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18
exism in the Chinese writing
S
system
I
T MIGHT BE SOMEWHAT odd to consider that a system of writing could in some way
register gender relations. We’ve defined writing as the graphic representation of language
(speech) in a specific and systematic manner. If a writing system encodes sexism, then at
what linguistic level does this encoding take place? In other words, what linguistic unit of the
writing system is inherently sexist? Only when we can demonstrate the inherence of sexism in a
script can we claim that it is, in any degree, sexist. This is because we may otherwise fall into the
trap of confusing writing with language and inaccurately attribute the gender bias in speech to
the writing system. Indeed, we need to clearly distinguish between language (speech) and writing in this case. Sexist words, phrases, and statements belong to the realm of speech rather than
writing, even though they may be represented in graphic marks when we encounter them. For
example, in reading printed text we may come across the highly offensive word “bitch” used to
refer to a female person. This may trigger in our mind a connection between the combination
of the letters <b-i-t-c-h> and the highly sexist and offensive notion in this term. However, the
true bearer of the sexist idea is the English word (think speech) [bItʃ],1 and the letter combination <b-i-t-c-h> just happens to be the way this word is represented visually in writing. There
is little that is inherent about the letters, or their combination, that makes them sexist. For this
reason, it would be illogical to say that the Roman alphabet is sexist.
So, what does it mean to say that a writing system is sexist? It means that the script itself
has built-in gender biases. Such biases can be shown to exist without evoking sexist expressions in the language that the script is customarily used to write; instead, evidence comes from
intrinsic elements of the script. In the case of the Chinese script, we can look at individual
characters to determine whether there is gender-based bias in the derivation or construction
of their forms.2 We will do that in the latter part of this chapter. First, let us take a brief look at
gender bias against women in China.
The status of women in China
In China, as in many societies of the world, sexism against women is unfortunately deepseated and has characterized both pre-modern and modern times.
Women in pre-modern China
The marginalization and oppression of women in imperial China (221 bce–1911 ce) is
believed to have its roots in Confucianism, the predominant doctrine or ideology that, for
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164 Part V Identity and gender in writing Chinese
millennia, governed how Chinese people thought and behaved. The Confucian social structure, in particular its patriarchal family hierarchy and the corresponding marginalization of
women in the public sphere, has long been criticized as a major source of sexism in the Chinese society.3 Some often-quoted examples come from the Confucian Classics4, the prerequisite, foundational literature for men to enter the ruling class in imperial China. Although
writings in the Classics do not uniformly depict women as inferior, unworthy, or evil, scholars
point to passages in these books that apparently do.5 For example, in the Book of Odes (诗经/
詩經 Shıˉjıˉng), one reads:
When a baby boy was born he was laid on the bed and given jade to play with, and
when a baby girl was born she was laid on the floor and given a tile to play with.6
Again in the Book of Odes:
A clever man builds a city wall/A clever woman overthrows it/Beautiful is the clever woman, but she is an owl, a hooting owl/A woman with a long tongue, she is a
promoter of evil/Disorder is not sent down from Heaven, it is produced by women/
Those who cannot be instructed or taught are women and eunuchs. . . . And therefore the women have no public service. They have to abide by their silkworm work
and their weaving.7
In the Book of Documents (尚书/尚書 Shàngshū), the term pìnjıˉ sıˉchén (牝鸡司晨/牝雞
司晨), meaning “the hen (instead of the rooster) announcing dawn,” is used to caution against
women playing any role in the public sphere. This is because, as one scholar expounds, the
belief was that “if women are [were] entrusted with tasks involving contact with the outside,
they will [would] cause disorder and confusion in the Empire, harm and bring shame on the
Imperial Court, and sully sun and moon.”8
The patriarchy of imperial China allowed little space for women in the public domain.
From low-ranking officials to the emperor high above, it was almost exclusively men who
controlled and directly participated in governing and operating the state. Women were not
only considered unfit for such responsibilities, but were also largely deprived of the education
that would have prepared them for formal roles outside the domestic realm. This system kept
women out of social positions that would put them on par with men and perpetuated the
oppression and marginalization of women.
In pre-modern China, women’s “proper” place was in the family: “They have to abide
by their silkworm work and their weaving.”9 However, this did not mean that women
enjoyed higher status than men in the household. On the contrary, Confucian teaching
required women to abide by “three obediences and four virtues” (三从四德/三從四德 sāncóng
sìdé).10 A good woman was to obey her father before she was married (wèijià cóngfù 未嫁从
父/未嫁從父), her husband after getting married (jìjià cóngfū 既嫁从夫/既嫁從夫), and her
sons after her husband died (fūsı̌ cóngzı̌ 夫死从子/夫死從子). A virtuous woman must also
possess feminine morality (fùdé 妇德/婦德), display proper speech (fùyán 妇言/婦言), maintain a modest manner and appearance (fùróng 妇容/婦容), and work diligently (fùgōng 妇功/
婦功).11 These moral standards relegated women to a status inferior to the men around them
in the domestic realm.
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Chapter 18 Sexism in the Chinese writing system 165
Women in modern China
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government, during the Máo era (1949–1976), carried
out a series of legal reforms and social campaigns designed to promote gender equality. The
Marriage Law in 1950 abolished arranged marriages and concubinage, granting women the
freedom to marry and to divorce according to their own will. The Electoral Law in 1953 gave
women equal rights to vote and be elected. Successive campaigns to eradicate illiteracy (1952,
1956, 1958) improved millions of women’s ability to read and write. The first Constitution of
the People’s Republic of China (1954) made a clear statement that women and men should
have equal rights. Needless to say, the women’s liberation movement that began in the 1920s
in China achieved important successes during the Socialist reforms. Post-reform women in
general enjoyed much more personal and professional freedom and higher social standing,
and the effect has been profound and far-reaching. For example, according to a 2012 study of
women’s leadership, China has not only the highest percentage of female business executives
in Asia, but also a higher percentage than many Western countries.12 Máo Zédōng (毛泽东/
毛澤東 1893–1976) was famously quoted as saying “women hold up half the sky” (妇女能顶
半边天/婦女能頂半邊天fùnǚ néng dı̌ng bàn biān tiān).13 A CCP slogan at the time, this statement has become a common saying for asserting women’s equal status in China and remains
popular to this day.
In the post-Máo era (1977-present), however, gender equality has deteriorated under
the impact of market-economy reform in both the public and domestic spheres. According to
researchers, women’s status saw a gradual downturn in employment and education. Census
figures in 2010 showed that only 60.8% of urban working-age women were employed, a 16.6
percentage point drop from 1990 and 20.3 percentage points lower than that of men.14 The
wage gap between women and men had also grown steadily, with urban women earning 69%
the amount of men.15 Men continued to be favored over women in admission to university
programs and in hiring into the public as well as the private sectors.16 In 2011, an amendment
was made to the Marriage Law that made it more difficult for divorced women to own property,17 putting women at a great disadvantage in home ownership. Increasing unemployment in
the early stage of reform spurred a movement calling on women to quit their jobs and return
to the home.18 Staying home as a caregiver is not only becoming more acceptable, but is also
glorified once again as a path to fulfillment for women.19 Keeping a second “wife” (包二奶 bāo
èrnǎi) is becoming more common among wealthy men, reminiscent of traditional marriages
between one husband and multiple wives.
THE STORY BEYOND
Sobbing in a BMW
Increased commodification in the Chinese culture has also had a negative impact on how Chinese
women are perceived as well as on how they perceive themselves.20 For example, young women
increasingly place more emphasis on material wealth when choosing potential marriage partners.
One infamous incidence that occurred in the popular dating show If You Are the One (非诚勿扰/非
誠勿擾 Fēi Chéng Wù Rǎo) in 2010 illustrates this point well. One of the female participants, when
asked by an unemployed male guest if she might enjoy bike riding with him, responded that she
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166 Part V Identity and gender in writing Chinese
“would rather be sobbing inside a BMW than smiling on the back of a bicycle.”21 The video went
viral on the Internet, and the episode has become an infamous example for the rise of materialism
and shift in the values of Chinese women coming of age in recent decades.
Sexism in Chinese characters
As we have seen in previous chapters, the development of the Chinese writing system has
been influenced at almost every turn by evolving power relations and social systems. Has the
status of woman influenced the writing system as well? In particular, is sexism encoded in the
Chinese writing system?
A focal point in investigating sexist bias in the Chinese script has been the character 女
(nǚ), meaning “female” or “woman.” Commonly regarded as a pictograph, this character is
thought to represent the image of a woman. In the oracle-bone script, the character suggests
a woman kneeling – or seated on her heels, as Chinese people typically did in ancient times –
with two hands crossed in front of her (Figure 18.1). Some scholars consider this a posture
of submission,22 as if the woman is sitting quietly listening to instructions from her husband.
Others point out that in the oracle-bone script and the bronze script, characters that represent
female persons – 女 (nǚ ‘female, woman’), 母 (mǔ ‘mother’), and 妻 (qıˉ ‘wife’) – all have a
curved bottom stroke, indicating a kneeling or sitting posture. By contrast, characters such
as 人 (rén ‘person’) and 大 (dà ‘big (derived from the image of a person stretching his arms
out)’) – have straight strokes suggesting a standing posture.23 It seems that there is a general
association of a female person with a more yielding, passive, or obedient posture in Chinese
characters.
FIGURE 18.1 The character 女 (nüˇ ‘female, woman’) in oracle-bone script
Sexism against the female also manifests in compound characters that have 女 as the
radical (the semantic element). As some scholars point out,24 among the hundreds of characters of this kind, a large number denote negative attributes that often have to do with a person’s
moral character or inner quality. For instance:
姦 jiān ‘wicked, treacherous, evil’
妖 yāo ‘seductive and evil’
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Chapter 18 Sexism in the Chinese writing system 167
妄 wàng ‘preposterous and arrogant’
嫋 ruò ‘weak, timid, and lazy’
婪 lán ‘ambitious and avaricious’
When such characters express positive meanings, they are usually complimentary of women’s
physical appearance. For example:
婉 wǎn ‘beautiful, graceful’
婷 tíng ‘elegant’
妍 yán ‘beautiful’
姣 jiǎo ‘pretty’
媛 yuán ‘beautiful woman’
Furthermore, some of the compounds may demonstrate expectations or practices of a patriarchal society in which women have an inferior role. For example, a woman holding a broom
is one that fulfills the role of a wife. Peace and contentment are achieved when a woman is
under her husband’s roof.
婦 fù “wife, woman” = 女 + 帚 zhou “broom”
安 ān “peaceful, content”25
Companion Website
Exercise 18.1 Diagnosing compound characters
Do these compound characters encoding gender bias serve to confirm and reinforce
gender inequality in the Chinese society? Does the use of these characters cause a writer or
reader to be more prone to sexist beliefs or practices? With perhaps the exception of discussions among scholars, the issue of sexist characters does not seem to have sparked a lot of
attention among users of the Chinese writing system, and there has not been much talk of
a formal script reform based on this issue. From a linguistic perspective, however, this lack
of attention may be understandable. Users of Chinese characters do not need to consciously
analyze the sexist connotation within the characters in order to appropriately use them – and
indeed they do not seem to. This is because a writing system, in its essence, is a set of symbols
(graphemes) used to represent speech, and the same graphemes can be used to write and convey messages that are either sexist or not. The meaning of the messages derives primarily from
the speech being written rather than the internal structure of the graphemes used to record
that speech. Sexist characters may be used to fight for the protection of women’s rights just
as well as they may be used to demean and devalue women. Although some of the Chinese
characters are evidently sexist in construction, the continued existence of gender inequality in
China, however, may have little to do with that reality.
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168 Part V Identity and gender in writing Chinese
Notes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
[bItʃ] is the IPA representation of the English word bitch.
Fan (1996) is one example study that has done so.
Goldin (2000) references a list of works in his article (p. 133 and note 1).
The Confucian Classics are referred to in Chinese as Sìshū Wǔjıˉng (四书五经/四書五經 ‘Four
Books and Five Classics’). The five classics refer to Shıˉjıˉng (诗经/詩經 Book of Odes), Shàngshū
(尚书/尚書 Book of Documents), Lı̌jì (礼记/禮記 Book of Rites), Yìjıˉng (易经/易經 Book of Changes), and Chūnqiū (春秋 Spring and Autumn Annals. The four books are Dàxué (大学/大學 Great
Learning), Zhōngyōng (中庸, Doctrine of the Mean), Lúnyǔ (论语/論語 Analects), and Mèngzı̌
(孟子 Mencius).
For example: Fan (1996); Li (2000); Yuan (2005); and Foust (2016).
Translated by Lín Yǔtáng (林语堂/林語堂). (1977). My Country and My People. Heinenmann: Asia,
p. 131, as quoted by Fan (1996) on p. 98.
From the poem “I see on high (瞻仰 Zhānyǎng),” translation quoted from Fan (1996, p. 98).
Quoted by ibid., p. 98, from Van Gulik. (1974). Sexual Life in Ancient China. Leiden: E. J. Brill,
pp. 86–87.
Ibid.
The “three obediences” first appeared in Yí Lı̌ (仪礼/儀禮 Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial) and the
“four virtues” in Zhoˉu Lı̌ (周礼/周禮 Rites of Zhou).
Lee (2000, p. 470).
Tuminez (2012).
Although this well-known slogan has been commonly attributed to Máo Zéngdoˉng, there is no clear
source of this attribution. See Zhong (2009).
Attané (2012). Data come from “Surveys on the social status of Chinese women (Zhoˉngguó fùnǚ
shèhuì dìwèi choˉuyàng diàochá)” carried out jointly by the Federation of Chinese Women and the
National Office of Statistics in 1990, 2000, and 2010.
Otis (2015).
Fincher (2013).
Brannigan (2015). The “judicial guidance” stated that, on divorce, property should no longer be
split between the couple but be awarded to the person whose name is on the deeds. The norm in
China has been to put the man’s name on the deeds even though the woman also contributes to the
purchase.
Fincher (2013).
Fan (1996, p. 105).
Ibid., p. 96.
Bergman (2010).
Fan (1996, p. 96).
For example, Su (1999).
Fan (1996) is one example.
Examples of compound characters are taken from ibid.
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