JTC Department of Fun US Foreign Policy Objectives 1945-1947 The overall objective was to protect its position as a Great Power and wherever possible maintain the power differential with the USSR. This could be achieved by: - Promoting political stability in the Allied states through the Truman Doctrine. The security of the US was seen as dependent upon the defence of Britain, France and other western states. - Promoting economic prosperity in western European markets through Marshall Aid. - Containing communist expansion beyond the eastern sphere of influence conceded at Yalta. This meant resisting Soviet initiatives to reunite Germany on a communist model (based on the Kennan analysis of Soviet intentions) and maintaining the provisional status of West Berlin and the western zones of Germany. It also meant preventing communism from taking root in non-aligned areas such as Greece and Turkey. - Making Europe the priority area of interest. The US did not seek to establish a military alliance involving the western European powers during this period. It relied on the atomic monopoly to deter. Ad hoc responses to unacceptable forms of aggression could always be devised as happened just after this period with the Berlin Airlift. Note that Europe was the primary area of concern. China had yet to go communist, Korea did not appear to be a potential trouble spot and the French were still nominally in control in Indochina. Soviet Foreign Policy Objectives 1945-1956 Following the USSR’s experience in WWII (27m dead, extensive destruction of farming, industry, transport & housing) Stalin’s main concern was the defence and security of her western frontiers. This meant ensuring that the states of Eastern Europe had governments that were friendly towards the USSR. This could not have been achieved through the holding of free elections as promised at Yalta since the result could not have been guaranteed. Hence communist regimes were effectively imposed across Eastern Europe between 1945 and 1948. Czechoslovakia was the last eastern European state to succumb to a communist takeover following the coup of February 1948. Only Yugoslavia freely chose a communist future. The communisation of Eastern Europe was a protracted process, however, as Stalin was keen to avoid confrontation with the western powers. Hence while there was speedy action in Bulgaria & Rumania (both belonged to the Soviet sphere of influence according to the percentage agreement of Oct. 1944 and represented a continuation of traditional Russian policy concerning control of the Black Sea), there was a ‘go-slow’ policy in Hungary and Czechoslovakia while in Poland, partly in regard to British and US opinion, a civil war continued in JTC Department of Fun some parts until 1952. Finland, which had enjoyed a large measure of autonomy under the Tsars, was allowed a considerable measure of independence. Stalin was also conciliatory by withdrawing Soviet forces from Northern Iran and relinquishing pressure on Turkey and Greece. It appeared for a while that there was a change of emphasis following the death of Stalin and the Hungarians clearly felt there was a new tolerance within the Kremlin when they demonstrated against the oppressive regime of Rakosi and impelled his successor, Nagy, towards a programme of radical reform. But Khrushchev’s ultimate response involving the dispatch of tanks to Budapest showed that he was as determined as Stalin had been before him to maintain the integrity of the eastern European defensive system. The promotion of the worldwide expansion of communism. Although Eastern Europe was Stalin’s priority he was also keen to exploit every opportunity to push forward the frontiers of the communist world in areas distant from Europe. Hence he supplied weapons and equipment to Mao’s forces engaged in the Chinese Civil War (1946-1949) and supported the plans of Kim Il Sung when he invaded South Korea in 1950. Moral support was offered to other groups of communist insurgents operating in South East Asia. Between 1945 and 1949 the USA had an atomic monopoly. Stalin made strenuous efforts to end this state of affairs both through espionage and promotion of the USSR’s own atomic programme which achieved success in August 1949. From this point onwards the nuclear arms race began with both sides progressing to the development of the Hydrogen bomb in 1953 and 1954. Although the aim of the USSR was nuclear parity with the USA this was never achieved during this period. For example, in 1956 the USSR had 60 strategic bombers capable of delivering nuclear weapons whereas the USA had 550. The USSR sought to maintain a weak Germany and change the status of Berlin. The former objective was thwarted by the decision of the western powers to revive the economy of the western zones in 1947 and 1948 through the introduction of a new currency and the ending of rationing and price controls. Stalin’s defensive response to this perceived renewed threat to Soviet security was to try to force the western powers out of Berlin. Khrushchev was equally anxious to end the anomaly of a western presence deep in the heart of the communist bloc. Ideological expansion through anti-capitalist propaganda. This was based partly on the assumption that capitalism would self-destruct after WWII and some ideological undermining of the rival system might assist this process. Stalin interpreted the Great War and the 1930s Depression as symptomatic of the JTC Department of Fun terminal decline of western capitalism. He expected major rifts to occur between the USA and Great Britain – Stalin seriously overestimated the ability of GB to pursue an independent line from the US. Devising an effective counter to American attempts to woo the states of Europe with economic and financial assistance. Both the Cominform and the Molotov Plan were responses to Marshall Aid.