had set
for him. It became very successful but the other descendants of Laka are forbidden to
participate up till today. Ɓalwang and his descendants later regretted being rivals to
Ndong.
Zhimak the Musician
This legendary personality projected Tarok musical culture beyond Tarok land when he
participated in FESTAC 77. He inherited the gift from his father Kem Zhigu. His
outstanding heroism was such that nobody could record his music without permission. The
equipment would fail. He later renounced traditional religion and converted to Christianity
shortly before his demise.
Reverend Damina Bawado
Rev. Damina Rimdap Bawado stands out as the most outstanding contemporary
community leader in Tarok land. He had the ability to infuse hope in all. Therefore, his
sphere of influence was not limited just to the Church where he rose from a humble
beginning as a cobbler to become the first Nigerian President of what is today the Church of
Christ in Nations (COCIN) for about 47 years. He was also a master strategist in conflict
management. His heroism was manifest when as a student at Gindiri he excelled so well
and became a teacher and taught his own set of classmates.
72
Tyem Nimram of Wongɗə p
Tyem Nimram of Dangre was the man that devised the technology of how to destroy
thatched houses in walled cities. After leading one of such successful expeditions he was
moved from Dangre to Labe (Lar wa bet) for his own safety so that enemies would not harm
him.
Chief Solomon Ɗaushep Lar
His political life made him stand out as a level-headed, calm, selfless, sacrificial and
forgiving personality. He went to prison, alone taking responsibility for all the offences and
misdemeanours, if any, of government officials serving during his tenure as Governor
(October 1, 1979 to December 31st, 1983). He imbibed the ethos of his people (attending to
one’s interest after serving others, liberating the oppressed, providing infra-structural
facilities all over the former Plateau State, etc.). He was a conflict mediator par excellence
(Lamle, 2010: 201). There are several other legendary personalities in Tarok land, some of
whom are still living but space will not permit us to write about them.
73
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ORAL INTERVIEW
Evolution of the stool of Ponzhi Tarok contributed by Nankpak Dangde
Tarok Culture and the Evolution of the stool of Ponzhi Tarok – contributed by Azhi Nanpon
Nden
The use of herbs as ethnopharmacological remedies of ill health by the ancient Tarok man –
written by Dashe Augustine Manchang
Reason (s) for only one clan due for the stool of Ponzhi Tarok – contributed by Nankpak
Dangde
Oral interview with Nansoh Mama, Assistant Chief Priest Piga Community (2018) –
contributed by Gwakzing Nanpon
Oral interview with Elder Gwakzing Mamshep Nimmyel (2018) – contributed by Gwakzing
Nanpon
Isaac, A. (2011) Brief History of Tarok People – contributed by Gwakzing Nanpon
www.source.com – nutrition and diet, Feb 19 2018 – contributed by Gwakzing Nanpon
Honby, A.S. (1993) Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary of Current English, Ninth
impression, Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Great Britain.
Nansoh, Mama , Oral interview, Langtang-Pil Gani, Piga community 3rd July 2020
Gwakzing, Mamshep Nimmyel, Oral interview Langtang, 20th July 2020
76