IMPERIAL MATERIAL: MODERN WESTERN FASHION THEORY
AND A SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY EASTERN EMPIRE
This a pre-print of an article by Linda F. Matheson that was published by Maney Publishing in
2011for the Costume Society of America journal Dress vol 37, pp. 57-82.
Here is a link to the online hosting platform, www.maneyonline.com/dre, and the corporate website
at www.maneypublishing.com.
Abstract
This article explores a symbolic, non-western, non-contemporary, class-privileged, and dominantly
masculine world - that of China’s gentry and Imperial Courts in their transition from the Ming Dynasty
to the Qing Dynasty (1573-1722). Modern Western theories of identity and representation through dress
are analyzed -- using both artifact and discourse analysis -- as to whether or not they can transcend
cultural and temporal contexts. In particular the essay examines Eastern evidence from the seventeenth
century that supports the activity of the premise behind the trickle-down theory of clothing attributed to
Georg Simmel in the twentieth century West. Additionally, issues such as cultural ambivalence, creative
ferment, and collective tensions in transitional contexts are considered in testing the applicability of
symbolic interactionist theory of the contemporaryWest to the changing aesthetic codes and social
meanings of the royal robes in the ancient East.
Keywords
Imperial Courts, Western fashion theory, Eastern seventeenth century, dragon robes, Chinese history
1
The intention of this paper is to explore a symbolic, non-western, non-contemporary, classprivileged, and dominantly masculine world-- that of China’s gentry and Imperial Courts in their
transition from the Ming Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty (1573-1722). The reason for this exploration is to
ascertain whether or not modern western theories of identity and representation through dress 1 can
transcend cultural and temporal contexts.
Chinese historian, Ye Mengzhu (叶梦珠, b.1634)2 writes at the end of the seventeenth century:
“Fashions begin in the homes of the gentry, and are copied by their maids and concubines, who transmit
them in their leisure time to their immediate relatives, and thus to the villages.”3 Besides denoting
change in China’s sartorial world, this quote exemplifies the trickle-down fashion theory attributed to
Georg Simmel (1858-1918).4 Could this be considered the forerunner of Simmel’s theory? Though not
an active discourse prior to Simmel’s observation, the existence of sumptuary laws in both eastern and
western hemispheres restricting the use of certain colors and materials for nobility, suggests that this
same dynamic, this emulation and imitation of the “look” of those whose status is desired, has been
present and in operation throughout the history of fashion.5 Now we have a quote from a seventeenthcentury Chinese historian making the same observation and drawing consistent conclusions. This is one
example of commonalities unearthed by this study of the benefits and limitations of modern western
fashion theory when applied to eastern dress practices.
Historical dress practices in China include the material realization of a sequence of ideas; therefore
to be correctly understood they must be analyzed by using some theoretical assumptions. 6 For this task I
have chosen two of our classic theories, the elasticity and durability of which I will test, while assuming
that they can be applied to a system7 for which they were not originally intended. My hope is that they
might be fortified and extended to help explain the practices or systems of dress in a more flexible
2
manner. Employing their metaphoric value, theories are effective tools that enhance understanding until
stretched too far, at which time they must be replaced by a more apt model.
Between 1573 and 1722, China experienced extraordinary upheaval concurrent with monumental
changes. The traditional Confucian philosophy of life was juxtaposed by a tidal wave of new scientific,
intellectual, artistic and literary thought. There were radical new views on individualism including those
relating to gender and sex; originality and materialism were promoted, along with all manner of creature
comforts.8 While being politically threatened by the Manchu, unprecedented economic benchmarks
were being achieved, including those attained by the commercialization of fashion9, literature, the
decorative arts, and leisure. Though not a fashion industry as we know it today-- that caters to multiple
annual seasons-- Chinese trade and commerce during this era included a thriving interregional and
international textile component, equipped with factories and workers that sprung up as needed to
manufacture those fabrics and styles that attained popularity with a culturally aware majority. Attention
was paid to what was “in style” 10 by a socially questioning and aspiring bourgeoisie, whose (social)
mobility was announced by the dress practices they adopted. From the audacious and sometimes
ostentatious textiles of the Ming, to the superbly exercised order of the Qing, we witness a strong tide of
bold experimentation finally ebbing and stabilizing between 1759 and 1766 with a proclamation for
restored sartorial discipline to which adherence was mandatory.11
Unlike the west, where until recent decades critical elements of dress including changes in aesthetic
codes and social meanings received little attention, the seventeenth-century Chinese focused on the
symbolic as highly significant. Through a complex system of symbols, ancient and auspicious, the
upwardly seeking bourgeoisie and the members of the Imperial Courts relied upon their resplendent silk
robes to play an intricate role in the communication of political and cultural ideals, crucial to the success
of rituals and ceremonies, and vital to identity.12 Chinese dress scholar, Hua Mei, writes that the most
3
outstanding feature in the Chinese official uniform is the buzi –patches of embroidered symbols on the
chest and back of gowns indicating the wearer’s rank-- which mark the relationship of garment and
power.13 This essay will examine the most auspicious of these symbols, the dragon, with the aim of
determining the ideas and values referenced from the larger cultural discourse that is inextricably linked
with the practices of identity construction that are intrinsic to dress. For the Chinese state, society, and
culture, the dynastic transition of the Ming dynasty to the Qing dynasty was one “of crisis and
transformation.”14 Simultaneous with bloodshed and battle with the conquering Manchu, a remarkably
thriving, commercially and industrially based economy was supported by strong population growth and
intense urbanization. This emerging culture encouraged by the idea that wealth was the noblest goal,
was carefree and pleasure seeking. It focused on comfort and enjoyment, leisure, and liberal attitudes,
along with new manners in regard to women.15 A new paradigm was being established, fulfilling the
foremost perquisite proposed by Kaiser et al for qualification as a transitional historical context16 in the
second of our fashion theories to be considered—A symbolic interactionist theory of fashion.
In 1991 Susan Kaiser, Richard Nagasawa and Sandra Hutton posited that “fashion becomes fraught
with cultural ambivalence and creative ferment in historical transitional contexts”--the periods of time
throughout history that include the dismantling/overthrowing of one cultural/political era, and the
establishing of a second one that replaces it--- …“because contradictory cultural practices that cause
collective tensions and ambivalences are likely to be present.” They developed a theory explaining
fashion, a social process that by its nature implies change, as influenced by underlying concepts such as
ambivalence, ambiguity and negotiation. Because these concepts instigate and perpetuate changes in
appearance style, or dress, they can be extracted to provide a starting point for cross-cultural analyses.
During times of political and or cultural change these ideas become intensified and impel new ways of
self-representation resulting in an increased pace of change in styles and expressions.17 Continuing in
4
the symbolic interactionist tradition, another reason for this theory is to create a link between macrolevel cultural political forces and micro-level social psychological processes of dress. 18
Herbert Blumer, Gregory Stone and Fred Davis are credited with their seminal research in this area.
For Blumer symbolic interaction is the process of interaction in the formation of meaning, with the
symbols (of language) as tools to negotiate this meaning: thus creating the self and socialization within a
larger community.19 Gregory Stone considered these symbols in the realm of personal appearance, and
called for his colleagues not to focus only on the discursive aspects of communication.20 Agreeing with
this Davis looked to fashion and found its symbolic content to be what it says, how it says it and the
relationship of both of these to what has gone before and what is to come after.21 He also writes of
fashion as being “Prodded by social and technological change and occasions of disaster” (often evident
in transitional times) …“our identities are forever in ferment giving rise to numerous strains, paradoxes,
ambivalences and contradictions within ourselves. It is upon these collectively experienced, sometimes
historically recurrent, identity instabilities that fashion feeds.” 22 With macro-level shifts during the
Ming/Qing transition provoking enhanced micro-level activity we have a period in China’s Imperial
history that beckons application of this theory (henceforth to be referred to as SI).23
Despite widespread agreement that the roots of western civilization are deep in the delta of the Nile,
the Tigris and Euphrates, an area currently approximating Iraq,24 little literature on dress addresses
clothing practices outside the hegemonic west. An admirable exception to this is the contribution made
by Joanne Eicher, 25 who has written extensively on ethnic dress, and others, such as Anne Brydon,
Sandra Niessen26 and Jennifer Craik 27who articulates a non-mainstream belief that the modern western
female does not hold exclusive rights to this realm. Significant research in Chinese dress has also been
done by other scholars who have added depth and texture to the field.28 Commendably, others have
written about ethnicity as developing its own inner logic as a fashion system,29 and the exotic, or
5
oriental as a recurring inspiration in the decorative arts, clothing included. 30 Said's evaluation and
critique of the set of beliefs known as Orientalism highlights the inaccuracies of a wide variety of
assumptions which are accepted as paradigms of thought both individually, and academically.31 It is a
call to action that recognizes that besides these exemplary thrusts, much remains to be investigated in
the eastern matrix.
The necessity of contextual interpretation demands strong cultural/historical research. For this I
found the work of Chun-shu Chang and Shelley Hsueh-lun Chang most helpful. Crisis and
Transformation in Seventeenth-Century China: society, culture, and modernity in Li Yu’s world, and
Redefining History: ghosts, spirits, and human society in P’u Sung Ling’s world. Both manuscripts
translate and interpret numerous primary and secondary sources--that include social commentators and
historians from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries--in revealing the life of Li Yu, China’s first
professional writer and P’u Sung Ling, another prolific scholar who wrote 500 short stories as an
historian and analyst of human nature and the human condition. Employing both the classic and
vernacular in their essays, poems, plays, operas and fiction, a wide variety of life in China at this time is
described. Indeed they provide insights into feelings, values, attitudes, anxieties and assumptions that
are sometimes lacking in conventional historical documentation. Besides presenting an understanding
profile of these scholars and their work, the main goal of Chang and Chang was “to explore the scope
and depth of the reflection of contemporary political, social, economic, and cultural conditions in the
writings.”32 Their references to fashion in these various contexts are consistent with my definition of the
term, and appear to have been carefully translated with attention to detail. Their use of direct quotes
from contemporaneous writers and observers is strengthening, as is their use of scholars, such as Erving
Goffman for interpretation of impression management. 33 These texts beautifully and succinctly blend
literature, ideas, and society to enrich the dimension of historical understanding. Supplementing these
6
texts was the work of scholars Dorothy Ko, D. D.Wang and Wei Shang, Peter Hershock and Roger
Ames, 34 as well as others too numerous to mention, but whose names you will see in the endnotes and
references at the end of this paper.
Hidden Meanings in Chinese Art by Bartholomew 35 was a regular companion which informed my
work substantially by its elucidation of meaning behind the symbols on the royal robes, and the Corpus
of Fabric Embroidery and Finery, based on the 1958 excavation of the royal tomb of the Wanli Emperor
(1573-1619) edited by Shauna Chung and published in Tianjin, proved to be an excellent resource. 36
Written in classical Chinese, it required translation, a somewhat daunting task, as many Chinese scholars
no longer read the classical text, or are familiar with textile terminology. Fortunately a University of
California, Davis, Textiles and Clothing graduate student from Taiwan, and a good friend who
completed her graduate study at the University of Beijing, both of whom had a firm grasp of the nuances
of the subject, came to my rescue.37
I have been fortunate to work with and use the research of scholars of Chinese dress, who have spent
many years examining these types of robes and who are experts in their field. 38 Their work has
increased my understanding and helped me formulate my ideas about this transitional period and the role
of dress within it. An example of this took place at the Forbidden Palace, where with translation help I
was able to communicate with researchers who specialize in this era. 39 One of them, Bai Ying Sheng,
has written books on the subject and discussed the relative scarcity of garments: Three theories for this
are (a) that the owners revering these “heavenly” vestments chose to be buried in them hoping to have
their otherworldly passage eased by such richness and beauty and (b) that existing Ming garments were
used as a basis for new Qing ones, hence being altered, recut etc., or (c) they were given as appeasement
gifts to war-lords of adjacent lands who might be inclined to invade Chinese territory. While no
consensus was reached, my host professor in Beijing, Guo Pingjing, holds that the first theory is correct,
7
while Bai remained noncommittal. Based on my research to date I’m leaning toward a combination of
the three.40 This scarcity however means that conclusions drawn may not fully represent the era, and
might differ if a broader array of artifacts were available for analyses. Despite this it is my opinion that
understanding may be gained and inferences made based upon the substantial number of pieces that
have been made available to me.
METHOD
As capacious as poetry, textiles are a vital subject for visual and material culture scholars that enjoy
focusing on both the physical artifact and the meaning it produces or represents. As the processes of
detection seek the cooperation of various disciplines, I used a grounded theory approach41 with two
methods of discovery:
-
Artifact analysis (analysis of outward and inward physical appearance), and
-
Discourse analysis (analysis based on words—written and spoken—as well as pictorial
images)42
These methods combine the arcs of history and cultural studies and have wide cross-cultural
applicability. They were implemented with the grounded theory strategies of simultaneous collection
and data analysis, comparative examinations, note taking and writing that aimed toward a conceptual
analysis. Additional research allowed me to refine emerging ideas and integrate theoretical frameworks
of thought.
Jules Prown, professor emeritus at Yale, writes that “artifacts are primary data for the study of
material culture, and therefore, they can be used actively as evidence rather than passively as
illustrations.”43 For my artifact analysis the pieces were held in my gloved hands whenever possible and
turned inside-out. Measurements and notes on cut, color and fabrication were taken, questions were
8
asked, and cameras used when acceptable. The notes made at the time of examination were written up in
full that evening; concepts considered and ideas integrated.
In viewing the empirical material I was looking for evidence-- or not-- to support the trickle-down
and the SI theories. As much of the material originated from the Imperial Courts, robes worn by the
royal family—the Emperor, Empress and Princes-- were compared with those worn by lesser members
of the court—civil and military rulers, eunuchs and concubines-- for similarities and differences that
would be relevant. Sometimes it was difficult to know who the wearer was; other times it was clear from
the specificity in the published clothing regulations, for whom and in what capacity the robe had been
intended, whether for Imperial family members or court official, male or female, formal or informal and
winter or summer. 44
One of my immediate foci in examining these garments was the art work of the very prevalent
dragon emblem. In the Chinese nation, the dragon represents a revered iconic symbol and was the most
prominent one on the dragon robes.45 Hence this evocative symbol was tracked to determine if there
were artistic, temporal or spatial themes that could be attributed to cultural movements or transitions. A
correlation was discerned, and a conceptual framework established. Besides the socially based messages
of any work of art that are indigenous to that culture, there are other messages imparted that are
produced by the arrangement and style of the various pieces within the composition of the art work. The
balance, proportion, emphasis, harmony, rhythm and color of the component parts influence the rational
and emotional responses it evokes and thus the adjectives employed to describe it. By comparing the
size, silhouette, features, posture and position chosen to make-up the symbol of the dragon, it became
clear that a range of attitudes and adjectives was represented, from fearful to ferocious or subdued to
snarling, dynamic or heroic. Thus by investigating the material alterations and recreations of the dragon
symbol, the most significant emblem on the favored mode of dress within the Imperial Court’s fashion
9
system, I was able to make certain inferences, and draw plausible conclusions. There appeared to be
significant distinctions within the fabricated artwork—aesthetic codes-- of the dragon that correlated to
its probable time period.
Please see table below for sources and artifacts examined.46
Primary sources
Minneapolis Institute of Art
Asian Art Museum Seattle
Asian Art Museum S.F.
Ding Ling Museum, Beijing
Forbidden Palace, Beijing
Chris Hall collection, HK
#s pieces examined and probable time period
16 (dragon robes, men’s and women’s, late Ming, early-mid Qing)
1 (man’s dragon robe, early 1700s)
1 (ceremonial vest of Wanli Emperor’s mother, late Ming, 1595)
28 (robes, jackets, hats, fabrics, ornaments and accessories from the Wanli
Emperor’s tomb, 1573-1619)
5 (men’s and women’s Qing silk robes)
19 (assorted pieces including a theatrical gown, embroidered badges,
patches, runners, Ming and Qing)
In consideration of both the SI theory that suggests greater fashion activity—more dynamic changes
and unconventional styles during transitional periods than during times of political and social
stability— and the trickle-down theory—the imitation of dress of the class to which one aspires—a
comparison of garments dated within our period, to garments dated outside that timeframe was
necessary. It was equally necessary to ascertain the validity of dates already established. This had its
difficulties, as anyone familiar with trying to affix a date to historic garments will attest. First I needed
to mark the temporal parameters of the transition itself.
Because it is nearly impossible to precisely date a cultural upheaval, as historical change is far too
complex and variegated to allow for definitive chronological demarcations, I framed the
transition/revolution from the beginning of the Ming Dynasty’s Wanli reign (1573) to the end of the
Qing Dynasty’s Kangxi reign (1722). I am aware that there is an established academic practice of
marking 1550 as the beginning of the late Ming47 but since the 1958 excavation of the Wanli Emperor’s
tomb has given us such textile treasures, as well as a timetable from which to work-- both forward and
back-- it befits this project to begin here. Indeed dates for many of the pieces had already been
10
established by researchers or curators (discussed in footnote 32) based on the garments from the
Imperial tomb of the Wanli Emperor (1573-1619), as well as those from that of Prince Ch’in Wang 48
(1697-1738) some of which are housed at the Minneapolis Institute of Art (MIA). This seemed to
provide a solid framework for dating.49
Figure 1. Manchu Prince’s
Semiformal Court Robe (chifu), Datable around 1738 Qing
Dynasty, China. Embroidered
satin. L. 54 ¾ in (138 cm), W.
72 ½ in (184 cm), hem 42 1/8
in (109) sleeve length 25 5/8
in (65 cm). Minneapolis
Institute of Arts, the William
E Colby Collection. The John
R.Van Derlip Fund. acc. no.
42.8.17 Photograph by Linda
Matheson
The difficulty with dating is seen in one of the robes found in Prince Ch’in Wang’s50 tomb (ca.
1738) is of a “Crane and Gate” grid pattern not seen elsewhere in my research (Figure 1). However, the
unusual gown, which surprising substitutes gates or pavilions and mountains for waves, has a vague
counterpart shown in an illustration dated to the eighteenth century in the “Catalogue of the Treasures of
the Summer Palace” from an exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum.51 Here a similar placement
of bizarre architectural elements embellishes a Manchu woman’s chi-fu or informal court robe. The
existence of the prince’s robe demonstrates that grid schemes of this nature were already established in
the first half of the eighteenth century and were perhaps one of the unconventional changes that occurred
during the early and more volatile years of the Qing Dynasty, prior to the establishment of a more rigid
11
codification of dress by1766. This was useful information yet rendered slightly suspect with a note
written by Lindsay Hughes speculating that the robe in question had its source elsewhere.52 I continued
to compare and contrast, relying more on the Wanli collection that I examined at the Ding Ling
Museum, which had been dated by the team of archeologists from the city of Beijing.53 Analyzing
information as I found it, particularly the aesthetic codes, I continued to integrate the findings into a
theoretical framework remaining mindful of the theories in question.
Recognition of the dragon robe as the preferred mode of dress among the officials of the Imperial
Courts incurred the mandate to investigate the meanings and social/political processes associated with
these robes. Knowledge of the culture and of the symbols embroidered on and woven into the silk of
which these robes were constructed, helps to determine historically based meanings and follow
ideological as well as style changes. To understand political and cultural movements within the society
and their influence on the clothing systems54 I turned to the second method of discovery -- discourse
analysis-- which enables the tracking of socially produced ways of thinking or sequences of ideas. In its
widest sense, discourse includes “all utterances or texts which have meaning, and which have some
effect in the real world.”55 Graham Turner notes how discourse analysis allows a researcher to find texts
within a broader range of historical and social structures --a variety of disciplines and institutions-- each
providing their own lens.56
This wider range proved useful as the development of prose, poetry, theatre and opera in the Yuan
and Ming dynasties inspired the production of hundreds of woodblock illustrations found in literary
works and paintings that due to their realistic style help us understand the dress of different kinds of
people, from the scholar to the old lady to the courtesan.57 Even the Regulations in a massive
manuscript of 18 chapters entitled Huangchao liqi tushi; 58(Illustrated Precedents for the Ritual
Paraphernalia of the Imperial Court, which was published and enforced by 1766) included pages of
12
printed woodblocks indicating the clothing to be worn. Discourse analysis also allowed exploration in
conventional history texts, as well as those of cultural history, dress history and art history.59 I also
found the dragon robes themselves to be texts, simply waiting to be deciphered through a mindful
application of the meanings attributed to their symbols. In a universe where the relationship between
history and cultural studies is not always straightforward, this method helped to enfold and unite the
multidisciplinary tasks of this research.
THE TRICKLE-DOWN THEORY and THE THEORY OF SYMBOLIC INTERACTION
At the beginning of this essay I quoted the seventeenth-century Chinese historian, Ye Mengzhu and I
reiterate: “Fashions begin in the homes of the gentry, and are copied by their maids and concubines, who
transmit them in their leisure time to their immediate relatives, and thus to the villages.”60 While
explaining the movement of Chinese fashions at the time, he stated in essence one of the observations of
Simmel which has subsequently become known as the trickle-down theory of fashion.61 A German
sociologist writing in early twentieth century Western Europe, Simmel situated his analysis of fashion in
the interpersonal sphere, where its social and philosophical expression could be studied. He felt that the
purpose of fashion was to fulfill the social demands of imitation and differentiation. He observed what
Ye Mengzhu had penned more than two centuries earlier in seventeenth-century China: that fashion
begins with the upper classes, and trickles down to the middle and lower classes as a form of imitation
and social adaptation.62 This is consistent with Chinese dress scholar Mei, who in describing the
“phoenix tail skirt”, a popular and faddish style of the early Qing, writes that though it was a style for
the rich, regular women would try to buy one for their wedding.63 Here is a fundamental principle
underlying both China’s fashion system at the time and that of western modernity.
Further research indicates that this phenomenon was not new to the seventeenth-century China, but
was documented as early as the seventh century, in 681, during the T’ang Dynasty when Emperor Kao-
13
tsungin issued an edict to control the penchant for rich merchants in Ch’ang-an city, who envious of the
high officials in their purple and crimson fashions, had similar clothing in the same colors tailored for
themselves: “It is said that some officials and commoners do not follow the rules (about clothing) in
public, but wear tight jackets of crimson, purple, black, and green under their robes… This kind of
behavior blurs the distinction between the nobles and the masses, and erodes the moral standards. From
now on, everyone should wear clothes according to his own status. The office that is in charge of this
affair should enforce this rule and never let such aggressions reoccur.”64 This official edict is clear in its
disapproval of the observed practice of wearing clothing copied from that of those above ones class —
the trickle down theory.
A brilliant and perceptive scholar, Simmel, to his detriment was known almost solely for this theory
as it relates to class, while in fact he was responsible for a much wider array of pertinent reflections
regarding clothing practices, some of which have been elaborated upon by dress scholars
Lehmann and Purdy.65 One reflection positioned fashion as perpetuated by two seemingly conflicting
needs: the need for unity-- a societal, imitating external need-- and the need for differentiation-- an
individual, inventive and internal pursuit, often manifested by multiple expressions.
Referring back to the T’ang Dynasty (seventh-century China) where Emperor Kao-tsungin is trying
to control the rich and disrespectfully colorful merchants in Ch’ang-an city, and to our class-conscious
mimicking maids and concubines spotted by Ye Mengzhu approximately 1000 years later, (the late
seventeenth century), we see aspirations to and the desire for unity with a chosen class by imitation of
dress. Speaking of the human need to differentiate themselves through their outward appearance, we
have Chang and Chang citing instances of both identity and gender swapping-- gentry wearing servants’
clothing, men donning women’s’ garb, and ladies dressing as prostitutes.66 Here we see examples of
14
differentiation through multiple expressions. Now we need to address the segment of society that is most
representative of these multiple expressions.
Simmel puts forth the premise that for both fiscal and social reasons the position of fashion
promotion is left to the middle classes.67 In answering this I enlist the help of Chang and Chang who
state that for the first time in the history of China, a new middle class was emerging, 68 and embracing
fashion as a means of expressing its arrival. Both commoner and merchant family that had profited from
the commercialization of the economy felt justified in dressing however they pleased. “Nowadays,”
carped one writer, “the very servant girls dress in silk gauze, and the singsong girls look down on
brocaded silks and embroidered gowns,”69 The shifting of society’s class structure was displeasing to
those at the top as we have noted, who witnessed their power bases diminishing, while those in the
middle class recognized their opportunities expanding. Evidence of this sparked the complaints of the
seventeenth-century Chinese poet and dramatist Kong Shangren (孔尚任; 1648 - 1718), who lamented
about the accountants, clerks, slaves and servants of wealthy households dressing up in flashy clothes in
Yangzhou (considered a fashionable city) in the 1680s.70 Clearly the middle class here was finding
fashion useful in forwarding their social aspirations.
Identified by Veblen as well as Simmel as a primary force behind fashion, 71 social climbing—the
basis for the trickle-down theory-- epitomized the era of our transition. Craig Clunas agrees, providing a
pivotal comment when he writes of “new and strange” styles flourishing in an age otherwise known for
the phenomenon of social climbing.72 This new frenzy of styles was necessary for the different visual
representations demanded by changing subjectivities. Political and ideological shifts coupled with
fashion’s need to imitate and differentiate prompted this fashion promotion, and the middle class in late
sixteenth and early seventeenth century China, as here in the modern west, proved most adept in
facilitating this.
15
As well as unity and differentiation through multiple expressions, Simmel also presents the idea that
fashion finds impetus and inspiration in tensions, past and present, as well as those of class.73 Here our
two theories overlap: Simmel’s observations which we have been discussing, and the SI theory of
Kaiser et al toward which we will turn, both determine tensions to be intrinsically tied to fashion.
Toward the beginning of this paper the SI traditions are stated as collective tensions and ambivalences,
as well as links between macro-level cultural historical forces and micro-level social psychological
appearance processes. The SI theory holds the premise that fashion’s pace increases as multiple identity
representations are required in political transitions; while Simmel espouses imitation and differentiation
as displayed in multiple expressions by a class conscious middle class. They both involve tensions and
upward class-oriented movement. The extension of the SI theory, besides the increased pace of style
change, is the consideration of the effect of macro level (political and ideological) forces on micro-level
(social and psychological) processes of dress. We need to investigate these forces and their effect on
personal practices in our dynastic transition from Ming to Qing, and to do so we must take a closer look
at the political and cultural landscape.
Cultural historian Chu writes that philosophically seventeenth century China “distinguished itself by
its disarming blend of faith in the essence of traditional values along with a compulsion for
advancement.”74 The regime change (from Ming to Qing) with its colossal and multifaceted ruptures left
many feeling as if they were standing between two worlds: one of the Confucian ideal and one of reality
in which the traditional ideal no longer applied.75 The conquering tribesmen from the north, the Manchu,
were bringing with them issues of ethnicity and nationalism while the ruling elite, who had long since
abdicated their responsibility to the people with decades of squander and lavish living, were now being
made accountable. Arbitrary and unchallenged rule was no longer tolerated. While the Confucian
officials attempted to strangle-hold time-honored, intellectual traditions, the educated literati were
16
ushering in a new day of “robust empiricism, scientific criticism, and materialism.”76 The presence of
this seeming dichotomy interrogated the identity and ideology of the people, who were experiencing a
fundamental adjustment in all aspects of the political and social order. The ensuing fragmentation and
instability stemming from the clashing cultural ideals and political agendas-- macro-level forces-produced severe strains on the overall fabric of society resulting in tensions and ambivalences forged by
contradictory yearnings or emotions77--micro-level effects.
This desire to resolve what to some were oppositional forces of memory (stemming from the
ideological and political shifts), and current (social psychological) experience was for others the
springboard for creative activity. Visual expression in all manner of the decorative arts experienced a
booming expansion at this time 78 and was sought to articulate these shifting cultural and personal
terrains. As evidenced by the contemporaneous observations cited earlier in this study, we must agree
that fashion was part of this visual expression, and agile facilitator that it is, engaged this creative
activity despite the reach of tradition and industriously developed fresh concepts. 79 Symbolic
interactionist McCracken writes that fashion has the ability to express that which cannot be otherwise
communicated,80 and at this time conventional communication would have been met with penalty and
perhaps death.81 Multiple expressions through micro-level dress processes were a far safer venue with
which to display agreement or dissention with the prevailing macro-level powers;82 particularly in a
culture that has proven itself to be highly sophisticated in communicating ideas symbolically. Thus we
see the link between fashion’s frenzy and tensions, anxieties and ambivalences.
Still thinking through our question of fashion’s pace during this dynastic change, it must be
recognized that the complex link that ties fashion to culture, politics, aesthetics, and the individual, was
historically less fickle and more infrequent in its variations in China than in the west. Change here had
great political implications. For centuries Chinese clothing had been prescribed: everyone had a
17
designated place in society, due in no small part to a complex system of imposed dress regulations.
Vestments were chosen by the ruler with the assistance of all those in a position to influence, be they
courtier, courtesan, concubine, or eunuch. The clothing was codified and decreed by law. This was
accomplished with the highest regard for cultural ideology and social process, and was for the most part
obeyed: consequently any modifications in the rules of dress were deeply scrutinized through various
lenses.83 Yet despite this desire to stand firm in sartorial matters, changes were occurring.
By the mid Jiajing period (1522-1566), the reign preceding our area of inquiry (1572-1722), we see
the seeds of change being sown. Contemporaneous Chinese social commentators such as Wang Danqiu
were anxiously writing about the dissolution of the old ways of dressing, living, and relating socially in
Nanjing. With the Wanli period (1573-1620) came more swiftly changing fashions, and conspicuously
critical observations of commerce, luxury consumption, official corruption and the degeneration of
family ethics. 84 Similarly we have the observations of Ku Ch’i-yuan (1565-1628) that in his native city
Nanking, the southern capital of the Ming empire, “women’s fashions began changing more rapidly by
the early seventeenth-century; every two or three years (instead of every ten, as in the past) with some of
the designs being unbelievably outlandish and bizarre.”85 In the late Ming the discourse on “outrageous
dress” was lively and accompanied an array of disturbing new fashions in the prosperous cities of the
lower Yangzi valley. These included “long skirts, generous collars, wide belts, [and] fine linens,” all of
which were known as “contemporary styles” (shiyang) and were subject to “rapid changes.”86 Based on
these observations from our seventeenth century commentators, fashion was one of the areas in which
enhanced activity was discerned; thus it seems correct to conclude that tensions between the past and the
present ignited by political and social turmoil gave rise to this increase in fashion activity. Let’s look at
this activity and its genesis more carefully.
18
Our knowledge of women’s dress during these dynasties comes in large part from prostitutes,
courtesans or common street girls who probably posed for contemporary painters.87 According to Yu
Huai (1616-1696) respectable women looked to the demi-mode for fashion inspiration: “The clothes and
adornment associated with southern entertainment were taken as the model everywhere…The length of
gowns and size of sleeves changed with the times. Witnesses referred to this as a la mode
(shishizhuang).” 88 These paintings along with textual references, woodblock illustrations, and artifacts
from tombs indicate a variety of style changes in late Ming women’s clothing: the short jacket or ru
(Figure 1) worn with long skirt and short overskirt or yaoqun; the long skirt with long jacket or ao; the
open sided gown, long vest or bijia (Figure 5) considered a typical style; the long over-gown or pifeng,
about which you will hear more later, and the “paddy-field,” patchwork gown or shuitianyi.89 This last
style considered “eccentric,” and “outrageous” by contemporary critics, was constructed of small
squares of cloth in varying colors similar to the robes of Buddhist monks of the time, who frugally used
discarded or donated bits of fabric to piece together their garments.90
Figure 2.This jacket is a replica of one found in the Wanli Emperors Tomb. Embroidered and appliquéd quilted silk.
Housed at the Ding Ling Museum, Beijing. It probably belonged to the Empress Xiaojing.1 See close up below. This item
was dated by the Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing and is listed in Ding Ling, The Institute of Archaeology,CASS,
Museum of Ding Ling and The Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing. Published by Cultural Relics Publishing House,
Beijing.ISBN7-5010-0075-1/K35. p.138-139 (the picture) and p.250 (the appendix). Photograph by L. Matheson.
1
This jacket, called the “Hundred Children Coat”, is said to depict a hundred children at play, a symbol of abundant
fertility and good fortune. The Empress Xiaojing was a daughter of a Commander of the Imperial Guard. The title of
Favorite Concubine was bestowed upon her in the 10th year of the Wanli Reign (1572). See detail on next page.
19
It is important to note that the pivotal markers of Chinese fashion differed from those of modern
Europe where cut and fit dominated: here quality and color of fabric were considered more important
registers of style. Embroidery was very prevalent, even adorning the insides of slippers, and unseen to
the world, it was an arbiter of beauty and wealth. Bright colors are described replacing drab black and
grey despite the sumptuary laws forbidding Ming women from wearing red or deep blue which were
reserved for royal garments.91 Similar shifts to color were noted in men’s garments. In 1614 Xu Dunqiu
remembered that when he was a school boy in Hangzhou all his friends wore “hats of [black] gauze and
clothes of white cotton. Among them only one or two of noble birth wore colored clothing. Now
everyone wears colored clothing and white cloth is nowhere to be seen.”92 Though these personal
processes connected with dress were being influenced by sources as varied as concubines and clergy that
20
does not mean that they were always easy to eembrace, particularly those that blurred the lines between
classes as we have already noted, and also when borderlines between genders are fuzzy.
Figure 3.. Designation: Empress' court overvest. Date: dated 5th day of the eleventh month, 1595. Medium: Silk gauze
embroidered with canvas stitch and satin stitch, and overembroidered with silver and gold couching. L. 55” (140 cm).
Made
ade for the Wanli Empress for the occasion of her fiftieth birthday, Dec 7th, 1595. Housed in the Asian Art Museum,
San Francisco, Place of Origin: China Credit Line: Museum purchase, City Arts Trust Fund California, Object ID:
1990.214 USA Photograph courtesy of Asian Art Museum
Museum.
21
As mentioned earlier one prominent piece of women’s everyday dress in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries was the pifeng or beizi. Traced back to the Tang dynasty, this generic garmentovergown or long coat- was illustrated by the artist Tang Yin (1470-1524) and was seen to undergo
major shifts in style. Indeed it was probably these changes in the dimensions of the pifeng that inspired
the ridicule about women’s clothing in the late Ming. With descending hemlines and trailing sleeves -well below the fingertips-- it was beginning to approximate the man’s tunic. A distinguished official,
Huo Tao, the Minister of Rites in Nanjing, attempting to reverse the trend issued the following
stipulation: “Men’s and women’s styles differ in length. A women’s upper garment is level with her
waist, her lower garment meets with the top: earth supports heaven. A man’s upper garment covers his
lower garments: heaven embraces earth. When a woman’s [upper] garment covers her lower garments
there is confusion between male and female.” 93 The anxiousness implied by the tone of this edict speaks
of a demand, consistent with that of Western society, that gender identity be firmly grounded as either
male or female, not both, or some indistinguishable state as noted by Chang and Chang earlier, in the
bizarreness of style springing from gender swapping-- men donning women’s garb.” 94
These reports affirm that the increased momentum and creativeness displayed by fashion was
triggering tensions and uneasy responses from social and political arenas. Yet these same new
conditions were energizing supply and commerce. Chang Hsieh (1574-1640) observed in 1617, that this
thriving economy had boosted interregional and overseas trade to heights previously unseen. 95 Areas of
specialization in production and human resources were created with textile centers, for instance in the
lower Yangtze Valley, particularly in Soochow, supplying 56% of the entire empire’s silk quota.96 The
research conducted by Chang and Chang led them to state: “The age of the commercialization of fashion
took off in the late Ming, and the surge in fashion underscored the period’s remarkable economic growth
22
and social change.”97 Though still not deemed socially respectable occupations, trade and commerce
were a conventional means to fame and wealth, so persistently sought after in this age.98
Besides the expanding economy, the needs of the middle-class and the explosion of creative ideas,
this stride from clothing to commercialized fashion was made possible by technological inventions—
new kinds of equipment and machinery that enabled more efficient manufacturing-- and labor
specializations that facilitated production on a level never before attainable. Manufacturers were quick
to adapt this new technology and labor force and employ them in a capitalistic manner. For example, a
special type of summer shoe was designed in the late sixteenth-century by a man named Shih from
Sung-chiang. They became so popular that wealthy customers outbid each other in trying to purchase a
pair. Several hundred factories sprang up mass-producing these shoes, and a subsequent reduction in
price quickly occurred. Also in the sixteenth-century, and again in Sung-chiang, someone decided to
manufacture summer socks made of felt (these had been worn before). They too became a sought-after
fashion item, so much so that over a hundred stores were opened to sell them in a specifically designated
place west of the city.99
Other contributing factors in this fashion flourish included ordinary people giving up agricultural
work and its simple life, and seeking to purchase official ranks, luxurious residences, and beautiful
clothing. A Ming official Zhang Han observed that “the clothes of Suzhou people are splendid, as if to
be otherwise were to be without culture.” As their respect for authority waned with the shifting
ideologies discussed earlier, interest in material culture and multiple identity representations surged,
contributing to the intensified pace of fashion change, its impact on market fluctuations, and its
improved quality-- exceeding all expectation. Zhang continues: “The whole world appreciates the
clothes of Suzhou, and Suzhou gives clothes still more craftsmanship…In this way the extravagance of
Suzhou customs becomes even more extravagant.”100 Also at this time the relaxation of laws regulating
23
dress for the different social classes allowed a broader purchasing demographic. Hats, a vital item in the
male wardrobe and a critical signifier of social status, along with other clothing items that previously
could be worn only by officials, were now obtainable by commoners. Aided by the abundance, variety,
and lower cost of silk fabric, fourteen types of men’s turbans were affordably marketed, while for
women, all elements of dress including underwear became not just more elaborate and extravagant, but
also more widely available.101
This unprecedented availability of fashionable clothes underpinned the desire for and ability to
articulate numerous visual expressions; a key element in the SI theory. Most people need more than one
way of external representation (i.e., personal, professional) even in times of stability: how much greater
would this need be in a society that is exhibiting fragmentation, individualism and experimentation as in
the late Ming and early Qing? As many of the styles described have displayed a dynamic creativity-consider the words used to describe these looks—“extravagant,” “bizarre,” “new and strange,” as well as
“eccentric and outrageous,” it is important to return to the dragon robes in the Imperial Court and
determine whether or not this same theme is present here.
Zang Han, a Ming official of the era who served in Suzhou, where the silk for the dragon robes was
woven, invokes the tone of the Court when he describes the merchants as pandering “to the outrageous
extravagance of the hereditary nobility of the capital” (Beijing, home of the Imperial Court and the
Forbidden City). Also that “a luxurious style of living emanates from the court outwards.”102As
discussed earlier, the dragon is the most significant symbol in China, and the favored garment in the
Imperial Court. Heralding the divine event, this mythical creature, masterful and dominant, was
believed to appear in the heavens before the birth of an emperor, and hence became the emblem of the
Chinese Court. Power was vested in the ‘Dragon Throne’. The ruler wore robes emblazoned with this
magical beast: The national flag and even Chinese currency depicted the dragon.103 Representing
24
masculine vigor as well as fertility, benevolence and compassion, this mythical creature exhibits the
features of many creatures: the head of a camel, the horns of a stag, the eyes of a devil and the neck of a
snake. Carp-like scales cover its body which displays eagle’s claws and tiger’s paws, a clam’s belly and
bull’s ears, with long curling whiskers framing its mouth. 104
The artwork for these dragons on these robes was examined and carefully analyzed. Consider the
ferocious hoofed dragon on its fiery red background in Figure 2 105 and the brilliance and grace of the
luminescent dragons in Figure 3, woven with 88 percent real gold thread- probably for an emperor’s
robe: it was deemed one of the finest examples of a textile of the period.106 Note the strength and vigor
in the curves of the body and the determined expression in the lines of the face in Figure 4. One of the
most spectacular mythical beasts of the Ming period, the ying long dragon, exhibited three eyes and
wings on its upper body. While the creature in Figure 4 does not have a third eye, it does feature these
rare and spectacular wings. This eccentricity represents a fundamental distinction from the symbols of
the past or of those to come. It is a superb and forceful approach to a sometimes staid and ancient
character. Mystical and dynamic, the winged dragon was an invention or fashion experiment of the
Wanli period. 107
25
Figure 4. Textile with hoofed dragon circa1600. Embroidery on silk satin. 216 x 129 cm. Chris Hall Collection, Hong
Kong. Photograph courtesy of Chris Hall. Sourced from Celestial Silks: Chinese Religious and Court Textiles. Eds.
Rutherford and Menzies.
26
Figure 5.. Uncut Ming textile as found in the Wanli Emperors’ tomb (1573
(1573-1619),
1619), Housed at the Ding Ling Museum,
Beijing, Peoples Republic of China. 75” (181cm) x 26” (67cm). Below close up of dragon motif. Fabric probably woven for
an Emperor’s robe. This item was dated by the Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing and is listed in Ding Ling, The
Institute of Archaeology,
gy, CASS, Museum of Ding Ling and The Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing. Published by
Cultural Relics Publishing House, Beijing.ISBN7
Beijing.ISBN7-5010-0075-1/K35
1/K35 p.251 and 254 (the appendix). Photographs by L.
Matheson
27
Figure 6. Ming Dynasty Badge, Embroidery on silk. Chris Hall Collection,
Hong Kong. Courtesy of Chris Hall. Photograph by L. Matheson
Also see the celebration vest made for the Wanli Emperor’s mother, the Empress Dowager Li, for
her fiftieth birthday on December 7, 1595 (Figure 3): Observe the sinuous rising dragons, their golden
profiles book-ending two large shou characters under a swastika. 108 Now compare these illustrations
with Figure 6, the concubine dragon robe from the Kangxi period (1662-1722), Figure 7, from the
Yongzheng period (1723-2735) and Figure 8 dated 1738. The chronology represents declining violence,
and escalating stability in concert with greater political control by the ruling Manchu. Figure 6 displays
28
a still large dragon but without the flourish and intensity of its predecessors;109 while Figure 7, a product
of even more abated turbulence and a more firmly established Dynasty, has somewhat smaller, less
commanding dragons.110 Figure 8, a few years later still, displays dragons much reduced in size and
inconsequential in demeanor, constricted and almost fearful creatures rather than ferocious and insolent
as in earlier illustrations from the Wanli (1573-1723) period.111
Figure 7. Concubine Robe, circa1710. Qing Dynasty, Kangxi period (1662-1722). Green silk brocade. H.55 1/8 in (140.5
cm), W. 72 ½ in (184cm), hem 46 ½ in (118 cm), sleeve length 26 in (66cm). Housed at the Minneapolis Institute of Arts,
William E Colby Collection, The John R. Van Derlip Fund. acc. no. 42.8.3. Photograph by L Matheson.
29
Figure 8. Bright
ht Yellow Satin Fur Robe with Design of Dragons in Clouds. Yongzheng Period of the Qing Dynasty
(1723-1735).
1735). Silk and fur. L 142 cm x W 194 Sleeve opening W17.5 cm, Hem W 130cm, L of side slit 23 cm, L of front slit
40 cm. Believed to have belonged to Emperor
eror Yongzheng. Forbidden Palace, Beijing, Peoples Republic of China.
It seems that our theory postulating creative ferment during times of transition fits well within this
period of change in China: Clearly the dragons in the last two illustrations from robes worn in the
comparatively stable era are less vibrant, dynamic, and imposing than the previous ones produced during
the earlier period of tumult. Congruent
ongruent with this are the findings of Pomeranz and Finnane who writes
that “the Qing dynasty”… “is viewed
wed as a regime under which fashion experienced a decline.”112 Also in
agreement is Chinese dress scholar Mei who in reference to women’s garments of the mid and later
Qing states that “no bizarre dresses were allowed at that time.”113 This is in distinct opposition
opp
to the
discourses on outrageous and eccentric clothes commented on during the transition (1573-1722).
(1573
This phenomenon was also displayed in the royal courts. Here besides collective tensions, ambivalence
and negotiation-- all posited in the SI the
theory as germane to increased pace in sartorial change during
30
transitional times-- we must add the hegemony of the dragon symbol. It is also here that we witness the
clearest link between macro-level cultural forces and micro-level social psychological appearance
processes.
The Imperial Courts in the Forbidden City were in at least as much flux as society at large: nor is
this surprising when we consider the political landscape. The Confucian officials with their smallminded motivations and selfish complacency were under constant threat of military invasion, political
exclusion and/or social diminishment; the recognition of which must have incited fear for their lives as
well as for their careers. The collective tensions present would have encouraged the promotion of any
method or scheme that would sustain power and position or even appease. There was ambivalence too-publically proclaimed or not-- as to which side --Ming or Manchu (Qing) -- to take.
Historically the color, kind, decoration and fabric for costume in the Imperial Courts were strictly
regulated; but with the increasing corruption, rules were flagrantly ignored. According to sumptuary
law, dragon robes, unofficial but favored garment of the emperor were not to be worn by anyone except
the highest ranking officials. Now however with so much at stake, and the recognition of their robe’s
value as an effective hegemonic tool, they were fast becoming the most fashionable and popular
garments at court (and 10). For example, the front-faced, five-clawed dragon, as in Figure 10, and also
6, 7, and 8 was customarily reserved for the sole use of the emperor (officials were supposed to wear
profile, and three and four-clawed dragons as in Figure 11) was now found emblazoned on the robes of
the Chief Eunuch and members of the General Council, the strongest governing body in the Empire.114
(It is worthy to note that the operation of the State silk factories where the exclusiveness of imperial
patterns was jealously guarded was in the hands of the eunuchs, who were responsible for the court
wardrobe.)115 This imperial symbol was also displayed on low-ranking officers and even their wives.
31
In China, since ancient times, correct clothing provided the assumption of the proper role;
consequently any method of appropriating the sought-after symbol to ensure this role (or at least the
“look” of the role and therefore one’s survival), was adopted and deemed acceptable. Following the
letter of the aforementioned laws, the right to wear the front-faced dragon robe was granted solely by the
emperor. Gaining this right by initiating interaction and negotiation in any channels available became
the goal of the courtiers.
So voluminous as to dictate physical activity (please see Figure 9), these robes were a magnificent
and impressive spectacle with their symbolic embellishments and embroidery that richly displayed both
pageantry and propaganda. The dragon, in particular, was central in the articulation of status and
hierarchy within the Forbidden City and the entire nation. Its placement and disposition on the robes of
the Imperial Court had evolved through thousands of years. It was indicative of the agency of the wearer
and, as research indicates, reflective of the environment of the time period being examined. It played a
dominant role in the dress of the courts. Because of their sophisticated uniquely Chinese system of
relating ideological and cultural themes through emblems, these self-preserving officials, by astute
appearance management processes, used their robes for personal and political advantage. The
predominant meanings expressed by the symbols, especially the dragon, were immediately understood
by a culturally sophisticated audience, and therefore provided a channel for political propaganda by
which these officials could send their desired message.116
Raymond Williams writes that hegemony is dynamic -- think of our textile dragons. As a form of
dominance it does not exist passively, but must continually to be renewed, recreated, defended, and
modified-- so too the symbol of the dragon. Yet “it is also continually resisted, limited, altered, and
challenged by pressures not all its own.” 117 If we consider the varied forms of this emblem in the
32
illustrations discussed, it is not difficult to detect renewals, modifications and alterations during our
transition. Conceivably as desperation of one’s plight increased, so too did the degree of alteration in
the artwork of the dragon. Re-creation and modification to create the desired image was the goal to be
achieved. This connection between the dynamics of hegemony, and the role of the dragon, which played
a critical role in the fashion system of the Imperial Courts, fortifies our theory that fashion becomes
more dynamic during crisis or transitions.
Figure 10. Close up of Dragon Robe featuring front-faced, five–clawed dragon from the Wanli Emperors tomb, housed
at the Ding Ling Museum, Beijing. Applique and embroidery on silk. This gold silk robe was believed to have been worn by
the Wanli Emperor. This item was dated by the Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing and is listed in Ding Ling, The
Institute of Archaeology, CASS, Museum of Ding Ling and The Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing. Published by
Cultural Relics Publishing House, Beijing.ISBN7-5010-0075-1/K35 p.251-254 (the appendix). Photograph by L. Matheson
To connect this SI theory with a more global stance, a look at what some western European scholars
say of fashion and transitions ( again political ones) is useful: Wrigley observes the forceful sartorial
shifts during the French Revolution (1789-1799) and describes it as an eighteenth century example of
33
creative furor unfolding within a European transition.118 Focillon references transitions as expedient to
the development of a style.119 And lastly Barthes credits transitions and violent episodes within them
with creating new fashion rhythms and systems.120 In writing of China, (yes, he did refer to this country
where the men were considered skirted) Barthes--with a typical mindset of his time—stated that the
ancients were stagnant and without fashion, because their clothing was so strictly coded as to be
immutable. I suggest that had he been present during the transition of the Ming to Qing Dynasties, (not
ancient China but perhaps to be considered modern China) he would have agreed that the word
“stagnant” is inappropriate to describe the creativity and change that characterized this particular fashion
period.
Figure 10. Uncut Ming textile as found in the Wanli Emperors’ tomb (1573-1619), Housed at the Ding Ling Museum.
As the dragon motif is in profile, the fabric was probably woven for a dragon gown for a court official. This item was dated
by the Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing and is listed in Ding Ling, The Institute of Archaeology, CASS, Museum
of Ding Ling and The Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing. Published by Cultural Relics Publishing House,
Beijing.ISBN7-5010-0075-1/K35 p.251-254 (the appendix). Photographs by L. Matheson
34
Figure 11.Three-quarter profile dragons are woven into this uncut silk fabric with metallic gold thread. Textile is
reproduced from one found in the Wanli Emperors’ tomb, housed at the Ding Ling Museum. It was probably woven for a
dragon robe for the Imperial Court. This item was dated by the Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing and is listed in
Ding Ling, The Institute of Archaeology, CASS, Museum of Ding Ling and The Archaeological Team of The City of
Beijing. Published by Cultural Relics Publishing House, Beijing.ISBN7-5010-0075-1/K35, p.48 (the picture) and p.251-254
(the appendix). Photograph by L. Matheson.
Figure 12. Portrait of the Wanli Emperor, Emperor Shen Zong Yijun (1563-1620). Housed at Ding Ling Museum,
Beijing. Photographer unknown. Photograph by L. Matheson
35
CONCLUSION
Investigating clothing practices is a way of developing methods of inquiry into cultures and
civilizations. As these practices are a result of thought that includes much of the cultural context of an
era, we must give special attention to this heritage -- the historical background from which it springs. It
incorporates artistic, religious, philosophical and political information for its development of ideas, upon
which people individually and collectively base their actions.121 These actions include the processes of
dress that identify us and leave strong empirical evidence as to our visual and material culture. In the
case of seventeenth-century China, studying this evidence has revealed the presence and operation of
two fashion theories of identity and representation prevalent in the contemporary west. It has also
revealed differences.
1) Kaiser, Nagasawa, and Hutton’s symbolic interationist theory transfers seamlessly with its
concepts of multicultural tensions, ambivalences and negotiations advancing the pace of fashion change.
The turbulence of a history-making transition-- in this case, the bloodletting defeat of the corrupt Ming
rulers and the establishment of rigorous order by the victorious Qing rulers-- acts as a catalyst to a fast
expanding fashion industry. There is also evidence of fashion providing a visual link between the
macro- level historical (political and ideological) forces and the micro-level social psychological ones,
particularly as displayed by the officials of the royal courts who enlisted the help of their dragon robes
for political advancement.
2) Simmel’s trickle-down theory was as applicable in the seventh-century T’ang Dynasty and in
seventeenth-century Ming/Qing Dynasties in China as when later discussed in the early twentiethcentury in Western Europe. Imitation, differentiation, class tensions and social climbing were all present
and thriving, as was fashion supplying (albeit with some angst and ambiguity) a newly aspiring urban
middleclass with sought-after multiple identities.
36
3) The differences were mostly to be found in the deeply nuanced system of symbols, (in particular
that of the dragon), that have been aptly referred to as “cultural revolutions” readily understood by the
sophisticated and culturally sensitive Chinese.122 Western fashion theory was limited in its ability to
decipher these images so ubiquitous and pivotal to cultural understanding. Here the commonality broke
down, possibly as much for temporal as ideological reasons. We in the west have no parallel system of
time-honored symbols as heavily laden with cultural import, and are thus less adept at deciphering their
meaning. Though we attribute meaning to such signs as male politician’s neckties in Republican red,
and Democratic blue, or wigs on British judges, these do not compare to the level of sophistication or
importance of the Chinese rebuses. Yet in studying the changing aesthetics of the dragon emblem in
concert with the dress practices of the members of the Imperial court, concepts of negotiation and
hegemony, prevalent in western fashion theory, were revealed as intrinsic to decisions about dress.
The dragon imagery was appropriated to authenticate political agendas. With astuteness and
cleverness this emblem was charted, mapped and dispatched as a political envoy wielding power as
required. Artistry and politics were united in dress, articulating identity and directed toward the exercise
of power: a common theme of twentieth-century western theorists poignantly displayed in this
seventeenth-century eastern empire. 123 In this area, it may be that the symbols have much to teach us
and perhaps time would be well spent looking into the same in our contemporary society.
In summary there was evidence of not just the potential applicability, but the actual operation of both
of the modern western fashion theories tracked by this study--the trickle-down theory and the SI theory.
There was also evidence of intensified artistic output within a dynamic and energized system of dress,
which draws from the past, infuses the present, and looks to the future. As with most theories,
exceptions can be found and this study does not differ in that respect; but thus far my research has
produced more support than not for its initial premise. It appears that these fashion theories from the
37
modern west (where they are generally applied to middle-class white women) were able to transcend
their temporal and cultural (and sometimes gender) boundaries and find a fitting place in this patriarchal,
seventeenth-century eastern empire.
This paper is presented in the spirit of respect for cultural pluralism, and the awareness that
increased knowledge can foster peaceful and mutually comprehensible relationships within a world of
linguistic, ideological and racial diversity: China offers this diversity. My hope is not to challenge but
rather to aim for inclusion within our discourse on dress by introducing evidence, both primary and
secondary, that allows China (and other nations with unmined fashion systems) its place in this field of
research: that modern western theories might be expanded to include multiple dress systems, allowing
each to direct us to its specificities that are unarguably present and no less compelling than that of their
western neighbors.
1
Definition of term dress: Congruent with Mary Ellen Roach–Higgins and Joanne Eicher in their chapter “Dress and
Identity” in the Reader that they edited with K.K. P. Johnson, Dress and Identity, (New York: Fairchild Publications, 1995),
p.7, I use the technical term dress because I feel it is the most accurate and comprehensive. Other terms that seem
synonymous such as clothing, costume, apparel, appearance, adornment and fashion will appear in this paper, yet despite
being related and interrelated terms; they carry social connotations and value judgments that render them less effective in
allowing for all of the possible types of modification and supplements that I believe the term dress encompasses. Therefore
I consider all of these terms as existing beneath the umbrella term dress. Also following Roach –Higgins and Eicher (1995),
my definition of dress is an unambiguous and cross-cultural one that includes all the phenomena of both product and
process involved. Though the word dress also functions as a verb, my definition will refer to the more commonly used
gender-neutral collective noun, which can be used for a group or an individual and is simply this: an assemblage of
modifications of and supplements to the body of an individual.
For my definition of the term fashion (which would come under the umbrella of dress as defined above), I turn to both
Robert and Jeanette Lauer, Fashion Power, (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentiss-Hall, 1981), p. 3 and Fred Davis, Fashion,
Culture and Identity, (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992) equating it to the current chosen …“style
of a particular group”… that has the ability by its code—conventionalized cannons of taste-- modifications … “to startle,
captivate, offend, or otherwise engage the sensibilities of a culturally preponderant public” (Davis: 14- 15). It is interesting
to add that Davis did not believe that fashion existed beyond the western world –specifically China--as he states on p.16
footnote 8. This is a clear indication of the need for further research in this area.
2
The link below is to a discussion on Ye Mengzhu's (
) birth year. It is believed that he was born in 1624. Shanghai
Ancient Books Publishing House under the 1934 "Shanghai anecdotes Series" explains the little known book on the life of
Ye Meng-chu. (Many Chinese names have more than one spelling: I have been assured by my translator, Chinese scholar
Sharmay Hu, that this is the same man). In his book Yue shi bian. Ming Qing biji congshu, (Shanghai. 1981), pp173-175,
Ye Mengzhu observed the Shanghai people during the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties in the Songjiang Prefecture. The
book is most striking for its socio-economic information with observations and detailed data, political, economic, cultural
customs, and various aspects of personnel information regarding the land and rice, cloth, wood, salt, tobacco, tea, sugar,
meat, paper, medicines, dry and fresh fruit, glasses, also embroidery and hand crafts with detailed records of equipment.
The second link is to its introduction. http://tieba.baidu.com/f?kz=302448447.and
http://www.xiaoshuo.com/jsp/booksearch.jsp?qtype=2&qkind=000&qcontent=%D2%B6%C3%CE%D6%E9
叶叶叶
38
3
Ye Mengzhu, pp. 173-75 cited by Verity Wilson, in Chinese Dress, (London: Bamboo Publishing Ltd, and the Victoria
and Albert Museum, 1986) p. 48. I have been unable to obtain Ye Mengzhu’s complete text (see previous endnote), but
trust this source. Wilson is an independent historian formerly with the Victoria and Albert Museum, London UK. She has
published books on Chinese costume and textiles and is an acknowledged scholar in the field. She is currently co-editor of
Costume, the journal of the Costume Society. It is a scholarly, refereed, academic publication presenting current research
into historic and contemporary dress. I believe the word fashions means fashionable dress which is synonymous with
fashion as defined above.
4
Simmel, “Fashion,” International Quarterly (New York, X, Oct. 1990), pp.130-55 henceforth cited as Simmel 1990. It
should be noted that Simmel himself did not use the phrase “trickle down” to describe his observations. The context
indicates the term fashion to mean dress that is fashionable.
5
Institutionalized fashion (by this I mean an established cyclical convention) in Europe is thought to have had its birth in
the Italian city states in the early Renaissance (Steele, 1988, pp.18-19) or the Burgundian court of the fourteenth century,
depending on the parameters of the scholar. Davis, 1992, p.17.
6
In his writing about China, “Studies in Chinese Thought” in Comparative Studies in Cultures and Civilizations, eds. R.
Robert and M. Singer, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press and London: Cambridge UP, 1953) p.3, Wright, an
esteemed Chinese historian, stated that in order to analyze a group of ideas one must begin with certain assumptions.
7
By system I mean dress (including fashionable dress), its use, practices and processes and production.
8
C. Chang, and S. H. Chang, eds. Crises and Transformation in Seventeenth-Century China: social culture and modernity
in Li Yu’s world, (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1992). Also a second book by the same people
Redefining History: ghosts, spirits, and human society in P’u Sung-ling’s world, 1640-1715, (Ann Arbor: The University
of Michigan Press, 1995) has been useful. Chun-shu Chang is Professor of History, U. of Michigan, and Honorary
Professor of Chinese History, China. Shelley Hsueh-lun Chang is Visiting Associate Professor of History and Research
Associate, Center for Chinese Studies, U. of Michigan. Together they have written a number of seminal works on Chinese
history of this period. Two of these track the career, life and times of Chinese writers-- Li Yu and P'u Sung-ling (16401715), who left behind over 500 essays, 1,295 poems, 119 lyrics, 18 encyclopedias and handbooks, 20 operas, 100 folk
songs, and 500 short stories. He was one of the most well-known scholar-writers and the best known short-story author in
Chinese history. The 500 stories in "Liao-chai chih-i," which P'u composed in his self-styled capacity as historian, had the
most lasting influence of any single work on the shaping of popular consciousness in China. The comprehensive
exploration of Chinese historical and literary sources of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is combined with a
selective application of interpretive insights and analytic techniques.
9
By this I mean clothing and textiles produced seasonally in factories and sold or traded interregionally and internationally.
Chang and Chang 1992.
I use the phrase in style to mean that which is the cannon in taste to which the majority aspire. It may include fashion as in
change that captivates, or it may simply be that which has been conventionalized and condoned as correct dress within a
certain group in a certain place.
11
These are my conclusions based of the research conducted in particular from Chang and Chang, 1992, and 1995, and
Wang and Shang. Dei D. Wang was named as the head of Columbia U.’s East Asian Languages and Cultures Department
in 1997. In 2000, he was made chair of the U. Committee on Asia and the Middle East. In 2004, Harvard U. named him
Edward C. Henderson Professor of East Asian Languages and Cultures. Shang Wei is Associate Professor of Chinese
Literature at Columbia U. His research interests include print culture, book history, intellectual history, and the fiction and
drama of the imperial period. Their book Dynastic Crisis and Cultural Innovation: from the late Ming to the late Qing
and beyond, (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2005) has been a wonderful source of historical/cultural information for this study.
Also the research and works of art/costume historian Schuller Cammann, an Am. Scholar who spent many years in China,
whose book China’s Dragon Robes, (New York: The Ronald Press, 1952), was a wonderfully detailed and thoughtful
resource. It examines their history, their symbols, how they are made and dyed, and the issues concerning dating. He also
discusses related robes like unofficial dragon-figured robes, women's court robes and vests, men's Ch'ing court robes,
robes worn by the Taiping rebels and dragon robes found in other lands. Also his other work on the subject “Types of
Symbols in Chinese Art,” in Comparative Studies in Cultures and Civilizations, ed. A. F. Wright, (Chicago London:
University of Chicago Press, 1953) and “Some Strange Ming Beasts.” Oriental Art New Series, vol. 11, no. 3, (autumn,
1956), pp. 94-102, were excellent. I should also mention the work of Valery Garrett here whose research addresses the
subject of regulated clothing in China. An acknowledged authority on Chinese dress and accessories, besides lecturing,
Valerie was Project Researcher for Rural Dress for the HK Museum of History and spent much of that time collecting
traditional Chinese dress. Part of her large collection has been acquired by major museums, including the Heritage
Museum, Hong Kong, and the Powerhouse Museum, Australia. In 1996 over 250 pieces from her personal collection were
39
acquired and exhibited at the Victoria & Albert Museum in London. Her books Chinese Clothing: an Illustrated Guide,
(New York: Oxford UP, 1994); Chinese Dragon Robes, (Hong Kong: Oxford UP, 1998); and Chinese Dress, (Tokyo:
Tuttle, 2007) have all been most helpful in their historical detail and cultural contexts. She is a Council Member of the
Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, and an Honorary Research Fellow at the Centre of Asian Studies, University of
Hong Kong.
12
J. Vollmer, Clothed to Rule the Universe, (Chicago: The Art Institute, 2000), p. 13. John Vollmer is a widely recognized
and respected expert in Chinese textiles and former curator of Chinese Art at The Royal Ontario Museum. He has authored
numerous exhibition catalogues and books on the subject.
13
Hua Mei, Chinese Clothing: cultural China series, trans. Y. Hong and Z. Lei, (Tianjin: China Intercontinental Press,
2004), p. 66. Mei is the head professor of the International School of Women of the Tianjin Normal University and
founder of the Huamei Clothing Ornament Culturology Study. Her major works include Human Costume and Ornament
Culturology, Costume, Ornament and Chinese Culture. She has edited four series of books and started the Garments and
Ornament Column in People’s Daily in 1993 where she has published over 300 articles on dress.
14
The quote is from Chang and Chang, 1992, 1. A similar opinion is presented by de Bary, 4, as well as Wang and Shang
and another leading historian of early modern China, Dorothy Ko. Ko is a Cultural Historian of Early Modern China who
has taught at Barnard College, Warwick U. and Rutgers U. The author of Teachers of the Inner Chambers: women and
culture in seventeenth-century, (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1994) she deals with the challenges posed by material and visual
cultures to our understanding of history and literature. She is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Advanced Studies and
Member of the Advisory Board of Berg Publishers.
15
Chang and Chang, 1992, Ko and Wang and Shang all agree.
16
I am defining this phrase as a political transition the is worthy of being recorded in history.
Susan Kaiser, Richard Nagasawa, and Sandra Hutton, “Construction of a Symbolic Interactionist Theory of Fashion: Part
1. Ambivalence and Change,” Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 1991, 13 (3): 172-183.
Other scholars to write about the role of tensions, ambivalence and ambiguity in regard to fashion include Davis, Wilson,
Benjamin, and Breward. Historians Ko, Wang and Shang, Levenson, Cammann, Clunas and Garrett also write of tensions
and anxieties re the Ming/Qing transition.
18
This is a reoccurring theme in the writings of SI. See Davis, McCracken, Blumer, Kaiser et al 1991.
19
The Society for More Creative Speech. (1996). “Symbolic Interactionism as Defined by Herbert Blumer”.
http://www.thepoint.net/-usul/text/blumer.html.
20
G. P. Stone, “Appearance and the Self,” in Human Behavior and social processes, ed. A. Rose (Boston: HoughtonMifflin Co, 1962), p.86-118.
21
Davis, “On the ‘Symbolic’ in Symbolic Interaction,” Symbolic Interaction vol 5, no 1, pp111-126. Jai Press, 1982.
22
Davis, 1992, p.17.
23
Kaiser, Nagasawa and Hutton (1991), p. 178. Kaiser et al credit Blumer, Davis and Stone for their foundational work with
these concepts.
24
Historians Robert. Guisepi, Ed. The Rise of Civilization in the Middle East and Africa. 1998. http://historyworld.org/rise_of_civilization_in_the_midd.htm, retrieved Sept 10th, 2010, and R. Miles, Ancient Worlds: the search for
origins of western civilization, (London: Allan Lane, 2010) are two examples of scholars who agree on this point.
25
Joanne Eicher, Regents' Professor emeritus Department of Design, Housing and Apparel, U. of Minnesota, Dress and
Ethnicity, and Editor-in Chief of the Routledge Encyclopedia of Dress and Adornment 10 volumes.
17
26
Anne Brydon is a professor at the U.of Western Ontario and Sandra Niessen, an Anthropologist is professor emeritus in
the Department of Human Ecology, U.of Alberta. Together they wrote Consuming Fashion: Adorning the Transnational
Body, (Oxford: Berg, 1998). Niessen also edited, along with A. Leshkowich and C. Jones. Re-Orienting Fashion: the
globalization of Asian Dress, (Oxford: Berg. 2003).
27
Craik, a cultural anthropologist and writer of literature on dress, reviews Finkelstein’s “Chic Theory.” See reply to fashion
as western and urban: http://www.australianhumanitiesreview.org/emuse/Chic/craik.html, also Fashion: the key concepts,
(Oxford: Berg, 2009).
40
28
Here I include art and costume historians Schulyer Cammann, John Vollmer, Valery Garrett, Valerie Steele and John
Major, as well as Verity Wilson. Also the brilliant text by Antonia Finnane Changing Clothes in China: fashion, history,
nation, (New York: Columbia UP, 2008) which has served as a beacon for this work. And for more modern Chinese
clothing research -- From Mao to Now, (Oxford: Berg, 2009) by Juanjuan Wu, and the work of Hazel Clark on modern and
postmodern Chinese dress in The Cheongsam, (Hong Kong: Oxford UP. 2000)
29
I use the word system(s) to denote orderliness, regularity, and method.
30
Martin and Koda, Orientalism, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994), and S. Ashmore “London as
Fashion Cosmopolis, 1945-1979.” in Fashion’s World Cities, eds. C. Breward and D. Gilbert, (Oxford, New York: Berg,
2006), p. 205, agree.
31
Defined by the Am. Heritage Dictionary as “a quality, mannerism, or custom specific to or characteristic of the Orient,
Said’s focus is on the interplay between the "Occident" and the "Orient." The West (Eng., Fr., and the U. S.) is the
Occident, and the romantic and misunderstood Middle East and Far East, the Orient.
32
Chang and Chang, 1992, 3.
33
Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, (New York: Doubleday, 1959), was a symbolic interactionist
who had an academic career teaching at the U. of Chicago and the U. of CA, Berkeley, and who produced an impressive
output of scholarly sociological research including that on the uses of clothing in identity building and representation.
Chang and Chang 1992, pp. 304 and 319.
34
Peter D. Hershock is Coordinator of the Asian Studies Development Program at the East-West Center in Honolulu.
Roger T. Ames is Professor of Philosophy at the U. of Hawaii at Manoa and editor of Philosophy East & West. Their book
together, Confucian Cultures of Authority, ( New York: State U. of N.Y. Press, 2006), was excellent at sorting through the
ideologies of the era in question
35
Terese Tse Bartholomew is a Curator of Himalayan Art and Chinese Decorative Art at the Asian Art Museum in San
Francisco. Her other books are: Myths and Rebuses in Chinese Art and The dragon's gift: the sacred arts of Bhutan. Again
her work was very valuable in helping me understand the cultural meanings behind the symbols on the Dragon robes.
36
Shauna Chang was born in Hangzhou, in 1931 and educated in the Arts-- she studied painting at Boston Museum of Fine
Arts in 1948, was a professor in the Department of Textile Arts, and vice president of the Central Academy of Arts, and
vice chairman of Chinese Artists Association, and China International Culture Exchange Center director. She has edited a
number of books on historical costumes, as well as embroidery printing, weaving, and dying of textiles and clothing in
China.
37
The names of these kind people are: Yin San Chen, a clothing and textiles graduate student at U.C. Davis and Sharmay
Hu (mentioned above) who splits her time between Beijing and Vancouver. Yuchen Zhao, another textiles student at U.C.
Davis was also most helpful in this area, both here in the US and in Shanghai, August, 2009.
38
Here I refer to Robert Jacobsen, curator at the Minneapolis Institute of Arts, who in his early years worked with Chinese
dress of the Ming and Qing periods while at the National Museum in Taiwan (It is said to house the largest collection of
Ming/Qing textiles outside of the Forbidden Palace Museum) and authored the two volume treatise on the subject Imperial
Silks: Ch’ing Dynasty Textiles in the Minneapolis Institute of Arts, (Chicago: Art Media Resources, 2000). My
conversations with him at MIA were informative and useful, and his staff knowledgeable, pleasant and effective. Also the
costume researchers I worked with at the Forbidden Palace Museum, Annie Yin, Fang Hongjun and Bai Yingsheng were
historical costume scholars with many years of research, scholarship and publication based on the collections at the
Forbidden Palace; and Chinese costume curator John Vollmer whom I did not personally work with, but whose museum
catalogues and other publications I have had the good fortune to read.
39
A special thanks to Guo Pingjian, chair of the English department and professor of the Social Psychology of Clothing at
Beijing Institute of Fashion Technology, and Yang Yuan, textile professor, founder and curator of the Museum of Ethnic
Costumes at the Beijing Institute of Fashion Technology, and Vice President of the Chinese Ethnic Costume Association,
who arranged this meeting at the Forbidden Palace. Both are widely published in academic journals in China. Thanks also
for the translating done by Professor Guo Pingjian and his textiles graduate student at BIFT, Yang Xue.
40
Lee Chor Lin “A Gift from Heaven: reading the history of silk in China,” in Power Dressing: textiles for rulers and
priests from the Chris Hall Collection, (Singapore: Asian Civilizations Museum, 2006), p.25, is a textile scholar and
41
author of books in this period as well as the Director of the National Museum of Singapore. She points out that “generous
numbers of silken textiles were given away to foreign envoys in state-sponsored ceremonies in Nanjing, the early Ming
capital.” These may have been appeasement bribes. Also Xinrue Liu who has written extensively on silk and religion
states that “silk and silk clothes were essential components of burials in China, certainly to the end of the 13th c, and
judging by the clothing from the tombs I examined, the practice was still well in place during the Ming and early Qing
period. Xinru Liu is a scholar of ancient India and ancient China. She examines material things (like silk) and how people
think. For example two of her publications are entitled Silk and Religion -- An Exploration of Material Life and the
Thought of People in A.D. 600-1200 (Oxford: University Press, 1996), and “Silk, Robes and Relations between Early
Chinese Dynasties and Nomads beyond the Great Wall,” in Robes and honor: the Medieval World of Investiture, ed.
Steward Gordon, (London: St. Martin’s Press, 2001). Currently employed at The College of New Jersey prior to which
she held a professorship at the Institute of World History, where she was also Deputy Director Department of Ancient and
Medieval History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing. She has also taught at Beijing U. and was a Fellow at
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington and a Visiting Fellow in the Department of East Asian
Studies, Princeton.
I talked with Chris Hall about this 12/ 19/ 2007 in Hong Kong where he was kind enough to display and discuss some of his
textiles with me. (I am not being informal here- his first name is “Chris”). He felt there were a number of reasons for the
scarcity, mentioning the practice of gifting to Tibet. Because of his love for color and beautiful silks, Chris has built an
unsurpassed collection of Chinese and Central Asian textiles. His collection is regarded as one of the best and most
comprehensive private collections in the world. He has written for Hali magazine and contributed to the exhibition
catalogue, Power Dressing: textiles for rulers and priests from the Chris Hall collection, (Singapore: Asian Civilizations
Museum, 2006). He was also a major contributor to Heaven’s Embroidered Cloths: one thousand years of Chinese Textiles,
(Hong Kong: Urban Council; of Hong Kong, 1995).
41
Grounded theory offers systematic inductive guidelines for the collection and analysis of data to construct midrange
theoretical frameworks that explain the data. Continual analytic interpretations focus further data collections which in turn
inform and refine developing theoretical analyses. “Grounded Theory: Objectivist and constructivist methods” by Kathy
Charmaz in The Handbook of Qualitative Research, 2nd edition. N.K. Denzin, and Y.S. Lincoln, eds. (Thousand Oaks,
London, and New Delhi: Sage, 2000).
42
One of the meanings of the word discourse is argument (14th century, from Medieval Latin. discursus: argument from
Latin, a running to and fro discurrere) Collins Concise English Dictionary, (London: HarperCollins, 1988).
43
J. D. Prown, “Mind in Matter: An Introduction to Material Culture Theory and Method.” Winterthur Portfolio (17): 1-19.
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 1.
44
For a discussion of clothing regulations see Garrett, 2007, pp.10, 11,12,35,37 and Cammann 1953.
45
Cammann 1953, Vollmer 1980, 2000, and Garrett 2007, also Bartholomew, and Rawson and Rawski. For further
discussion on the importance of the dragon at this time please see pp. 19-20 of this paper.
46
I also examined digitally available pieces of the era from the Metropolitan Museum of Art, N.Y., The Victoria and
Albert Museum, London, and the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto.
47
Wang, and Shang, p.1.
48
Other material from this tomb can be found at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York and the Nelson-Atkins
Gallery, Kansas City.
49
All of the material found in the Wanli Emperor’s tomb was dated by The Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing
and can be found in the book Ding Ling written by The Institute of Archaeology, CASS, Museum of Ding Ling and The
Archaeological Team of The City of Beijing. Published by Cultural Relics Publishing House, Beijing, 1990, it has an
appendix of every item with information including the item number, name, size, date, woven density, embroidery,
location, etc to identify the object; they also include photographs of most items. It is worth notice that the excavation,
renovation and establishment of the museum was directly lead and designed by China’s central government in Beijing, for
Ding Ling is considered priceless culturally and historically. That's why the entity responsible for the authenticity and
dating of Ding Ling's objects is an institution.
50
A product of the system of polygamy which ensured successors (Garrett 2007), he was a seventeenth son of the Kangxi
Emperor and noted artist, calligrapher, and collector according to Jacobsen vol 1.
51
Digby year 99, no. IX in Jacobsen, R. D. Imperial Silks: Ch’ing Dynasty Textiles in the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. vol.
1.
42
52
In his book on The Kuo Ch'in-wang Textiles, (with forward by Alan Priest—formerly with the Metropolitan Museum of
Art in NY) Lindsay Hughes writes that the Hundred Cranes Robe and others reputed to have come from Prince Guo’s tomb
were acquired in Peking in 1934. This speculation is part of the difficulty with dating.
53
Chung.
54
By clothing systems I mean the same as system-see endnote #7.
55
This is based on Foucault’s first definition and is put forth by Sara Mills a research professor at the School of Cultural
Studies, Sheffield Hallam U. in her book Discourse: the new critical idiom, (London, New York: Routledge, 1997).
M.Foucault, The Order of Discourse: an archeology of the human sciences, (London: Tavistock, 1970)).
56
Graham H. Turner British Cultural Studies, (London: Routledge, 1996), is Chair of Interpreting & Translation Studies at
Heriot-Watt U. in Edinburgh, Scotland. Since 1988, he has been researching social and applied areas of linguistics with
special reference to sign languages. His research in translation and interpreting has included projects exploring domains
including the law, the workplace, mental health care and the theatre. He uses and writes about discourse analysis.
57
Mei. Also see Delbanco, H. “The Mustard Seed Manual of Painting.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, (Harvard:
Harvard-Yenching Institute. vol. 39. no.1. June 1979) pp.184-190, for more on this kind of 17th c. artwork.
58
Garrett 2007, p. 10, and Mei.
The authors of most of these texts have already been discussed in previous endnotes. I add R. L. Thorpe who is a leading
authority on early Chinese art, and professor in the Department of Art History and Archaeology at Washington U. in St.
Louis, and R. E. Vinograd, chair of the Department of Art and Art History at Stanford U. since 1995, is a highly regarded
scholar of later Chinese art, from the Song era to the present. Together they wrote Chinese Art and Culture,
(Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006) which was a most useful reference book for this study.
59
60
Ye Mengzhu, p. 48.
This theory has been referenced widely: Eicher, Evanson and Lutz (2000), McCracken (1985), Kaiser (1985), Tortora and
Eubank (2004, 2009), Craik (1995), Davis (1992), Lehmann (2000), Lynch and Strauss (2007), to mention only a few.
62
Simmel, 1990.
63
Mei, p. 83.
64
Liu, p. 65. At the time, officials at the three highest levels wore purple, while those of lesser rank wore crimson, green
and black. . For further discussion of color see Garrett, 2007, 11, Medley, 1982 and Vollmer, 1980.
65
U. Lehmann, Tigersprung: fashion in modernity. Cambridge, Massachusetts, (London, England: The MIT Press, 2000),
125-142, and D. L. Purdy, ed. The Rise of Fashion: a reader, (Minneapolis, London: University of Minneapolis Press,
2004), pp.79-86.
66
Chang and Chang, 1992, p. 155; and 1998, p. 115.
67
Simmel,1990.
68
Chang and Chang, 1992
69
Clunas, p. 370. “Prof Craig Clunas has published extensively on the art history and culture of China, and as material
culture is his interest, notations about dress are made. Especially in his book Superfluous Things: Social Status and Material
Culture in Early Modern China, (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). Much of his work concentrates on the Ming period (13681644), with additional teaching and research interests in the art of 20th century and contemporary China. He has worked as
a curator at the Victoria and Albert Museum, and taught art history at the University of Sussex and the School of Oriental
and African Studies, U. of London He is currently completing a book on the cultural role of the Ming regional aristocracy,
Screen of Kings: Art and the Imperial Clan in Ming China Here is the link to his Oxford website:
http://www.hoa.ox.ac.uk/staff/core/cclunas/cclunas.htm retrieved Sept 15th, 2010.
61
70
Kong Shangren was born at Qufu, Shandong province, in 1648. He was a sixty-fourth generation descendant of
Confucius. At age 21, in 1669, he became a National U. Student by contributing his farmland to the state. At age 36, in
1684, he was invited to lecture the classics to the Kangxi Emperor (r. 1662-1772) when he latter visited Qufu to pay tribute
and make sacrifice to Confucius. Kong was in the Emperor’s good graces and was bestowed the position of Erudite of
National U. At age 51, he finished the drama “Peach Blossom Fan” which was started before he was 36 years old. The play
became very popular and he was promoted to the position of Vice Director of Guangdong Squad in the Ministry of Revenue
only to be dismissed within a month. He was best known for The Peach Blossom Fan, a chuanqi drama, one of the major
literary forms of the Ming and Qing dynasties. It tells the story of a love story between the scholar Hou Fangyu and the
courtesan Li Xiangjun, against the backdrop of a history of the Southern Ming. It continues to be famous today. A bilingual
2009 version is available through this link: http://www.chinabooks.ch/catalog/product_info.php?products_id=5957
Retrieved Sept 16th, 2010 from ChinaBooks.cn.
71
Veblen, and Simmel, “The Philosophy of Fashion.”
43
72
Clunas, pp. 370-1.
Simmel, 1990.
74
M. Chu, “Cultural Dynamism of the Seventeenth Century China,” in Excursions in Chinese Culture: festschrift in honor
of William R Schultz, eds. M. T. Chan, C. Pao, J. Tao (The Chinese University of Hong Kong: The Chinese Press, 2002), p.
173.
75
Thorpe and Vinograd, p. 317.
76
W. T. de Bary, The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism and the Conference on Seventeenth Century Chinese Thought,
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), p. 4.
73
77
These are my conclusions based on the research conducted.
Chang and Chang, 192
79
Ibid.
80
Grant McCracken, “Rank and Two Aspects of Dress in Elizabethan England.” Culture 11 (2): 53-62.
78
81
Chang and Chang, 1992, 1998; Ko, Garrett, 2007. It was not uncommon to have dissenters and their families severely
punished or killed.
82
Chang and Chang, 1998, p.17 They discuss how by 1647 the Manchu began a rule of terror where the slightest suspicion
of disloyalty to the regime led to arrest, interrogation, prison and sometimes execution.
83
These codes of dress are discussed by Cammann 1952, Garret 1998, Vollmer 2000, Mei 2004 and Lin 2006.
84
Wang and Shang, p. 6.
85
Sourced from Chang and Chang, 1992, p. 149. The book written by Ku Ch’i-yuan, is entitled K’o-tro chui-yu (1617)
(reprint, Taipei, 1969), pp. 16b-17a.
86
Liyue, in Finnane’s well regarded book Changing Clothes in China: fashion, history, nation, (New York: Columbia
University Press, 2008), p.125. I was unable to obtain Liyue’s book but trust Finnane.
87
Lin and Mei.
88
Liyue, p. 128, in Finnane.
89
Xun and Chunming, pp.244-254. Using written records, paintings, figurines, and actual garments and fabrics, this book
presents a chronological record of Chinese dress and hair styles from ancient times to the 20th century. Besides photographs
of relevant historical artifacts, brightly colored drawings of costumes are provided. With an award-winning book design,
and readable text, plus such details as garment measurements, this is a useful book for scholars of Chinese dress.
90
Lian and Tan, p. 413. While not a paddy-field gown, there is a fine example of patchwork shown here.
91
Mei, p. 57. Also red was the color of the Ming Dynasty and I observed that many of the textiles and garments found in
the Wanli emperor’s tomb were of this hue.
92
Liyue, p. 124, in Finnane.
93
Ibid 137.
94
Chang and Chang, 1992, p.155. Also see Davis, pp.37- 46 for some succinct observations on clothing and gender in
modern western culture.
95
Sourced from Chang and Chang, 1992, p. 149.
96
Ibid.148. Also Lin writes (p. 32) that by the end of the 18th c. there were about 12, 000 active silk weaving looms in
Suzchou. The silk found in the Wanli Emperor’s tomb is believed to have been woven in this region, Lin, p.31.
97
Chang and Chang, 1992, p. 149. I assume that by this they mean clothing being manufactured for reasons of commerce.
98
Lin, p. 33, sourced from Qian Hang and Cheng Zai, Shiqi shiji Jiangnan shehui shenghuo (Hangzhou Zhenjiang renmin
chubanshe, 1996), and Hegel, The Novel in Seventeenth Century China, pp. 1-32.
99
Chang and Chang, 1992, pp. 148, 152-5.
100
Clunas, p. 145 sources from Zhang Han’s book Treatise on the Hundred Artisans trans by T. Brook.
101
Mei, p. 60, Finnane, pp. 46-47 and Chang and Chang, 1992, pp. 147-155.
102
Clunas, p. 144 sourced from Zhang Han’s book.
103
Garrett, Chinese Dragon Robes, p. 1.
104
Ibid, plus Cammann, 1952, and Vollmer, 1980.
105
Rutherford and Menzies, p. 100. This yardage would have been intended for a Ming style robe with its abundance of
symbols of longevity, including peaches and the sacred lingzhi-- fungus, possibly as festival yardage to celebrate the
Emperor’s Birthday. We so not know who would have worn a dragon with hoofs instead of claws during the Ming whereas
in the Qing they were given as gifts to high-ranking Han Chinese officials or statesmen who were not Manchu members of
the imperial family and hence not allowed to wear dragons with claws.
44
106
Chung, 307. Woven uncut textile of gold and silk from the royal tomb of the Wanli emperor that viewed from different
angles, shines seven different colors. It is probably woven for an emperor’s imperial robe, for a New Year’s Festival.
107
Cammann, “Some Strange Ming Beasts,” pp. 94-102.
108
Two large shou characters under a swastika decorate the upper center back and the front shoulders. Together they make
up the phrase “ten thousand longevities, or “life without boundary.” Prior to the end of the Chinese empire, emperors and
empresses were the only ones allowed to use this term for their birthdays.
109
Jacobson, p. 141. Full-length garment with front over-flap closing to the right, fastened with three gilt metal ball-andloop toggle buttons, tapered sleeves ending in slightly flared cuffs, slit front and back. Decoration: Body and upper sleeves:
celestial landscape (nine lung dragons in gold with multicolored clouds, mountains, and waves), and li-shui pattern against a
green ground; eight treasures in waves; Cuffs: imperial imagery of dragons, mountains, waves with eight treasures, and
cloud scrolls against a green ground. Fabrication: Ground structure: green 6.1 satin brocaded with multicolored plied-cord
silk and metal wrapped thread, patterning achieved by 1/10 twill; Cuff lining: green silk tabby; Lining: light red tabby.
110
The Palace Museum, 166. Emperors wore dragon robes for important ceremonies on auspicious days. This robe has a
round neckline, side and front slits, a side opening and horseshoe cuffs. The lining is made of white fox fur. The cuffs are
lined with purple mink. There are four silver and gold buttons with embossed decorations. This robe combines many textile
decorative techniques and is a superb example of Beijing workmanship in this period. At the collar there is a yellow paper
label with the character “shi” (world) in brush woven calligraphy. This label indicated that the robe was made for the
Emperor Yongzheng.
111
Jacobson, p. 143.This is known as a “Crane and Gate” (T’ing Ling-wei) robe from the tomb of Prince Kuo Ch’in Wang
(1697-1738), There is an unusual weave pattern in this gown that substitutes architecture (gates? pavilions?) for the
expected mountains. It is a full length garment with front overflap closing to the right, fastened with five gilt metal ball-andloop toggle buttons. Tapered sleeves ending with flared cuffs slit front and back. Decoration: Body and upper sleeves:
celestial landscape (nine multicolored lung, or five-clawed dragons, clouds, waves, buildings, trees, and waves), and li-shui
(puff-ball cloud) pattern against a brown ground; eight treasures in waves; Grid scheme: honeycomb diaper pattern with
octagonal compartments containing flowers; Scattered scheme: cranes, eight Taoist attributes, and the bat; Borders: neck
band and cuffs with imperial imagery of dragons, waves, and cloud scrolls against a honeycomb grid pattern scheme;
Edging: black silk and gold metallic brocade with swastika-fret pattern, trimmed with gold braid. Fabrication: Ground
structure: brown 7.1 satin embroidered in satin, long and short couched, flat, stem, and seed stitches with multicolored
plied-cord silk thread; Neck band and cuffs: dark blue satin embroidered in satin, long and short, couched, flat, stem, and
seed stitches with multicolored plied-cord silk and metal wrapped thread; Sleeve extensions: black 5.1 satin; Lining: blue
silk tabby.
112
Finnane, p. 52, and K. Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the making of the modern world economy,
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 155.
113
Mei, p. 84.
114
Cammann, 1952.
115
Lin, p. 30. It is also noteworthy that all commentators on Ming dynasty silk manufacture have emphasizes that additional
order production, (the term used during the Ming to indicate production of all goods ordered by the Inner Court which
exceeded the framework laid down in the statutes), increased exponentially.
116
Pearce.
117
R. Williams, Marxism and Literature: Marxist introductions series, (London and New York: Oxford University Press,
1977), p. 111.
118
R. Wrigley, The Politics of Appearances: representations of dress in revolutionary Franc, (Oxford, New York: Berg,
2002), p. 5.
119
H. Focillon, “Vie des formes.” Paris: (1934): 53-54, in The Arcades Project, (Cambridge, MA. London: The Belknap
Press of Harvard University Press, 2002), p. 488.
120
R. Barthes, The Language of Fashion, eds. A. Stafford and M. Carter, trans. A. Stafford, (Oxford, New York: Berg,
2006). p.11.
121
Wright, p. 5.
122
Pearce, I believe coined this term during his dissertation research at the University of Glasgow where he received his
PhD in 2006. It was used in a conference essay entitled “Cultural Revolutions: traditional design as a vehicle for
propaganda in China, 1680-1980.” Cammann, Medley, Vollmer and Bartholomew also discuss these highly significant
symbols as do Rawski and Rawson, Rutherford, Menzies, and Garrett.
123
Benjamin, Craik, Entwistle, Langer, Liu, McCracken, Perrot, and Wrigley-- to name a few.
45
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