Extended Essay in History The Economic Collapse of Detroit Research Question: To what extent were economic pressures more important than political pressures to Detroit’s economic decline and failed recovery? Candidate Personal Code: May 2018 Session EE Subject: History Word Count: 3,821 Richardson 2 INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 3 SECTION 1................................................................................................................................... 4 SECTION 1.1: Oil Embargo of 1973 & the Preface to Demand Shift ....................................... 4 SECTION 1.2: Demand Shifted towards Smaller European & Japanese Cars ........................ 5 SECTION 1.3: Outsourcing of Jobs & the Deindustrialization of Detroit .................................. 6 SECTION 2................................................................................................................................. 10 SECTON 2.1: Lack of Union Insight ....................................................................................... 10 SECTION 2.2: Government Attempts to Mend Detroit ........................................................... 12 CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................ 13 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................................... 15 Richardson 3 INTRODUCTION Detroit was the pinnacle American Dream, a bustling booming city where the middle class thrived as urban factory workers in the nation’s once largest automotive industrial hub. During the early quarter of the 20th century, this is what Detroit was like; a city where hardworking citizens could go to make a living and thrive under the success of the city. However, the famed Motor City reached a point where the city began to fall apart: population exoduses, massive local job losses, and urban deterioration. This economical downfall of Detroit is wholeheartedly agreed to have began around the 1950’s by the majority of historians; however, the main factors that mainly influenced the massive loss of jobs in Detroit vary in their actual importance on the fall of Detroit, and the extreme slowing of their economy, when varying from historian to historian. In Detroit, these main influencing factor on its shrinking job markets is argued to be the situation with the automotive industry in the city, while it is also argued that in fact it had been the ineffective government action and other global political pressures of Detroit's governing body that served most influential to the job shortage issue Detroit had been face with. To what extent were these economic pressures on Detroit more important than the overarching political pressures on the economic decline and lack of recovery for Detroit’s economy? The evidence gathered throughout this paper indicates that global political actions are the main influence behind Detroit’s fall such as the OPEC oil embargo of 1973, various failed local government initiatives, as well as politically charged free trade agreements. This paper will be split into two sections that will isolate the two overriding factors and evaluate their role on the shrinking job markets and failure of the city’s economy. Following this isolated evaluation, the two overarching factors will be compared and a conclusion of which was more influential to the shrinking job market. Richardson 4 SECTION 1 SECTION 1.1: Oil Embargo of 1973 & the Preface to Demand Shift Detroit was poster child of American industrialization and the good it does for an economy. As quickly as Detroit became an exemplar of a booming city backed my booming industry, it very quickly went bust. From hard working factory workers, providing for their families and living out the rawest form of the American Dream, to a vacant city littered with a jobless population and abandoned industrial remains, where jobs were as rare as a properly upheld property. Detroit's lifeline was the auto industry: Ford, GM and Chrysler, better known by their colloquial name “the Big 3.” They were the economic warhorse of the Motor City, their success would always lead to Detroit's booming economy, nothing else was perceivable. This perception was cracked and later on shattered in the 1970’s. In 1973, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) imposed an embargo against the United State, as Arabic retaliation during the Arab-Israeli war where America gave support to the Israelis. While the impact of this embargo was an economic one, the overarching decisions leading to the embargo were politically charged, which leads to indicate the start of a long string of political policies that stress and kill the labour force and economy of the Motor City. The embargo “sent gasoline prices soaring and automobile sales dropped nearly 30 percent between 1973 and 1975, from around eleven million to eight million cars.” (Rothstein, 67) This loss of market share for the Big 3 opened up space for other companies so deliver where the American companies could not. Since the oil embargo of 1973 changed the course of the demand for ever expanding American vehicle size, people started to either buy smaller cars or not buy cars in general to save money and avoid the steep gas prices brought with the original embargo. “By the late 1970s, the market had recovered, only to face a similar crisis provoked by the 1979 Iranian revolution… these short-term fluctuations in demand provoked a long-term structural shift in the market” (Rothstein, 67) After the second gas crisis, Americans had shifted their car interests for a more Richardson 5 permanent stint. The beginning of smaller cars had begun. However, how does this related to job market loss in Detroit? The simplest explanation is that the increasing competition by Japanese automotive brands continuously pushed the Detroit based Big 3 out of the market. As they lost market dominance they had to cut costs to reflect their lack of sales; this mean the closure of factories and plants and the loss of jobs of the many people working in these Detroit factories. It got so bad that the company Chrysler of the Big 3, “‘merges’ with Daimler-Benz in what looks more like a buyout of one of the three U.S. automakers.” (Rothstein 65) As time went on the demand shift for the American market further moved to foreign cars and ever edging away from the domestic machine built on its own soil. SECTION 1.2: Demand Shifted towards Smaller European & Japanese Cars One cause in particular that caused trouble for the economy of Detroit was its lifeline being connected to the auto industry there. Majority of Detroit’s jobs were held in the auto industry; due to this, the events affecting the performance and jobs of the Big 3 gave a notable reflection on the job situation in Detroit. Before the crash of Detroit and the auto industry crisis that caused it, the idea of driving a small car was seen as unpatriotic. The idea of driving a vehicle not made by American hands was shunned and seen as anti American. Nevertheless, this shunned and unpopular idea of driving an import began to grow in 1956, where the Big 3 automotive giants in Detroit noticed a slight slump in sales whilst the market for smaller import cars began to grow, this set the scene to what was to come in the 1970’s (Wright, 1) This demand shift only served as incentive to the political choices that were to follow suit: free trade. Fuelled by the drastic corporate concern and market shifts that the oil crises and Middle Eastern threats had started. International auto manufacturers had much lower costs of production than what the Big 3 faced in America, and what the American market was providing was not what the people wanted. People no longer wanted to drive large gas guzzling cars, it was to expensive a lifestyle. The trend had begun to change, and the majority of the Big 3’s short term output did Richardson 6 not speak to that change. “Detroit was dispirited and its economy was faltering. In the early 1980's Chrysler was sliding towards financial disaster. GM poured 50$ million into the development of a new rotary engine, but couldn't get it to work, while a small Japanese firm, Mazda did. Ford was losing money so fast that there was talk of not only pulling out of Detroit, but North America all together. The Japanese were selling about one of every four cars sold in the United States.” (Source 5) More foreign cars sold and less domestic cars from companies like Ford and GM meant that there would be no need for the Big 3 to produce as much in such a competitive market, meaning jobs would have been cut further shrinking the job market. This becomes more apparent when the Big 3 began to close out factories and lay off workers all over Detroit. The demand shift was a major blow to the domestic auto manufacturers and forced them to have major lay offs in their factories, “General Motors (GM) announces it will close twelve plants and cut workforce by 30,000. Ford announces the company's intent to reduce its white collar workforce by 4,000 and close plants to shed 30,000 assembly line jobs.” (Rothstein, 65) The demand shift was not the choice of the people; it was a direct result of the gas crises that followed the oil embargos. People shifted to smaller cars, putting the Big 3 in a pinch and searching them in a search for a solution to their lost sales, all because of the political paradigm surrounding the oil embargos in the background of Detroit's fruiting economic crisis. SECTION 1.3: Outsourcing of Jobs & the Deindustrialization of Detroit The majority of Detroit's population decline was during the 1950’s to the 1990’s, this was a multifaceted issue that was mostly driven by a shrinking job market of the entire city. The ultimate reason, and quite possibly the most prevalent reason, why the job market in Detroit began to plunge and drastically mangle the economy of the city is due to the unpatriotic outsourcing of jobs by major firms in Detroit, namely the automobile industry’s leading Big 3. Despite the performance concerns for the American companies in the previous section, they rebounded as quickly as they got stifled by the politically fuelled shift in demand. Why? Richardson 7 American free trade deals, like North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the General Agreement on Tariffs, Reciprocal Tariff Act (RTAA), and Trade (GATT), allowed large corporations to lower their own costs by selling jobs overseas. Detroit's largest auto firms made the decision not to suffer with Detroit; they began to globalize to counter the losses the experienced in the shifting market at home. This very action of globalization is what lead to the growing shortage of jobs all across Detroit. It was fuelled by the government’s policies of free trade and could not have been possible without them. “General Motors and the factories located just northwest of Detroit were the most tragic example of this… in the mid 1980's GM began laying off thousands and closing plants which had been the city's lifeline for over fifty years. It was finally announced that eleven GM plants were to be closed and moved to Mexico in order to cut costs.” (Counts, Ronson, Spenser, 2) The cause of these business plan changes for the automotive giants of Detroit can only be attributed to the political policies of free trade designed to empower cheap corporate growth. “But, since 1983, GM's car sales had risen, and the company had posted record profits reaching 19$ billion, yet GM laid off over 50,000 people in Flint alone by 1989… It clearly wasn't the Japanese that the Detroit auto workers had to worry about, it was their "own" profit seeking corporations that were putting them out on the curb.” (Counts, Ronson, Spenser, 3) GM could afford to lay off 50,000 local labours because they were shifting their production elsewhere; without the politics behind the scenes of Detroit's situation this unpatriotic outsourcing of American jobs would likely not have happened. The globalization of the car industry blurred the lines between what was American labour and what was outsourced international labour. Richardson 8 Population Detroit Population (1950-1980) 2,000,000 1,800,000 1,600,000 1,400,000 1,200,000 1,000,000 800,000 600,000 400,000 200,000 0 1950 1960 1970 1980 Detroit Population (1950-1980) Figure 1.3.1, (Data sourced from worldbank.org) Revenue/Profit of GM (1955-1980 100,000.00 80,000.00 60,000.00 40,000.00 20,000.00 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 0.00 Revenues ($ millions) Profits ($ millions) Figure 1.3.2, (Data sourced from archive.fortune.com) Here GM’s revenue compared to the population of Detroit hints to the outsourcing of jobs that killed the economy of Detroit. A stark increase in productivity by GM clearly indicates that GM had no longer been making its money off of the factories in Detroit. Political action allowed GM to leave the city, causing a drastic shrinking of the job market. Companies like GM and Ford closed off local work in favour for cheaper labour outside its country’s borders only through the gateway opened for them through trade deals such as NAFTA, which eliminated 50% of Mexico Richardson 9 to USA exports . With their home city on the road to utter collapse and failure, companies like GM and Ford stood behind the freedom of America’s new foreign trade policies: free trade and globalization. “From 1969 onward, however, the auto industries began slashing jobs in the city. Detroit lost 19 percent of its jobs between 1969 and 1973; by 1975 the unemployment rate had climbed to a catastrophic 18 percent. Then conditions worsened. By 1982 Detroit had half as many manufacturing jobs as it had in 1963; half of those jobs were gone by 1992.” (Boyle.120) The situation in Detroit simply worsened and worsened as more and more companies began to pursue the new cost effective options brought to light by free trade. This outsourcing is, by far, the most major influence on the shrinking job market that preceded Detroit's failure as an economic bull, however the puppeteer of this outsourcing is the political figurehead of the US government that enacted free trade deals. 900,000 800,000 700,000 600,000 500,000 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 0 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 Population Employees of GM & Ford Motor Co. Employees (Ford Motor Co.) Employees (GM) Figure 1.3.3 America on a whole lost around 86% of its manufacturing jobs since the 1970’s. (Hodge) “The loss of manufacturing jobs that began in the late 1960s has sapped the city's economic strength and drastically number of of non-skilled jobs paying a decent wage.” (Thomas, 224) Having a quick comparison between figure 1.3.1 and 1.3.3 gives the clearest indication that the supporting companies of Detroit where selling out the jobs in Detroit to foreign nations, further Richardson 10 shrinking the jobs market in an already failing city. On the surface this seems like a economic driver for the fall of Detroit, however under the surface it becomes more apparent that it was a political agenda that enabled such actions by US corporations. SECTION 2 SECTON 2.1: Lack of Union Insight Detroit's complete collapse and uncontrollable unemployment was not solely due to the major firms abandoning the city. There were other socioeconomic factors that affected Detroit and caused its spiral into a state of poverty, unemployment and economic failure. One of which, was the union insight, or lack thereof, that should have fought to prevent the auto makers to abandon them so easily. The crux of the issue was that the President of the United Automobile Workers (UAW, labour union), Walter Reuther, moved from a position of challenging corporate power “at the bargaining table, in national politics, and at the point of production” (Boyle 111) to short term beneficial agreements with the same corporate powers the UAW had been trying to curb. In the 1940’s Walter and the rest of the UAW moved from this corporate control position to one that was to be the best of both worlds for the companies and the people. The “Treaty of Detroit” was one such agreement that birthed from this new agenda from the UAW. It set the terms for the relations between auto companies and their employees for the next thirty years of Detroit. On the surface, the “Treaty of Detroit” did two main things. It allowed for the UAW and its workers to get the wages and benefits they demanded, which made Detroit auto workers some of the highest paid industrial workers in the entire United States. For the corporate leaders, the treaty allowed for the auto companies the right to fully control the companies’ investment decisions and the quality in which the workers had to work inside the plants, all without any worker consent. Auto firms could have reinvested any and all of their assets in anyway they saw fit for the company, meaning that they could have relocated entire factories without any form of Richardson 11 say from the people who worked within them. This increase in corporate power, as well as the aforementioned free trade, was the corner stone to the eventual outsourcing of jobs that left Detroit crippled and impoverished. The “Treaty of Detroit” also served as a catalyst and accelerated another issue of the labour unions issue: race and gender inequality. Higher wages and benefits, that the UAW condemned the future of their city’s industrial sector to achieve, were not being enjoyed by minorities such as African Americans and women, who were actively excluded from unions. “By pushing up wages, finally, the UAW and the automakers split the working class in two. Union members, overwhelmingly white and male, enjoyed greater security and comfort than ever before. Non-union members, disproportionately black or female, continued to receive low wages and few if any benefits.” (Boyle 111) This growing split is what allowed for the drastic shifts in the city’s demographics that ensued both during and after the fall of Detroit. As the auto industry left more and more American workers out of jobs, the growing amount of unemployed labourers needed to find jobs elsewhere. The benefits of the union members served as the tool for many whites to leave Detroit and find jobs elsewhere. This as well as their ability to find work elsewhere more easily because of their racial superiority during segregation hurt Detroit's job market even more due to the lack of incentive to supply jobs in the city after the population exodus. “Residents left behind in the nation's urban centres were not only poor, they were largely African-American - even though poverty is multiracial in American society” (Thomas 222) The exodus of the majority of able working white males from Detroit left their economy in a position where it was seemingly impossible to rejuvenate the city, directly due to the lack of a workforce present in the nation and the fact that there were no longer any non skilled jobs for the people to use to slowly build their city back up. In Detroit's case, the city was now left with truncated job markets due to economic pressures on the citizens of the city. Richardson 12 SECTION 2.2: Government Attempts to Mend Detroit As the city began to be left in the dust by profit seeking automotive firms, there was no real vision by the government to steer Detroit in a situation where the city would be able to survive and, more ideally, thrive after the exodus of the auto companies and the massive amounts of people it would leave unemployed. The massive layoff caused by these car companies not only impacted the people but threw Detroit's government off balance. Detroit's government began suffer from its own struggle to gain income as more people were left without jobs. “‘over the past four years, total city tax revenues increased only 16 percent, while the national index of the costs of local government rose 35 percent’ (Detroit. Mayor’s…, 1976)” (Riddle, 53) Due to the skyrocketing unemployment rates that plagued Detroit, tax revenue plummeted while the cities spending costs rose. Creating an economy so indebted in cash that its own downfall aided in the increase in unemployment rate even further. The city had to attempt to mend the situation that was hindering Detroit's growth and fostering its collapse. However, the plans to stimulate the economy and urge reinvestment either had such poor execution and low funding that there could not have been any real impact, or they only provided short term solutions, which had various long term negative externalities on the cities development. The poor execution of plans to save were never aimed to work with the surprising lack of national government help to one of its star cities back to its feet. This lack of alacrity with any government aid plans to support the people of Detroit. “Lyndon Johnson tried to fight poverty on the cheap. His administration made no effort to redistribute resources or power from the rich to the poor, the most direct way to combat poverty, nor did it try to create jobs for poor Americans.” (Boyle 116). The hilariously underfunded poverty combat programs launched in Detroit served for nothing more than a way for the government to publicize that they had helped the city. With this apparent lack of help from the government, people who could leave continued to leave, Richardson 13 further shrinking the job pool in Detroit and worsening the state of the dying ‘Motor City.’ Even Detroit's own city government matched that same lack of effort given by the president, “Detroit's antipoverty programs reflected the weaknesses in the national effort. The mayor targeted a nine-square-mile area of the centre city, with a population of 133,000, as the focal point of his antipoverty campaign. The campaign's funds were so low, however, that if Detroit had divided its entire antipoverty budget equally among the area's residents, each recipient would have walked away with $60.00.” (Boyle 117). From this is clear to see that there was no real effort to try mend Detroit's financial issues. Apart from this lack of effort and funding on the part of the local and national government, the plans that were put in place had unforeseen long term consequences that left Detroit worse off than before. Despite the short term benefit of some of the plans that where implemented to stimulate Detroit's economy, certain plans in Detroit sparked long term issues that further crippled Detroit’s population furthered the shrinking of their working force. One main plan by the local government was the Public Act 198, which was actioned in 1974. This plan disrupted Detroit's tax system to a point of short term benefit from investment, while setting up tax issues for the residential sector. This “twelve-year property tax relief for investment” gave “100% property tax relief for improvements or rehabilitation in new facilities (Michigan. Department of Commerce..., no date)” (Riddle 54) The tax reform left a gap in the city’s tax income. To fill it, the government pushed the tax stresses onto the residential area. Causing for increased incentive for Detroit's labour force leave, killing the potential for the growing job market. CONCLUSION The various contents of this essay provide two scopes to the development of Detroit's employment and economic issues and their various causes. Throughout this investigation is has become abundantly clear that Detroit's failure was due to politically charged actions and government policies that set the stage for the backbone of Detroit's economy to separate itself Richardson 14 from the city for cheaper labour elsewhere in the world. What were the factors influencing Detroit during the 1950’s all the way to the 1980’s that caused the city’s shrinking job market, and to what extent was the situation surrounding Detroit’s own automotive industry more important than the city’s lack of effective government towards the failure of Detroit’s economy and its shrinking job market? The original thesis stating that the influence of the exodus of the auto industry was more paramount to the labour situation that plagued Detroit was challenged but ultimately proved to be more substantially supported by the evidence provided by the cities history and deep analysis of this history. While the socioeconomic factors that plagued Detroit after the auto crisis were unquestionably influential to the shrinking of Detroit's labour force, the evidence suggests that it is not as noteworthy as the winding blow that the automotive disinvestment was to Detroit. Hence why it can be confidently stated that, the shrinking job market in Detroit was caused by the much more influential situation with the automotive industry and the politics behind it that caused the decline and eventual failure of Detroit’s economy due to complications surrounding increased costs of production for the auto firms in the city caused by the oil embargo of 1973, market shifts and demand changes for the domestic auto market, and the eventual outsourcing of American jobs through globalization and free trade. Richardson 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY Boyle, Kevin. “The Ruins of Detroit: Exploring the Urban Crisis in the Motor City.” Michigan Historical Review, vol. 27, no. 1, 2001, pp. 109–127. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20173897. Counts, Glenn, et al. Detroit: The New Motor City. pp. 1–6, Detroit: The New Motor City, web.stanford.edu/class/e297c/poverty_prejudice/citypoverty/hdetroit.htm. FORTUNE 500: 1960 Archive Full List 1-100, archive.fortune.com/magazines/fortune/fortune500_archive/full/1960/. *Guerrieri, Veronica, et al. “Within-City Variation in Urban Decline: The Case of Detroit.” The American Economic Review, vol. 102, no. 3, 2012, pp. 120–126. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/23245515. Riddle, Dave. “CAPITAL MIGRATION, URBAN FISCAL CRISIS AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN DETROIT.” The Peninsular Papers, vol. 2, no. 2, 1977, pp. 50–61., www.jstor.org/stable/40968904. Rothstein, Jeffrey S. “The Uncertain Future of the American Auto Industry.” New Labor Forum, vol. 15, no. 2, 2006, pp. 65–73. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40342622. *Watkins, Myron W. “The Labor Situation in Detroit.” Journal of Political Economy, vol. 28, no. 10, 1920, pp. 840–852. www.jstor.org/stable/1820758.