Volume 2 Winter 2014
ISSN 2288-6591
The Gulf Area Studies
Vol. 2
Winter 2014
The GCC Institute
목차
• Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’:
An Analysis of the
Kuwaiti Parliamentary Elections • Choe, Young-Chol
5
•The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks
to Inculcate National Identity into Youth in Kuwait:
A Study of Elementary School Textbook ‘al-Tarbiyat al-WataniyatwalTanshi’at al-Madaniyat’ • Kim, Eun-ji
39
‫• مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم‬
57
‫ احمد سيد محمد نقد‬.‫الصعوبات التي تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم • د‬
부록
•『The Gulf Area Studies』편집위원회 규정
83
•투고규정 및 논문작성요령
87
•『The Gulf Area Studies』연구윤리규정
93
Contents
• Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’:
An Analysis of the Kuwaiti Parliamentary Elections
Choe, Young-Chol
5
•The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks toInculcate
National Identityinto Youth in Kuwait:
A Study of Elementary School Textbook ‘al-Tarbiyat al-WataniyatwalTanshi’at al-Madaniyat’
39
Kim, Eun-ji
• ‫مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم‬
57 ‫ احمد سيد محمد نقد • الصعوبات التي تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم‬.‫د‬
Appendix
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The GCC Institute
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
5-38
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’:
An Analysis of the Kuwaiti Parliamentary
Elections*
1
**
Choe, Young-Chol (Seoul Jangsin University)
<Contents>
Ⅰ. Introduction
Ⅱ. The Kuwaiti Political System and the Development of Parliamentary
Institution
Ⅲ. Institutionalization of Parliament Elections
Ⅳ. Changes of Electoral System
Ⅴ. Women’s Enfranchisement and 2006 Elections
Ⅵ. ‘Arab Spring’ and Kuwaiti Elections
Ⅶ. Summary and Conclusion
* This paper is partly based upon my 2007 KAMES international conference
paper “The Kuwaiti Parliament and Its Struggle for Reforming the Electoral
System, Toward Common Prosperity of Korea and the Middle East, The
Korean Association of Middle East Studies (KAMES), December 07, 2007,
375-397. I have revised, updated and supplemented the paper.
** Currently, Young Chol Choe is Associate Professor at Seoul Jangsin University,
Gwangju-Si, Gyeonggi-Do. He received a Ph.D. from the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem, Israel. His research focus is Middle Eastern Politics, Politics in
the GCC countries including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and UAE, and IsraeliPalestinian conflicts. Address: Division of General Education, Seoul Jangsin
University, 145, Gyoungan-Ro, Gwangju-Si, Gyeonggi-Do, South Korea.
(464-742). Tel: 82-31-799-9136, Fax: 82-31-765-1232, Home: 82-2-948-5377,
Mobile: 82-10-2023-5377. E-mail: ycchoe@hanmail.net.
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Ⅰ. Introduction
Since 2006, Kuwait has experienced chronic political instabilities with numerous
parliament suspensions and subsequent elections (Gulf Business Intelligence, May 2014;
Katzman 2014, 3; Herb 2013, 1). For the past eight years, there have been six parliamentary
elections and fourteen cabinet reshufflings. One of the causes of the political instability is
the power struggle between the assertive Kuwaiti opposition groups and the Al-Sabah
ruling family, which has been intensified after the 2006 leadership change (Herb 2013, 2;
Park 2011). The Kuwaiti opposition groups have fought battles with the government and
they have won most of them (Herb 2013, 1). In 2006, the Kuwaiti opposition forced the
government to redraw the electoral districts, from twenty-five to five, for parliamentary
elections to reduce the risk of electoral fraud and vote-buying (al-Watan, July 18, 2006;
al-Rai al-Aam, May 17, 2005; Arab Times, July 18, 2006; Kuwait Times, July 18, 2006;
KUNA, July 17, 2006).
In their power struggle, the opposition members of parliament have used interpellation
(‘grilling’), a parliamentary questioning tactic. Not only the cabinet ministers but also the
prime ministers have been subjected to the interpellation and Kuwaiti ministers have
resigned to avoid the interpellation in parliament. The excessive use of the
interpellation by the Kuwaiti parliamentarians caused early elections and frequent cabinet
reshuffles. In 2009, the Kuwaiti parliament (National Assembly) subjected the prime
minister to a vote of confidence for the first time in Kuwait’s history (Herb 2013, 1). The
Arab Spring protests of 2011 invigorated the Kuwaiti opposition groups and they began to
organize massive demonstrations. For the first time in history, Kuwaitis took to the streets
by the thousands, calling for the resignation of then Prime Minister Sheikh Nasser al
Mohammed al Ahmad al-Sabah, following a corruption scandal in which bribes had
been given to 16 members of the parliament. It was a factor for the victory of the
opposition groups in the February 2012 elections, which resulted in an opposition
majority of 34 members of the 50-seat parliament (Herb 2013, 1).
Still, the Kuwaiti parliament is better institutionalized, compared to neighboring Gulf
monarchies and its government had initiated an important political reform before the ‘Arab
spring.’ On May 16, 2005, the Kuwaiti National Assembly (Majlis al-Umma) passed a
women’s suffrage bill, which granted Kuwaiti women the right to vote and to run for office
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
7
for both the National Assembly and the municipality council (al-Qabas, May 17, 2005;
al-Rai al-Aam, May 17, 2005; al-Seyassah, May 17, 2005; al-Watan, May 17, 2005). The
ruling Kuwaiti royal family, the al-Sabahs, had initiated the enfranchisement bill for women
but resisted the redistricting bill for a long time. As a result, the members of
Kuwaiti civil rights organizations and the opposition members of the parliament have
struggled with the royal family for several decades for the redrawing. The conservative
Islamists and the ruling family were successful not only to mobilize resources to block the
redrawing initiatives, but also to weaken the opposition groups with the “divide-and-rule”
tactics. In recent years, however, these strategies and tactics were not effective. For example,
the rulers could not mobilize either the legal or coercive mechanism such as the Public
Gatherings Law as they did before. It is mainly due to that various societal actors, such
as the press and the opposition groups, have strengthened their abilities to withstand
the monopoly of power by the royal family.
This paper reviews the political reforms since its independent in 1961 and examines the
legislative processes regarding the enfranchisement of women and the revision of the
electoral laws, focusing on the Kuwaiti parliament, National Assembly. It attempts to
explore the strategies and institutional choices of major political actors in the reform
processes, including the redrawing electoral districts, the enfranchisement of women and
the role of the ‘Arab Spring’ in the parliamentary elections in Kuwait. It also discusses the
post-2006 political crisis and inter-regime conflicts.
Ⅱ. The Kuwaiti Political System and the Development
of Parliamentary Institution
Since its foundation, Kuwait has been a hereditary monarchy. Amirs from the al-Sabah
family have ruled Kuwait for the last 200 years. Also, the crown prince had usually
occupied the prime ministership. The current Amir is Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmed al-Sabah,
who succeeded Sheikh Jabir al-Ahmed al-Sabah in January 2006. Unlike the previous
custom, the Amir appointed his brother, Sheikh Nawaf al-Ahmed al-Sabah, as his crown
prince, and his nephew, Sheikh Nasser Mohammed al-Ahmed al-Sabah as prime minister,
8
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
separating the two positions usually held by the crown prince until July 2003. This
separation of power may open the way to appointment a prime minister from outside of the
royal family in the future. The separation between the royal family and the post of prime
ministership has been a major demand from political reformers in Kuwait for years.
Still, members of the ruling family hold the key cabinet posts, including the defense,
interior, foreign affairs and energy portfolios. Laws passed by the royal decrees must be
subsequently ratified by the National Assembly (al-Qabas, July 10, 2006; al-Seyassah, July
10, 2006;al-Anbaa, July 10, 2006). The composition of the Council of Ministers is at the
Amir’s discretion, although the members are appointed by prime minister. At least, one
Member of Parliament must be included in the council. The 16-member cabinet formed in
July 2006 included six members of the ruling family.
The roots of participatory politics in Kuwait date back to its foundation more than two
centuries ago. The Kuwaiti merchant elites and the ruling Sabah royal family agreed upon a
“joint-governing” by which the former supported the latter financially while the latter, being
the ruler of the society, would consult with the former over important issues (Alnajjar 2000,
243-4; Crystal 1995, 21-5, 33). A political balance between the ruler and the merchant elites
had formed and further institutionalized thereafter. However, the increased oil revenues
from the 1950s began to change the relationship. After independence in 1961, the
society was transformed from the traditional form of participatory government to a
more institutionalized democratic one. Several factors contributed to the transformation.
One of the most important factors for the transformation was the creative and
transformative leadership of the Amir, Sheikh Abdallah al-Salim al-Sabah who ruled for 15
years (1950-1965), the critical first period of the oil era. Under his leadership, the Kuwaiti
constitution was legislated in 1962. It provides an elected legislature and the separation of
powers. The ruler, the merchant elite and the emerging political groupings of educated
generations succeeded to develop dynamic but cordial relationships among them and
institutionalize the political system.
The 1962 constitution of Kuwait provides for an elected unicameral legislative branch.
However, it also permits the Amir to dissolve the parliament and to rule by royal decrees.
Eight times, 1976-1981, 1986-1992, and briefly in 2003, 2006, 2008, 2009, 2011, and
2012, the Amir has used his constitutional power to dissolve the National Assembly
(Katzman 2014, 2).
However, when the National Assembly is in session it actively debates, influences public
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
9
policy, and from time to time challenges the executive authority. One of the most effective
tools for the checking the executive is the interpellation of cabinet members. The opposition
members of the parliament have used the interpellation power and the frequency of using
the power has been increased in recent years. Kuwait’s constitution gives its parliament the
power to remove individual ministers with a majority vote of the elected members (Brown
2007, 1-20). The two key powers are required for parliaments to wrest absolute control
from monarchs and to thus democratize the state: the power to remove ministers and the
power to block legislation. The authority of the Kuwaiti parliament is the most substantial
in both respects (Herb 2004, 7-8).
As a consequence, the ruling family takes parliamentary attitudes into account when
forming the cabinet, giving the parliament a veto of sorts. Kuwait’s powers are the most
substantial on this front. Even with ministers being able to vote on a law which
typically adds up to fifteen wholly reliable votes in the government’s column the
parliament has successfully blocked some legislation. Most notable was the defeat of a
government effort to extend political rights to women, which failed in a thirty to thirty-two
vote in 1999, with the government voting as a bloc for women’s rights. The Parliament has
also blocked efforts to develop the northern oil fields. The Kuwaiti parliament tries to
intervene in the formation of government and the appointment of ministers (Herb 2004, 8).
Voting rights are limited to Kuwaiti nationals aged 21 or over, and only literate Kuwaitis
aged over 30 are permitted to stand as candidates for the 50 elected seats in the Assembly. It
is only since the electoral law was amended in 2005 that women have been able to vote and
stand for election on the same basis as men. Cabinet members automatically become
members of the Assembly.
The National Assembly can have up to 65 deputies. Fifty deputies are elected by popular
vote to serve four-year terms. Members of the cabinet also sit in the parliament as deputies.
Because cabinet members need not be elected members of parliament, this means that the
Prime Minister can in effect appoint up to 15 unelected members of the National Assembly.
Therefore, ministers give the government 17 votes from outside parliament’s elected
membership. With only 50 elected members, the government needs only to pick up a small
number of votes to obtain a parliamentary majority on many matters. For instance, when
parliament voted in 2005 to extend the vote to women, the majority of elected deputies
actually voted against the move, but they were defeated by a large showing of ministers
supporting the change (al-Rai al-Aam, May 17, 2005; al-Anbaa, May 17, 2005; Brown
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2007, 1-20).
Although the Amir maintains the final word on most government policies, the National
Assembly plays a real role in decision making, with powers to initiate legislation, question
government ministers, and express lack of confidence in individual ministers. The power of
the Kuwait’s National Assembly is substantial. For example, in May 1999, the Amir issued
several landmark decrees dealing with women’s suffrage, economic liberalization, and
nationality. The National Assembly later rejected all of these decrees as a matter of
principle and then reintroduced most of them as parliamentary legislation. The Parliament
has successfully blocked some legislation. Most notable was the defeat of a government
effort to extend political rights to women, which failed in a thirty to thirty-two vote in 1999,
with the government voting as a bloc for women’s rights.
Kuwaiti parliament is considered the strongest of those in the Gulf monarchies, and the
National Assembly often expresses differences of opinion with the cabinet in a robust
fashion. However the Amir, Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmed al-Sabah, has the final word on most
government policies and the key cabinet posts are held by members of the ruling family.
Ⅲ. Institutionalization of Parliament Elections
The 1962 Kuwaiti constitution institutionalized the relationship between the ruling family
to the rest of the nation in which the conflicts in interests between Kuwaiti rulers and
prominent citizens could be resolved and settled down. In the process of the
institutionalization of the relationship, the National Assembly was created. A set of rules
under which differences between the rulers and other social groups which might be
represented in that assembly could be bargained out. The institutionalization of a
popular assembly limited its formal representation might be, created a permanent
legitimate check on the ruling family and the government. The rulers attempted to achieve
a freer hand first by dismissing the parliament, but the parliament’s legitimacy
could not be denied as we saw in the parliament dissolutions in 1975 and 1986. When the
insistence that parliament be restored grew too strong, the rulers introduced a new
electoral system by which members of the parliament were elected and thereby what sort of
person and which set of interests the rulers would have to accommodate.
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
11
1. Dissolution of National Assembly in 1976 and Revision of
Electoral Law in 1986
Although political parties were prohibited, a strong opposition bloc developed with the
introduction of the elected legislature and it had been strengthened in subsequent elections
in 1967, 1971 and 1975, in spite of efforts to gerrymander the electoral districts to increase
tribal bloc voting and defeat the vocal nationalist candidates (Ismael 1993, 87).
After the 1975 elections, the opposition had crossed a red line attacking the Amir and his
families, and raised sensitive domestic and foreign policy issues, centered on the nature of
the oil concessions and the dominance of the oil companies in Kuwait and the Arab world,
Kuwait’s close alliance with Britain and the United States, and Kuwait’s conservative role
in the Arab world (Ismael 1993, 86-7), while it had alienated domestic supporters. The
opposition lost merchant support when it tackled stock market regulation, finance,
planning, price controls, and state corruption (Crystal 1995, 91-2). It also launched a
vigorous attack on the fundamental policies of the government on class issues such as the
growing gap between a small wealthy class and the rest of the population. The press and the
public supported the opposition. In August 1976 the government dissolved the Assembly,
suspended the constitution, and introduced restrictions on the press.
The system continued for four years without the Assembly. But the Iranian revolution in
1979, the Iran-Iraq war, and turbulent international environment forced the government to
respond with the best means and system by mobilizing them maximally. With the Iranian
revolution, the Kuwaiti Shia community became much more of a mass political movement.
In 1979 large Shia demonstrations were held. When thousands rallied before the US
embassy in support of the revolution, the police dispersed the crowd and arrested
demonstrators. The revolution was coming to Kuwait. The revolution entered Kuwaiti
politics not only through Shias, resident Iranians and some activist religious Sunnis who
supported the general Islamic nature of the regime, but also as an example of a ruler
overthrown by a disenfranchised people. Pressure for liberalization from progressives and
intellectuals also played a role.
In a moment of crisis, the Kuwaiti government has reacted in the institutional means. It
broadened its support base and tried to encourage a rift between Kuwaiti nationals and
expatriates. Just as the Amir had created the Assembly in the early 1960s in part in response
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to the Nasserist opposition, so too the Amir hoped to again contain the importation
of regional ideologies, through this institution.
The institutional choice was an attempt to strike a deal with the public - to tolerate internal
dissent in exchange for excluding discussion of foreign issues. In order to restore the
Assembly the government consulted local leaders and appointed a Constitutional Review
Committee which included the representatives of the Kuwaiti society. The committee
recommended that elections would be held in February 1981. In an effort to reduce Shia
and progressive strength, new electoral constituencies were created and the number of
constituencies was extended from 10 to 25. The 1981 elections produced a conservative
victory. Institutional changes (redistricting, registration) sufficed. But the elections were free
and fair. Tribal leaders took 23 seats while Arab nationalists lost. The Sunni religious
conservative candidates won.
2. Dissolution of National Assembly in 1986 and Iraqi Invasion
By the mid-1980s the government began to view the Assembly as a growing liability. In
the 1960s and 1970s the Amir had encouraged several new groups to join the Assembly:
Shias, Bedouins, Islamists, and progressives. Each succeeding group, as it acquired an
Assembly voice, eventually used that voice to express its own concerns, concerns that the
Amir did not necessarily share. The 1985 Assembly was, in the government’s eyes,
particularly obstructionist. It had blocked several government bills and even directly
attacked members of the ruling family. In 1985 the Assembly forced the resignation of
Justice Minister Salman Duaij and attacked another Sheikh Oil minister Ali Khalifa. The
attacks caused a rift in the ruling family. The 1985 Assembly had seen growing tension
between the Salim and Jabir branches and become involved in the dispute between the two
branches of the ruling family. The allies of Sabah al-Ahmad, the foreign minister and
second in line to the rulership ‘used the Assembly to attack allies of Sheikh Sa’ad Abdallah,
the crown prince and prime minister’ (Herb 1999, 82-3).
In July 1986 the government dissolved the Assembly, citing security concerns, excessive
division, and the need for unity in the face of the Gulf War (Crystal 1995, 104-6). Jill
Crystal argues that the factors, affected to the dissolution of the Assembly, were as
follows: first, the failure of the Assembly to co-opt increasingly violent opposition,
coupled with its recurring tendency to serve a genuinely representative function;
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
13
second, its attacks on the ruling family; third, the likelihood of continuing dissension,
given the growing economic crisis; and finally, the opposition to Assembly given the
troubled regional environment, of other GCC members (Crystal 1995, 105).
Following the dissolution of the Assembly in 1986, a pro-democracy Constitutionalist
Movement emerged calling for the restoration of the Assembly and of suspended
articles of the 1962 constitution. The movement consisted of disparate strands of
activists, former Assembly members, Islamists, liberals, and merchants. In 1989, former
National Assembly members initiated the movement and they were joined by other forces,
including a large number of merchants. The movement spread via the diwaniyyas. In
December 1989, a group of thirty-two former Assembly members began holding regular
Monday night diwaniyyas with an explicitly political agenda. These weekly meetings took
on a life of their own, developing into large scale demonstrations and culminating intense
confrontations with the police (Crystal 1995, 178-9).
In an effort to divide the opposition, the Amir announced the establishment of a
National Council consisting of both elected and appointed members, a primarily
consultative body, with far fewer powers than the old National Assembly. The
pro-democracy opposition opposed this council, boycotting the elections. The new council
nonetheless was formed and had just begun meeting when the Iraqi invasion occurred
(Crystal 1995, 179).
The Iraqi invasion and following its occupation affected the political process in Kuwait
and the pro-democracy movement in particular. It enhanced the power and influence of the
opposition. In exile, Kuwaitis tried to strike a new deal with the government, a promise of
greater participation in postwar Kuwaiti politics. This pressure culminated in the meeting in
Jidda, Saudi Arabia, in October 1990. A communiqué was issued at the end of the meeting
in which the opposition pledged to support the continuation of the Sabah as the ruling
family of Kuwait and the ruling family pledged to restore the constitution after liberation
(Tétreault 2000a, 85, Crystal 1995, 178-9). The invasion, war and liberation made it
impossible for him to continue resisting demands for the restoration of constitutional life.
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Ⅳ. Changes of Electoral System
1. 1981 Electoral Law
As mentioned above, the ruling family gerrymandered and redistricted the constituencies
in order to contain the rising power of the nationalist group. New electoral constituencies
were created in the areas of traditional tribes and the number of constituencies was extended
from 10 to 25.
Managing elections depends both on controlling who gets to vote and on controlling the
rules for choosing candidates and allocating representatives. Changes of these rules,
including the 1981 redistricting and the selective enfranchisement of increments of mostly
tribal voters, altered the balance of forces in the Kuwaiti society. Merchants, city
dwellers, and Shi’i community lost representation while non-urban and tribal groups
along with Sunni, gained; secularists lost representation as compared to Islamists. The
direct representation of Shi’i Kuwaitis in the parliament has fallen to half of the already
underrepresented proportion of the population they managed to elect prior to the redrawing
of districts.
As a result, former concentrations of countervailing political power were both shrunken
and fragmented across constituency groups with the result that opposition power, cohesion,
and effectiveness were damaged. At the same time, Islamist forces gained political power.
However, both the large tribes and urban secularist political forces developed new
strategies to reclaim some of their former power, the most successful of which was the
tribal primary. But the splintering of districts made it easier for the ruling forces to change
the outcome of elections illicitly, by financing additions to candidate slates, manipulating
the group dynamic at diwaniyyas and outright vote-buying in key districts. Consequently,
even where political forces managed to reorganize coherently, it still was possible to deny a
particular man his seat in parliament through careful planning and judicious spending.
2. 2006 Electoral Reform of Five Constituencies
Ever since the 1981 redistricting of constituencies from 10 to 25, opposition leaders have
advocated electoral reforms reducing the constituencies to one or five in order to eradicate
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
15
corruption and irregularities in the elections.
In April 1997 a proposal to create a single election district covering all of Kuwait was
submitted by MP Ghannam al-Jamhour to the parliamentary committee on Interior and
Defense Affairs. Advocates of the proposal said it would “put an end to buying votes
during electoral campaigns, put an end to by-elections (tribal primaries), and ensure
national unity” (Arab Times, June 5-6, 1997). In April 2006, MP al-Awadhi also suggested
a similar proposal of one electoral district option (al-Seyassah, April 15, 2006). They
argued that a single district system would solve the problem of unequal populations across
districts and the far less tractable problems of extra-district voting, the tribal primary, and
the troubling implications of its spread to non-tribal factions. The small district may make
vote-buying of all types more manageable.
Instead the opposition camp pushed for the electoral reform with a five-district reform
plan, combining Kuwait’s 25 districts (each represented by two deputies) into 5 (each to be
represented by 10 deputies). Reformers insisted that this would turn elections from
occasions for buying votes from neighbors and campaigning among tribal or family
members to a more programmatic and ideological contest. Larger districts, the reformers
believed, would render these frauds costlier and more difficult.
A coalition of parliamentarians had led the call for the electoral reform. Some 29
members of the outgoing legislature subsequently formed a loose pro-reform alliance, led
by Islamists, tribalists, nationalists and liberals. The Islamic Constitutional Movement
(ICM), an affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood and the best organized Islamist group in
Kuwait (Brown 2007), embraced the idea enthusiastically. The momentarily unified
opposition was supported by a popular movement, led by students organizing both in
Kuwait and abroad. The coalition of opposition political groupings and the popular
movement caught the government and leaders of the ruling family off guard, causing it to
miscalculate badly. According to a poll, conducted by a local news paper in April 2006, an
overwhelming majority of Kuwaitis supported the electoral reform (al-Qabas, April 16,
2006), while the Government circle and the ruling family seemed split on the reform
(al-Seyassah, April 29, 2006).
The ruling family, however, resisted (Al-Qabas, April 30, 2006; al-Seyassah, April 30,
2006). They attempted to mobilize legal and coercive means such as the Public Gatherings
Law but the Kuwaiti Constitutional Court revoked the law restricting public gatherings and
affirmed the right of association by ruling that the Public Gatherings Law unconstitutional
16
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
(Arab Times May 2, 2006; Kuwait Times May 2, 2006; Al-Qabas May 2, 2006). The
government, however, did not give up and used some clumsy methods attempting to tinker
with the reform and referring the matter to the constitutional court. This dodging tactic and
passive response led the parliamentary reform camp to move to full confrontation with the
government. When some deputies threatened to interpellate the prime minister which was an
unprecedented step in Kuwaiti politics, the ruler Sheikh al-Sabah was compelled to intervene.
He dissolved the National Assembly on May 21, 2006. The Amir declared the organization of
early elections on June 29, 2006.
The Amir’s action ensured at least one more election under the old system, but it too
produced uncomfortable results: victories for 33 candidates from across the political
spectrum who had been endorsed by the electoral reform movement in return for pledges to
fight corruption and carry out the electoral reform if they were elected. After reformers won
an absolute majority in the new parliament, the Amir was forced to back down. The new
electoral law passed when the parliament convened in 2006.
3. Factors to the Changes of the Electoral Law in 2006
1) Fragmentation of the Ruling Family and its Political and Ideological Diversification
In recent years, the Kuwaiti ruling family has been weakened by its fragmentation and the
family members’ competition for power, especially in the processes of regime succession
and government formation. The 2006 rulership succession crisis is an indication.
According to the Kuwaiti custom, upon the death of Amir, the Crown Prince succeeds.
The new Amir then selects a crown prince, though in practice he can do this only after the
members of the ruling al-Sabah family arrive at a consensus on who should be appointed.
The Amir and the crown prince must be direct descendants, in the patrilineal line, of
Mubarak the Great. Successions were smooth in 1965 and in 1978. But the succession of
2006 caused a serious political crisis. The royal family was locked in its most serious
succession crisis following the death of Amir, Sheikh Jabir al-Ahmad al-Sabah on January
15, 2006. The crisis was resolved 10 days later when parliament voted Sheikh Sa’ad
al-Abdullah al-Sabah, who had been proclaimed the new Amir, out of office on health
grounds, and confirmed Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Sabah as ruler. It was the first time ever
that the elected parliament had stepped in to resolve a crisis within the ruling family.
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
17
2) Ascendancy and Ideological-Cultural Hegemony of the Islamic Movement
Since the restoration of the Kuwaiti parliament in 1992 after the Iraqi invasion, the
occupation of Kuwait has allowed Kuwaiti Islamists to become a major player in the
Kuwaiti society and politics. The Islamist groups, among them the ICM and Salafi
movement are major parts, have gained greater influence in the Kuwaiti society, thriving
despite all the turmoil of regional politics. The Islamists have been a major part of the
opposition coalition that has successfully performed the electoral redistricting reform in
2006 (Brown 2007). As <Table 1> shows, the Islamists increased their mandates
remarkably in the Kuwaiti parliamentary elections until the February 2012. Especially the
Islamic Constitutional Movement (ICM), an affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood, has
become a major player in the Kuwaiti political process.2
<Table 1> Results of Kuwait’s National Assembly Elections
Islamists
Liberals &
Nationalists
(19)
(13)
9
(22)
(5)
24
14
(21)
(11)
14
24
12
(21)
(8)
14
33
3
(26)
(6)
Year
Pro-govt
Opposition
1992
15
35
1996
24
17
1999
12
2003
2006
Independents
Sources : Mary Ann Tétreault, Stories of Democracy: Politics and Society in
Contemporary Kuwait, New York: Columbia University Press, .2000;
2
The Islamists’ success and the ICM’s in particular, were due to their tactical
choices of gradualism and careful and judicious building of alliances with other
actors and picking battles. With the government and the ruling family, the ICM
has striven to position itself simultaneously as an opposition movement and as a
party accepting gradualism and the limitations of the Kuwaiti political system.
See Nathan Brown, “Pushing towards Party Politics? Kuwait’s Islamic
Constitutional Movement?” Carnegie Paper No. 79, February 2007, and
Mohammed Hussein Al-Dallal, Comments on “pushing towards Party Politics?
Kuwait’ Islamic Constitutional Movement?” By Nathan Brown (Carnegie Paper
No. 79, February 2007), April 1, 2007.
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Michael Herb, Kuwait Politics Database
[http://www2.gsu.edu/~polmfh/database/database.htm];
Al-Qabas; Al-Rai al-Am; Al-Watan; Al-Hayat; Al-Jarida; KUNA in
various dat es.
On the one hand the power and cohesiveness of the ruling family has been weakened, but
on the other hand the Islamic movement, especially the ICM, has been strengthened in the
Kuwaiti society in general and in the political process in particular. Various societal actors,
such as the press, civil society and even the state institutions, have shown a favorable
attitude toward the electoral redistricting reform.
3) Strategies and Tactics of the Involved Actors
Under the favorable political and structural circumstances, the opposition leaders and
students led electoral reform movement had succeeded to form a loose alliance among
various societal actors such as Islamists, liberals, nationalists, and students. During the
spring 2006 push to reduce the number of constituencies, young Kuwaitis, most of them
were students, stepped forward to organize a series of demonstrations in favor of a
five-district electoral reform plan. In the beginning of the electoral reform campaigns, the
core group of activists numbered about just a dozen young women and men. They
organized the first ‘We want five’ demonstration on impulse, sending text messages to
friends to gather outside the Sayf Palace on May 5, when a cabinet meeting was scheduled.
At the demonstrations opposition politicians delivered confrontational speeches (Kuwait
Times, May 6, 2006; al-Rai al-Aam, May 6, 2006; al-Seyassah, May 6, 2006; al-Qabas,
May 6, 2006; Khaleej Times, 6 May 2006). Text messages were forwarded to friends of
friends, and about 200 young Kuwaitis wearing orange T-shirts and waving orange flags
showed up in front of the palace. The movement had spread into Diwaniyyas in which
regular open meetings held in private homes and discussed about the electoral reforms.
Extensive press coverage ensured that news of the demonstration would spread. The
warm and positive reception sparked a decision to hold another rally, at night, outside the
parliament the following weeks.3 The leaders of the electoral reform movement succeeded
3
See, the local news papers in that period such as Kuwait Times; al-Rai al-Aam;
al-Seyassah; al-Qabas. See also, Mary Ann Tetreault, “Kuwait’s Annus
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
19
to mobilize civil rights activists, student volunteers, and the press.
The government countered with a ten-district proposal which seemed designed to trigger
the antagonism it quickly provoked. When redistricting proponents resisted the ploy, a
cabinet member proposed forwarding the plan to the Constitutional Court, an apparent
delaying tactic. But the opposition leader, MP al-Sadoun, threatened to interrogate the
Prime Minister and went to forward (Kuwait Times, May 14, 2006, May 20, 2006; al-Rai
al-Aam, May 14, 2006, May 20, 2006; al-Qabas, May 14, 2006; al-Seyassah, May 14,
2006).
The ruling family miscalculated the situation and could not grasp the political and public
currents in the Kuwaiti society. The ruling family has been weakened while the civil and
opposition forces strengthened. The autonomy of the state institutions and other societal
actors improved. Moreover, the students and reform movement activists had the courage to
interrupt their routine activities, to step forward from their private lives in order to create a
public space where freedom could appear, and to act in such a way (D’Entrèves 1993, 68).
Political action always has consequences that are unforeseen by its initiators, as
Hannah Arendt puts it: “The reason why we are never able to foretell with certainty the
outcome and end of any action is simply that action has no end” (Arendt 1958, 233). Each
actor sets off processes and enters into the inextricable web of actions and events to
which all other actors also contribute, with the result that the outcome can never be
predicted from the intentions of any particular actor (D’Entrèves 1993).
On May 21, 2006, the Amir dissolved the parliament and called for new elections. The
opposition, which focused its campaign for the election on the issue of the number of
constituencies, won 33 of the 50 elected parliamentary seats. Twenty one out of 29
reformist ex-MPs who formed the nucleus of the opposition alliance were re-elected. They
were joined by at least 11 new members, including prominent figures in opposition circles,
new Islamists and young liberals with anti-corruption platforms.
On July 17, 2006 after the elections, the National Assembly approved the five
constituencies’ bill (al-Watan, July 18, 2006; al-Rai al-Aam, May 17, 2005; KUNA, July
17, 2006).
Mirabilis,” Middle East Report Online, September 7, 2006. http://merip.org/
mero/mero090706.html (Search: 2007.11.15).
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
4) Media Innovations
The high-tech mobile telephones and internet communication mechanism contributed to
the electoral reform movement and the victory for the opposition camp in the 2006
parliament elections. The movement activists sent reams of text messages, using lists of cell
phone numbers generated from records of attendees asked to sign in at events. Some
messages, featuring rumor and gossip, were campaign tricks designed to make another
parliament election candidate look bad. Most focused on thanking the recipient for his or
her support and offered information about the candidate’s next event.
Blogs were a more important innovation. Voters could read some of the more sensational
blog postings in daily newspapers. The electoral reform movement, ‘Orange Movement’
leadership maintained a blog originating in the United States, managed jointly by overseas
Kuwaiti students and one of the reform movement organizers. This blog, KuwaitJunior,
provided running news and commentary during the Amiri transition in January 2006.
During the 2006 election campaign, it brought electoral corruption into the public eye. A
woman posted a posting in which shows a case of vote-buying behavior (Tetreault 2007).
The third media innovation came from broadcasts sent via private satellite stations into
Kuwait. These broadcasts consisted primarily of videotapes of candidate forums, speeches
and debates. The programs provided by the Alliance, a two-year old opposition umbrella
group, featured speakers critical of the government and prominent in the
movement for redistricting. The information minister tried to shut these satellite
broadcasts down, arguing that they did not cover all the candidates equally and therefore
were biased - the same reason commonly given for why state-owned electronic media do
not cover campaign events. The government put pressure on ArabSat, the broadcaster, to
stop carrying the programs. When ArabSat complied, the Alliance shifted its broadcasts to
HotBird, a service fewer Kuwaitis subscribe to, but KuwaitJunior and other blogs posted
links offering streaming video for those without TV access (Tetreault 2007).
5) International Community
The international level actors such as the United States, international civil rights
organizations, and other NGOs have an influence in the Kuwaiti democratization process in
general and in the electoral reform movement in particular. The US Government’s
Freedom Agenda in Kuwait is very important means for the facilitating
democratization process in Kuwait. Demands for political reform came from outside not
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
21
only from exiles abroad during the Iraqi occupation, but also from countries that, having
sent troops to liberate Kuwait, expected its leaders to behave better than the ousted invader.
Despite clerical and even popular criticism, after liberation, foreign ambassadors and NGOs
pressed for women’s rights, protection for stateless persons, better treatment of maids and
other foreign workers, and structural changes to open Kuwait’s economy and political
system. That each of these causes was also advocated by Kuwaitis does not diminish the
usefulness of external support from those whose good opinion Kuwaiti leaders value. Such
external advocacy is not only an additional check on backsliding toward a more
authoritarian past, but is also evidence that other governments support democratization in
the Middle East (Tetreault 2007).
Ⅴ. Women’s Enfranchisement and 2006 Elections
Kuwaiti women have been lobbying and struggling for political rights for more than three
decades. And in May 1999, the Kuwaiti Amir issued a decree which extends political rights
to women although the Amir had not been an active supporter for the women’s aspirations.
Haya al-Mughni and Mary Ann Tetreault argue that the Amir’s action reflected the ruler’s
political and strategic interests (Tetreault 2007).
According to them, the government has a vested interest in knowing who the voters are.
When the base opens it makes it harder to control. The government calculates on the
political base. The government knows and can predict what the base will do. If you add
women, this becomes unpredictable and may change the rules of the game and status quo.
The government was careful and did not want to open the system too much at that time
(Arab Times, June 21, 1999; June 24, 1997).
Haya al-Mughni and Mary Ann Tetreault suggest that the women’s rights decree altered
the politics of lobbying for measures dealing with other contentious issues such as
privatization and reopening domestic oil production to foreign participation.
The Kuwaiti ruling family may be anticipated the Islamist-dominated parliament to reject
the bill, but still hoped to gain favorable international publicity by simply introducing the
legislation. It also could have been a strategic move to counter the opposition which
attempted the controversial electoral redistricting legislation. Backed by liberal and Shiite
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
members, the redistricting bill would reduce Kuwait’s the then 25 electoral districts to ten
districts of equal size. The districts at that time generally favored pro-government
candidates and for this reason the cabinet had sought to block the redistricting bill.
The government and the rulers undoubtedly saw practical benefits to themselves from
this change. The loudest critics of the Amiri decree were Sunni Islamists, who offered a
variety of proposals to reduce its scope and impact during the 1999 campaign season. Shi’i
Islamists took the other side; consequently, by his decision the Amir divides Sunni from
Shi’i Islamists and reduces Islamist cohesion.
Also, many Kuwaitis believe that women are more likely to support traditional values
than men. Women might look to the regime as the last traditional force whose
enfranchisement would strengthen its position. The Amir’s decision could shift the balance
of domestic political forces away from parliament and toward the ruling family. However,
as Hannah Arendt cautioned, political action always has consequences that are unforeseen
by its initiators. Like the “desertization” strategy underlying the government’s alteration of
the political system prior to the 1981 election, the 1999 “feminization” strategy also
produced unexpected results (Tétreault 2000).
In November 1999, the Kuwaiti parliament vetoed the Amir’s decree on
constitutional grounds. Shortly thereafter members of the Assembly introduced identical
legislation, but it also was defeated.
The Islamic Constitutional Movement (ICM), Kuwait’s main Islamist group (Brown
2007) and an affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood, indicated its approval of the legislation,
although a recent poll of the ICM rank-and-file revealed that the overwhelming majority
opposes allowing women to run for office.
On 16 May 2005 the National Assembly voted to give women the right to vote and to run
for office in all elections. Both the first and the second readings of the bill were passed on
the 16th. The votes recorded are for the second reading. The final vote was 35 for, 23
against, with one abstention. Of the Yes votes, 21 were cast by elected members of the
National Assembly, and the remainder by ministers. All 23 No votes were cast by elected
members of the National Assembly (al-Rai al-Am, 17 May 2005).
Only one of the 14 members of parliament who came together in the Sunni Islamist bloc
voted in favor of a law granting women the right to vote and run for public office in May
2005. All five Shiite MPs in parliament, including the four Islamists among them, voted for
the legislation.
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
23
The Amir Sheikh al-Sabah dissolved the parliament on May 21, 2006 and called on
eligible Kuwaiti voters to elect members of the National Assembly in general elections to
be held on June 29, 2006. Kuwaiti Women took part in the 2006 elections for the first time
as voters and candidates but none won seats. The women voters were 57 percent of a total
of 339,977 voters, including 145,363 males and 194,614 females. Participation of
registered voters reached 77 percent among men and 58 percent among women (KUNA,
May 21 2006; KUNA, July 11, 2006).
For the Kuwaiti Islamists, the subject of political rights for women was one of the most
intense controversies. Actually, it was one of the most internally divisive issues in the
history of the Islamic Constitutional Movement (ICM). Two separate matters were at issue
— whether or not women could vote and whether they could run for office. From the point
of view of the Islamic Sharia, many movement leaders felt that there was no real objection
to women voting, but some members of the ICM’s conservative voter base opposed any
change to Kuwait’s male-only franchise. Therefore, the ICM expressed its concerns less in
terms of Islamic law and more in terms of the barriers to open campaigning in a
gender-segregated society.
The matter of women suffrage was not only internally divisive but also politically
embarrassing in the short term. But in the longer term, the movement’s defeat may have
been a blessing in several ways. First, it resolved what had been a divisive debate within the
ICM. Second, the addition of women voters may have strengthened the ICM — members
recount how one of their leading parliamentarians, Nasser al-Sani’, was going down to
defeat in the 2006 elections until the women’s ballots (cast separately in gender-segregated
polling) were counted. Finally, the ICM was able to show its fealty to the constitutional
process: while it lost on the issue in the parliamentary arena, it accepted the result. Some
ICM leaders even talk about eventually fielding women candidates.
As the results of the 2006 elections in which Kuwaiti women voters took part show that
the Islamists, especially the ICM, were victorious though we could not isolate the variable
of women’s voting from the other variables by which the elections results have been
influenced.
Kuwaiti women candidates could not get a seat at the 2008 election too. However,
despite failed attempts in the consecutive two elections, four women won
parliamentary seats in general elections, held on May 16, 2009 (New York Times, May 17,
2009).
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Ⅵ. ‘Arab Spring’ and Kuwaiti Elections
1. 2011 Arab Spring and February 2012 Election
Since 2006, the opposition has become more vocal and assertive. Increasingly
empowered Kuwait Islamists and tribalists4 opposition group had been integrated to the
parliament and begun to side with the opposition group on the one hand and the Kuwaiti
parliament became caught up in the disputes and splits among the ruling family members
on the other. Various factions of the ruling family used the parliament to attack the
Prime Minister Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah and his allies. The splits within the ruling
family were worsening the conflict between government and parliament as the Prime
Minister Nasser’s opponent factions of the ruling family used parliament to push their
agenda (Reuters, Jun 7, 2011). The Amir and the Prime Minister Nasser responded with
cabinet shuffles and dissolutions of the parliament. The political gridlock continued with
repeated elections and cabinet reshuffles. But such measures have not resolved the chronic
political instability and stalemate between the government and the parliament (Katzman
2014, 3-4).
The opposition group has won 34 out of the 50 seats in 2006 and 31 seats in 2008
elections<Table 2>. A loose pro-reform coalition of parliamentary political groups, led by
Islamists, tribalists, nationalists and liberals, and supported by a popular youth movement
has defeated the pro-government candidates in the two elections.
On March 19, 2009, the Amir, Sheikh al-Sabah dissolved again the parliament when the
opposition members of the parliament initiated an interpellation (‘grilling’) against the
prime minister on his handling of the global financial crisis and alleged misuse of public
funds (Katzman 2014, 4). After just one year from the 2008 parliamentary elections,
4
The tribes, who had been the traditional allies of the ruling al-Sabah family and
brought into the political process in the 1960s in response to the Nasserist
opposition, have integrated into the opposition camp and become an important
political actor in the power struggle between the government and the parliament.
See Shafeeq Ghabra, "Kuwait: At the Crossroads of Change or Political
Stagnation," MEI Policy Paper 2014-2, Middle East Institute, May 20, 2014, 3-4.
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol 25
Kuwaitis again had another early election in May 2009 with Sunni Islamists, Shiites,
liberals, and tribal representatives all winning seats. It became more government friendly
parliament. Still, the prime minister had to face at the renewed attack from the opposition
groups after the election. He went before the parliament in December to answer to
allegations of corruption and survived a subsequent vote of confidence (Freedom House
2013).
<Table 2> Results of Kuwait’s National Assembly Elections
Liberals &
Nationalists
Shiite
17
8
2
9
-
14
22
8
3
3
-
50
14
24
7
5
-
0
May 2009
50
21
13
7
6
3
(4)
Feb 2012
50
18
23
9
9
1
0
Dec 2012
50
28
4
1
17
-
(3)
July 2013
50
30
3
9
8
Year
Total
Pro-govt Islamists
July 2003
50
14
June 2006
50
May 2008
Others Women
(2)
Sources : Mary Ann Tétreault, Stories of Democracy: Politics and Society in
Contemporary Kuwait, New York: Columbia University Press, 2000;
Michael Herb, Kuwait Politics Database
[http://www2.gsu.edu/~polmfh/database/database.htm]; Kenneth
Katzman, “Kuwait: Security, Reform, and U.S. Policy,” Congressional
Research Service, p.8. Al-Qabas; Al-Rai al-Am; Al-Watan; Al-Hayat;
Al-Jarida; KUNA in various dates.
The Arab uprisings that began in Tunisia and Egypt have affected Kuwaiti politics,
broadening the opposition power beyond parliament although the influence had been
limited in the beginning. In February 2011, the parliamentary opposition and a
number of independent youth organizations called for the resignation of Interior Minister
Jabir al-Khalid Al Sabah for the alleged torturing to death of a man in custody and the
Interior Minister resigned (Katzman 2014, 11-2). On March 31, 2011, the prime minister
and his cabinet resigned (Arab Times, March 31, 2011). The government’s resignation was
26
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
the sixth since the Prime Minister, Nasser Mohammed al-Ahmed al-Sabah, had been
appointed to his post in 2006.
Civil unrest has been across the country and several protests calling for the government’s
resignation have taken place with the support of the opposition members of the parliament.
In the first stage, the opposition’s planned demonstration attracted only a few hundred
participants (Katzman 2014, 5). The opposition, supported by youth movements, began to
garner tens of thousands of demonstrators after the revelation of the information on the
private bank accounts of some 13 members of parliament and the opposition accused the
MPs of allegedly having accepted bribes in return for voting with the government (Ahram
Online, 17 Jun 2014; Katzman 2014, 5; Ghabra 2014, 11-2; Al-Barrak, 2012). Tensions
between the government and the public persisted throughout 2011 and the broadly based
coalition of opposition, including Islamists and liberals, targeted combating corruption and
removing the Prime Minister Nasser Mohammed al-Sabah, who was accused of corruption
(New York Times, November 28, 2011). On November 16, 2011, many youth supported by
opposition members of parliament, such as Musallam al-Barak, stormed the parliament
building and demanded the prime minister’s resignation. In the end, the prime minister and
his cabinet resigned on November 28, 2011 (BBC News, 28 November 2011). It was the
first resignation of the prime minister that resulted from the direct public pressure in any
GCC country. The Amir, Sheik Sabah al-Ahmed al-Sabah, dissolved parliament on
December 6, 2011, scheduling of new elections for February 2, 2012 (New York Times,
February 3, 2012; Ghabra 2014; Freedom House 2013).
In December 2011, a group of opposition MPs aligned, establishing a loose opposition
bloc of 20 and competed in the February 2012 elections as one ‘opposition bloc.’
Opposition youth groups also supported the opposition bloc. They advocated an elected
parliamentary government in which the prime minister is selected by the parliament and not
headed by ruling family members, legalization of political parties, and legislation to fight
corruption (Katzman 2014, 5; Gulf Business Intelligence, May 2014). In the elections,
the Islamists-led opposition defeated the pro-government candidates decisively,
taking 35 of the 50 seats in the National Assembly (BBC News, 3 February 2012; Ghabra
2014; New York Times, February 3, 2012). The Arab uprisings, combined with the
revelation of the government’s corruption scandal and support of the youth movements,
empowered the loosely aligned opposition bloc (BBC News, 28 November 2011).
After the elections, the opposition lawmakers, who hold a parliamentary majority,
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
27
demanded nine of the sixteen cabinet seats. But they were offered four posts and unable to
strike a deal (Reuters, Jun 18, 2012). Then, the opposition MPs renewed their attacks
against the government and repeatedly summoned ministers for questioning, leading two
ministers to resign rather than complying and possibly facing confidence motions. And
the Amir, Sheik Sabah al-Ahmed al-Sabah, suspended parliament for a month to
avert a political crisis (Reuters, Jun 18, 2012).
2. 2012 Change of Electoral System and December 2012 - July 2013
Elections
While the government could not solve the stalemate by cabinet reshufflings and
parliament elections, it initiated a change of rules in the elections, introducing the new
actor, the constitutional court, in the political process. The national constitutional
court ruled in June 2012 that the parliament had been elected unconstitutionally, basing on
procedural flaws (BBC News, 27 June 2012) and reinstating the 2009 pro-government
parliament.5 The government welcomed its decision. The court’s decision, however,
prompted renewed large-scale protests in June, with tens of thousands of people
demonstrating and calling for new elections (JURIST, August 10, 2012). And the reinstated
assembly failed to hold any meeting despite being invited to meet on July 31 and August 7,
2012 (Al-Jazeera, October 07, 2012).
The government again tried to change the rules of the game in parliament. On August 10,
2012 the government asked the national constitutional court to review the legality of the
electoral law of “five districts, four votes” system (Ghabra 2014, 13) which was revised in
2006, the revision initiated by the opposition and youth movements. The government
argued that the 2006 election law violates the country’s constitution (JURIST, August 10,
2012). On September 27, 2012, the constitutional court rejected the government bid to alter
the electoral law (Reuters, September 27, 2012).
Nevertheless, the government did not abandon the effort to change the rules in the
5
The 2009 pro-government assembly that the court reinstated had been unable to
convene due to a boycott by MPs. See, Reuters, “Kuwaiti emir to make next
move in political standoff: speaker,” Sep. 27, 2012. http://www.reuters.com/
article/2012/09/27/us-kuwait-politics-idUSBRE88Q0JC20120927 (Search: 2014.06.07).
28
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
elections. On October 07, 2012, the Amir dissolved the National Assembly formally and
scheduled a new election for December 1, 2012 (Al-Jazeera, October 07, 2012).
Simultaneously, he issued ‘a decree of urgency’ on 19 October, 2012, altering the election
law which allows voters in each district to vote for only one candidate while the previous
law allowed the voters could vote the four per district (BBC News, October 22, 2012;
Katzman 2014, 14-5). The opposition argued that the new electoral law was designed to
manipulate the ballot and weaken the opposition (BBC News, October 20, 2012). They
angered because the Amir changed the electoral system unilaterally, alienating the
legislature. This single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system is relatively rare in the
western democratic countries (Ghabra 2014, 13). Under the new rules, each voter would
cast only one vote for one of the 50 to 80 candidates in a district. Each of the five districts
would continue to elect ten representatives, putting the total number of MPs at 50. The
Amir called for new elections based on this new law (Ghabra 2014, 13).
The opposition rallied against the revised election rules and boycotted the December
2012 election. On October 21, 2012, it held an unprecedented demonstration of an
estimated about 100,000 Kuwaitis. Smaller demonstrations took place subsequently,
including one held on October 31, 2012, calling for the freeing of outspoken oppositionist
Musallam al-Barrak6, a former MP who was arrested on October 15, 2012, for allegedly
6
Musallam Al-Barrak was a member of the Kuwaiti National Assembly. He had
been elected for six consecutive terms, making him the longest-serving member
of parliament. In 2011 and 2012, Al-Barrak played a leading role in protests
calling for political reform. In April 2012, he was stripped of his parliamentary
immunity by the National Assembly for participating in the storming of the
parliament building by protesters. In October 2012, Al-Barrak made a speech in
which he broke with Kuwaiti precedent by criticizing the Amir, Sabah Al-Ahmad
Al-Jabir Al-Sabah directly. He was arrested on 29 October for “undermining the
status of the Amir” and released on bail four days later. On 15 April 2013, he was
sentenced to five years in prison. See, The Economist, “Kuwait’s opposition: A
reawakening,” April 17, 2014. http://www.economist.com/blogs/pomegranate/2014/04/
kuwaits-opposition (Search: 2014.07.23); Doug Bandow, “The Arab Spring Comes
To Kuwait: Will Democracy Arrive And Liberty Thrive?,” Forbes, December 10, 2012.
http://www.forbes.com/sites/dougbandow/2012/12/10/the-arab-spring-comes-to-kuwait-will
-democracy-arrive-and-liberty-thrive/ (Search: 2014.07.23); EIU, “Kuwait politics:
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
29
insulting the Amir. On November 2, 2012, the government announced it would enforce an
October 2012 ban on gatherings of over 20 persons.
Because the opposition boycotted the vote, the December 2012 election under the new
electoral law produced a decidedly pro-government parliament as shown in the <Table 2>.
Twenty-eight pro-government independents and seventeen Shiites (generally
pro-government orientation) were elected to the new parliament, including three
women (BBC News, October 20, 2012). The number of the main opposition group Sunni
Islamists, most of them boycotted, decreased from twenty- three to just four including two
Salafis (Katzman 2014, 6). The voter turnout was 43% according the Information Ministry
of Kuwait, much lower one compared to 60% in previous February 2012 election (KUNA,
July 27, 2013; BBC News. 20 October 2012).
After the December 2012 election, the constitutional court again stepped in the political
process. On June 17, 2013, the constitutional court nullified the December 2012 election,
basing on procedural flaws7 and dissolved the National Assembly again, but at the same
time it upheld the controversial Amiri decree that amended the electoral law and sparked
street protests.
The July 2013 election, under the new electoral law, generated another
overwhelmingly pro-government Assembly. In spite of the boycott of the opposition,
mainly the Muslim Brotherhood and some prominent tribal figures, the voter turnout was
52.5% according the government, higher than that of the previous December 2012 election
(BBC News, July 28, 2013). Thirty pro-government independents (which include tribalists,
pro-business deputies and women) and eighteen Shiites were elected to the 2013 Assembly
including two women. Liberal candidates won nine seats, compared with just one in the
7
Quick View - Protests and clashes rock Kuwait,” Jul 8, 2014; BBC News,
“Kuwait: Ex-MP Mussallam al-Barrak freed on bail,” 1 November 2012.
The constitutional court based its decision to nullify the December 2012 election
process on the basis that another October 2012 Amiri decree to establish the
National Election Committee is “unconstitutional”, saying there was no urgency
in issuing the decree. See, Kuwait Times, “Court upholds one-vote decree, scraps
assembly – New elections to be held – Opposition slams ruling,” By B Izzak,
June 17, 2013; BBC News. “Kuwait calls December election after months of
unrest”. 20 October 2012. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-20015884
(Search: 2014.07.20)
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
December 2012 election (BBC News, July 28, 2013). This election results reflect a ‘deft
move’ (Herb 2013, 2) of the government and successful government cooptation of
tribalists and liberals. Under the new electoral law of ‘one voter one vote’ system, bigger
tribes were harmed considerably and it allowed the government to recruit some of the
smaller tribes and other electoral blocs which had been unable to get seats previously into
the National Assembly (Herb 2013, 2). That means that the ruling family’s change of the
rules of game in the parliamentary elections was successful and it could manage the
government affairs more effectively although the disputes and splits among the ruling
family members have been exacerbated recently as the competition for rulership has
intensified (Reuters, Jun 7, 2011; Washington Post, May 8, 2014).
Ⅶ. Summary and Conclusion
Kuwait is a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, which are comprised
of six Arab-Muslim authoritarian monarchies. For decades, Kuwaiti opposition members in
the National Parliament and civil rights activists have struggled to reform the
parliamentary electoral system. During the period between 2005 and 2006, they
have achieved a remarkable success in the reforms of the parliamentary electoral
system, including the women’s suffrage and the redrawing of the electoral districts.
In recent years, the Kuwaiti ruling family has been divided because of the power
struggle within the family. The succession crisis in 2006 is a good example.
Following the death of the Amir, Sheikh Jabir al-Ahmad al-Sabah in January 2006, the
royal family faced one of the most serious succession crises in its history. As the royal
family was unable to reach an agreement on succession, it was resolved by the National
Assembly. This case illustrates the division and power struggle within the ruling family
for succession. As a result, Kuwaiti parliament was unwillingly dragged into the
succession dispute. In the process, it seems that the ruling family itself gave up its exclusive
right to decide on succession, and invited the parliament as a participant in the critical state
decision-making process.
This study has examined the legislative processes regarding the enfranchisement of
women and the electoral redistricting reform focusing on Kuwaiti parliament, National
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
31
Assembly. It has also explored the factors which influenced on the reforms.
Regarding the introduction of women’s suffrage bill, the ruling family initiated the
legislative action by issuing an Amiri decree in 1999, although the Amir had not been an
active supporter for the bill. It seems that the Amir’s action reflected the ruler’s political and
strategic interests. This could have been a move to counter the opposition’s electoral
redistricting initiative, using “divide and rule” tactic toward the two opposition camps:
liberal/Shiite political groups and Sunni Islamists.
It is, however, irony that the legislation for women’s enfranchisement is enhancing
political interests of the Sunni Islamists, instead of those of the liberals who have fought for
the enfranchisement for decades. It is because of that the Kuwaiti women are more
traditional and conservative, and prefer to vote for the Islamists and male candidates. The
results of the parliamentary elections in 2006 show us this trend.
We have also examined the process of the electoral reform of constituencies and explored
the factors which contributed to the electoral reform. During the process, we can know that
the power and cohesiveness of the ruling family have been weakened, while the Islamic
movement, especially the power of the ICM, has been strengthened in the Kuwaiti society
in general. Gradually, the Islamists have become a major actor in the Kuwaiti political
process and in the parliament. In fact, they have become a hegemonic power in the Kuwaiti
society, penetrating into political, economic, academic and religious arenas.
Since 2006, the opposition has become more vocal and assertive. The reforms of the
parliamentary electoral system in 2006 and the women’s suffrage have
contributed to empower Kuwait Islamists and tribalists. Especially newly risen tribalists
have been integrated to the parliament and begun to side with the opposition group. And the
Kuwaiti parliament became caught up in the disputes and splits among the ruling family
members. Various factions of the ruling family used the parliament to attack the Prime
Minister Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah and his allies. Recently the splits within the ruling
family are worsening the existing conflict between the government and parliament as the
former Prime Minister Nasser’s opponent factions of the ruling family used parliament to
push their agenda. The political gridlock continued with repeated elections and cabinet
reshuffles. But such measures have not resolved the chronic political instabilities and
stalemates between the government and the parliament even though the government
succeeded to take a majority in the parliament by the change of the rules of game in
the parliament elections.
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
The 2011 ‘Arab spring’ has affected Kuwaiti politics, broadening the opposition power
beyond the parliament. Civil unrests have been widespread across the country and several
protests calling for the government’s resignation have taken place with the support of the
opposition members of the parliament. In the first stage, however, the opposition’s planned
demonstration attracted only a few hundred participants. When the serious political
corruption case was revealed by local mass media and this was combined with the ‘Arab
spring’, the opposition could garner tens of thousands of demonstrators in their struggle
for removal of the Prime Minister Nasser Mohammed al-Sabah, who was accused of
corruption and they succeeded in it in 2011.
While the government could not solve the stalemate by cabinet shuffles and parliament
elections, it attempted to change the rules in the elections. This rule change
influenced on the victory of the pro-government candidates in the December 2012 and July
2013 parliamentary elections. This ‘deft move’ has made the ruling family to manage the
government affairs easier although the disputes and feuds among the ruling family
members have been exacerbated recently as the competition for state power has been
intensified.
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
33
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Democracy, New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 261-283.
_______, (1994). “Democracy without Democrats? The Potential for Political
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Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’ / Choe, Young-Chol
37
<Abstract>
Kuwaiti Political Reforms after the ‘Arab Spring’:
An Analysis of the Kuwaiti Parliamentary Elections
Choe, Young-Chol (Seoul Jangsin University)
This paper examines the ‘Arab Spring’ and the Parliamentary Elections in Kuwait. It also
reviews the process of the electoral reform of constituencies and explores the factors which
contributed to the electoral reform. During the process, it found that the power and
cohesiveness of the ruling family have been weakened, while the Islamic movement,
especially the power of the ICM, has been strengthened in Kuwaiti society in general.
Gradually, the Islamists have become a major factor in the Kuwaiti political process and in
the parliament. In fact, they have become a hegemonic power in Kuwaiti society,
penetrating into political, economic, academic and religious arenas.
The 2011 ‘Arab spring’ has affected Kuwaiti politics, broadening opposition’s influences
beyond the parliament and civil unrests have been widespread across the country. In several
occasions, protesters were even calling for cabinet resignation with the support of the
opposition members of the parliament. When a serious political corruption case was
revealed by a local mass media at the time of the ‘Arab spring’, the opposition mobilized
tens of thousands of demonstrators in their struggle for removal of the Prime Minister
Sheikh Nasser Mohammed al-Sabah, who was accused of corruption.
When the government was not able to solve the stalemate by cabinet reshufflings and
parliament elections, it attempted to change the election rules. These rule changes
influenced on the victory of the pro-government candidates in the December 2012 and July
2013 parliamentary elections. Although the disputes and feuds among the ruling family
members have been exacerbated recently because of the competition among the
potential successors, this 'deft move' has made the ruling family to manage government
affairs easier.
38
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Key Words : Kuwait, Political Reforms, Political System, Parliamentary Elections,
al-Sabah Ruling Family, Islamists, Electoral System Reform, Women’s
Enfranchisement.
The GCC Institute
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
39-55
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks
to Inculcate National Identity into Youth in Kuwait:
A Study of Elementary School Textbook ‘al-Tarbiyat
al-Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’
Kim, Eun-Ji
<Contents>
Ⅰ. Introduction
Ⅱ. Textbooks and Ideology
Curriculum and Social Textbook in Kuwaiti Government Elementary
Schools
Ⅳ. Conclusion
Ⅲ.

This brief research is intended as a corner stone to my forthcoming work on the
doctorate dissertation.

PhD Candidate in Graduate School of International and Area Studies, Hankuk
University of Foreign Studies
Eun-ji Kim is a lecturer in the Department of Arabic Interpretation and
Translation, Collage of Interpretation and Translation, Hankuk University of
Foreign Studies. She is currently doing her phD program at the Graduate School
of International and Area Studies in the same university. Her research interests
include the correlation between education and national identity; an effect of
education on youth in the GCC countries, especially in Kuwait and UAE; Mass
Media effect on youth in the same region.
E-mail: anamaryam04@gmail.com
40
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Ⅰ. Introduction
In recent years, there have been several debates on economic and social problems in the
Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC) due to the imbalanced composition of the population.
According to Ali, the whole national rate in GCC countries in 2010 was 41%, with UAE
nationals only accounting for 12% of its population. Qatar and Kuwait follow 13% and
30% respectably (2012, 1). GCC governments recognize that this problem has been caused
by the influx of foreign migrant population and the lack of economically active nationals in
the private sectors or labor spots. Therefore governments implemented policies to
nationalize the workforce.
Kuwait, one of the members of the GCC and third lowest national rate country,
announced that the government will not issue a visa for new labor immigrants from 2013
and will control and reduce the number of immigrants from almost 3 million to 1 million in
ten years (Trenwith 2013). There are not only an economic problems as has been noted
earlier, but there are also social problems. As the number of immigrants increased, English
became the universal language and other cultures were introduced into society. These other
cultures have mixed with local Kuwaiti cultures and have had influence on local society.
Kuwaitis, especially elders who experienced the establishment of their country and the Gulf
War, started to raise concerns about their national identity and their loss of identity as
Kuwaiti nationals, Arabs and Muslims.
The Kuwaiti government has made efforts to keep their own identity and to reinforce it
through educational policy and educational reforms. The national report ‘Development of
Education in the State of Kuwait 2004-2008’, recently issued by the Ministry of Education,
specifies reasons of educational reform politically, economically, socially and culturally. It
explains that education contributes to obeying regulations, the constitution and democracy
in political terms. Education also helps in encouraging citizenship and a feeling of
belonging in society. In terms of culture, education strengthens national identity and
positive thinking. In this context, the ministry of education emphasized the need to reform
educational policy(The National Report, 23).
Previous studies on nationalization in GCC countries usually deal with economic reform
or policy. As mentioned before, however, a way of nationalization to solidify national
formation is not limited to the economic area. It has the ability to extend other areas such as
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
41
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
political reform, society and education. This research will focus on the link between
education and the nationalization of the Kuwaiti identity. It differs with previous studies
which mainly focused on economic reform or policy. The aim of this study is to
showhow the Kuwaiti government educates their nationals to impose citizenship and
proper national identity as a Kuwaiti.
There are many elements of education like curriculum, teaching method, learning activity,
textbooks, etc. Though it is hard to handle all elements of education comprehensively, this
research will be limited to an analysis of textbooks, especially elementary social studies
textbooks. A school textbook is a universal medium, used to materialize educational
curriculum and is combined with the social system or regulation and history. It also
conveys a national identity (Kim 2014,51; Rah 2007, 261). In this context, research on
textbooks of the country is considered important work.
Recently, selection of history textbooks in Korea caused a big debate due to distortion of
texts from the selected textbook. This kind of debate is not just unprecedented. Many
countries have experienced similar events due to the importance of texts in
history and social textbooks. Governments are continuing to make reforms to
overcome this issue. The aim of this study is to highlight aspects of text itself from social
textbooks in Kuwaiti elementary schools, especially government schools due to the fixed
curriculum. Private schools in Kuwait do not adopt government textbooks and
manage their own curriculum. Therefore, it is difficult to analyze data from every private
school.
Discussion in this study will concentrate that aim on analyzing how government
elementary school social textbooks in Kuwait are comprised of texts and images to embed
national image. Chapter 1 have been demonstrated along with several points relating to the
nationalization phenomenon in GCC countries, various variables that affect the scope of
this study. Chapter 2 deals with a brief explanation of the correlation between textbooks
and ideology, and gives a theoretical literature review of education reform or text analysis
in the state of Kuwait and Arab countries.
Chapter 3 describes Kuwait’s elementary school curriculum and composition of
textbooks. Then, texts and images in elementary school textbooks are dealt with in detail.
This chapter also looks at contexts and narrative in regard to Kuwaiti national images,
which reflect the intention of the Kuwaiti government. In the concluding chapter, this study
briefly summarizes research results and its limitations.
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
II. Textbooks and Ideology
1. Social School Textbooks and Ideology
The Encyclopedia Britannica defines a textbook as “a book used in the study of a
subject”. In addition, a textbook is usually defined as a teaching material or an edited book
helpingto teach in an easier way(Encyclopedia Doosan). It is also a combination
of text forms used in the class and contents in the textbook are composed for students who
learn in the class. Therefore the text is important itself even though there is a gap between
the text and contents of class(Matthias 2009, 129). The time dedicated to the textbook in the
public education is higher than private schools and the textbook is the only common
material used in every school. The other function of textbook is to help the student
understand regulation and historical context in society.
The main author of textbook is very crucial because contents of a textbook are generally
decided by main author, editor and publisher(Apple, 1991). A government which controls
the whole procedure, also shows a lot of power in the process of deliberation and decision
making. Therefore, the textbook is able to be considered as a reproduced medium of
ideology which has been influencedfrom agents rather than only a teaching material. This
kind of involvement is easily recognized from a social school textbook. Regularly, as
reformers or decision makers changed, the context of social school textbooks also changed.
For example, in early 1900s American social studies emerged with the growing number of
immigrants to America to support the formation of American citizenship. In the 1960s, the
characteristics of American social studies turned into a study to explore and analyze the
social phenomenon. After globalization the characteristics changed to teach rational
decision making and follow social regulations (Rah, 258-259).
Barr, Barth and Shermisclassified the aims for educating people about social studies into
three alternative traditions; citizenship transmission, social science education and reflective
inquiry(1977: cited in Sim&Print 2005, 65). They explain that social studies supports
society through teaching history, social norms and cultural heritage and can also to explore
the phenomenon find proper ideas from foregoers to solve social problems. This research
focuses more on discovering the first tradition, citizenship transmission, from elementary
social school textbooks in Kuwait to confirm identity and thought in society.
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
43
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
2. Previous Studies on Text Analysis of Textbooks
The correlation between contents of textbooks and student’s thinking has been discussed
in academia in diverse ways. Scholars build hypothesis to define the correlation and
analyze composition of contents, context, structure narrative, ideology in the textbook.
Matthias(2009) revealed how teachers and textbooks in Mexico, Argentina and Peru affect
national identity formation. He found that Argentine and Peruvian teachers did not use
textbooks in the class due to textbooks containing the intention of the government.
Murray(2008) demonstrated the change of educational policy in Palestine after the
Israel-Palestine conflict and stressed the involvement of international organizations and the
government in educational policy. She concluded that education is not neutral but political
and ideological.Koo(2014) analyzed Islamic ideology in Iranian school textbooks and
emphasized that the textbooks contain more texts relatingto Shi’i Muslims and Islamic
ethnicity before the Islamic revolution.
Research on the correlation between education and national identity of Kuwaiti students
is still in an early stage. There have been few previous studies concentrating on a relation
between education and politics or analysis of education in Kuwait. Al-Anzi and
Gharabeh(2006) who disclosed political culture of Kuwaiti secondary school students
explained that public secondary school students have more knowledge, political
efficiency and political trust than private school students. According to Kim(2011)
university students who graduated in public schools have relatively higher political
consciousness than private school graduates. However, both public and private school
graduates do not have the intention to exert political power and to exercise suffrage. Also,
there have been analysis of curriculum evaluation, teaching and learning methods, teacher’s
opinions. Still research on analyzing basic texts or contents in the textbook is few and
necessary. This article attempts to explore contents and texts in the social textbooks of
Kuwaiti government elementary schools to reveal the government’s intention to make
solidify a national identity.
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Ⅲ. Curriculum and Social Textbook in Kuwaiti Government
Elementary Schools
1. Curriculum in Elementary Schools of Kuwait
Education is a right of every citizen in Kuwait. The main purpose of education is to
produce a thoughtful citizen who works actively in society. The development strategy
underlines the role of education. It highlighted that education helps to make a balance
between the protection of local cultural identities and preparing for change of various
levels and helps to train basic skills and to get students ready for individual life.
According to amended Law No.4 of 1987, Kuwaiti government started to control
and manage the education system and all Kuwaiti citizens received the right to learn in a
public school free of charge. In the past, the purpose of education was to reduce the
illiteracy rate and some Kuwaiti nationals were able to be educated. Therefore, this
amendment has supported all people to learn equally and to promote communal citizenship
(World Data no Education 2010/11).
The Kuwaiti educational system is composed of 12 years; 5 years of primary school, 4
years of intermediate school and 3 years of secondary school. Only Kuwaiti
nationals are able to get 2 years of Kindergarten program. According to official statistics
from the Kuwait government, the total number of elementary schools was 432 in
2011/2012. The number of government schools was 253, each number of private schools
and vocational or religion schools was 132 and 38 respectably(Statistical Review 2013,
2013). The number of public schools were almost double the number of private ones.
However the number of students in public schools were around one and half more than
private school students(World Data on Education).
The structure of the curriculum, which is controlled bythe government, and subjects of
social studies are tabulated as follows. Total weekly periods are thirty-five hours and each
teaching period lasts forty-five minutes. The most concentrated subjects are Arabic
Language(9 hours), Religion(Quran and Islam, 4 hours) and English Language(5 hours),
while the social subjects, Citizenship- al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat
(‫ ;التربية الوطنية والتنشئة المدنية‬National Training and Civic Upbringing/ written by translator) and
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
45
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
Social Science- Bilaadi al-Kuwait(‫ ;بالدي الكويت‬My Country, Kuwait/ written by translator),
are four hours per week. It seems that social subjects are not important due to small time
portion in comparison with the main subjects as above.
However, it is hard to say that social subjects are not important considering the previous
curriculum before educational reform in 2003 which only had one social subject at two
hours per week in Grade 4. There are distinctions between before reform and after. First,
social studies increased from one subject lasting two hours per week in only grade 4 to two
subjects lasting four hours per week in every grade of elementary schools. Second, a new
social subject, citizenship- al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat, aimed at
influencing directly what students learn about Kuwait and citizenship was established by
the ministry of education. In sum, the Kuwait government started to recognize the
importance of social subjects and education.
< Table 1 > Weekly Curriculum in the Kuwait Government Elementary School
Grade 1
Grade 2
Grade 3
Grade 4
Grade 5
Quran
2
2
2
2
2
Islam
2
2
2
2
2
Arabic Language
9
9
9
9
9
English Language
5
5
5
5
5
Mathematics
5
5
5
5
5
Science
3
3
3
3
3
Citizenship
1
1
1
1
1
Social Science
-
-
1
1
1
Computer
1
1
1
1
1
Physical Education
2
2
2
2
2
Fine Arts
2
2
2
2
2
Music
1
1
1
1
1
Living Technique
1
1
1
1
1
Total
35
35
35
35
35
* Source: ‫ النظام التربوي والتعليم‬2011, p.175
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
2. Texts and Images of Kuwait in Social Textbooks
Subjects of Analysis and it’s Methods
The textbooks for social studies in Kuwait government elementary schools is
‘al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’ (National Training and Civic
Upbringing) and ‘Bilaadi al-Kuwait’(My Country, Kuwait) as mentioned in the previous
chapter. ‘al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyatwal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’, the subject related to
citizenship, is taught in every grade in elementary school. The other subject, ‘Bilaadi
al-Kuwait’, is taught from grade 3 to 5. This research deals with analyze the former
subject ‘al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyatwal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’which is taught in
every year of elementary school from entrance to graduation. It is also a new subject that
was established after the educational reform in 2003 and was implemented in 2005/2006.
Quantitative and qualitative methods both are adopted to analyze a textbook. Quantitative
methods usually rely on frequency in use of a word or a person or people in the textbook.
These methods have difficulty in discovering value or interpretation. It is better to use
qualitative methods to find implicit meaning or context in the textbook. Analyzing text type,
narrative form and images, photos, tables is supported to understand the intention of authors
and trend of textbooks. Furthermore, a text accuracy or interpretation is realized through
text analysis. This analysis helps to classify perspectives of expression in the text(Pingel
2010, 143). Understanding and analyzing texts, images and values is a clue in define the
characteristics and identities in the textbook. This study uses qualitative methods such as
text contents analysis and illustration analysis in detail to reveal the Kuwaiti government’s
involvement in textbooks to strengthen their national identity.
Analysis of Textbook ‘al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyatwal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’
The foreword of the textbook explains the aims of this subject study; increase communal
belonging in the country, education of students’ rights and duties, enforcement of
citizenship, understanding the Kuwaiti economy, environmental protection and feeling a
sense of belonging as Kuwaitis, Arabs and Muslims. Social studies subjects in other
contain and emphasize citizenship and belonging. The other contents are understanding
work to support the Kuwaiti economy and the importance of environmental preservation
are quite remarkable because they directly impact on the country’s economy.
A table of contents in the textbook is recommended before delving into texts. Each
grade’s textbook consists of four chapters equally. Composition of the table of
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
47
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
contents is as follow; Chapter 1. Nation, Chapter 2. Citizenship, Chapter 3. Environment,
Chapter 4. Kuwait and the World. Topics and subtitles in the same chapter are similar and
connected with each grade and the level of difficulty in the text increase along with each
grade. This structure shows that the Kuwait government chooses a spiral curriculum in the
education system.
According to the contents, chapter 1 and 4 are analyzed earlier due to relevance to
formation of national identity and nation and then chapter 2 and 3 will be explored. The
textbooks for grade 1 and 2 have less texts than textbooks for other grades. It leads students
to imagine their country, Kuwait, with less texts and lots of photographs and illustrations.
On the other hand, the other grades’ textbooks have relatively small photographs and
images and longer texts explaining the phenomenon or historical background.
The chapter 1 for grade 1 and 2 have lots of images, photos and illustrations. It displays
images such as birth certificate, ID card, picture of Kuwaiti Emir, map and attractions in the
city to give familiar information about the place where the students are born and live. It also
produce the characteristics of Kuwaiti people speaking the Arabic language and believing
in Islam. Chapter 1 in the textbook for grade 1, which is the first chapter for elementary
students, use the word ‘Kuwait’ with positive adjectives such as ‘jamilat’(beautiful) and
‘habiibat’(lovely).
The same chapter for grade 3 to 5 begins with the history of Kuwait and its government.
It is organized to explain the history of Kuwait from the establishment of the state to
democracy system of the Kuwaiti government and its composition. Kuwait is described
as ‘a land of my father and grandfather’ in the textbook for grade 3. This part
explains about the name of Emir, currency, assembly, flag and arms when Kuwait gained
independence from England. In addition, it also provides in detail the story of the Gulf War
and the efforts of many countries who helped Kuwait during the War. This Gulf War
story is quite an important event to Kuwaiti nationals because it has provided
nationals communal solidarity and homogeneity. In the last part of the chapter 1,
Kuwait’s national days, independence day and liberation day, are disclosed and an
emphasis placed on celebrating national days with the expressions like ‘national day
celebration is an expression of belonging in the country’.In sum, texts for grade 3 try to
show whole elements connected with the basic background of national history.
The contrast of national flags before independence and after and the change of arms are
shown with illustration in the texts for grade 4. The explanation of the previous flag and
48
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
arms is not enough. Therefore, it is hard for students to understand Kuwait before
independence. In addition, some cultural heritages such as clothes, tea and dessert in
Kuwait are explained as a value and tradition in the state and a medium to enforce
communal belonging. For grade 5 the elements for composing a nation are described.
Sovereignty, territory, citizens and government are recommended elements in the
text. It also deals with the constitution helps to protect citizen’s basic rights and duties. The
story of establishment of Kuwait is added.
The contents of chapter 4 try to define the status of Kuwait in the world and to advice
behaviors as Kuwaitis. For grade 1, the text shows the location of Kuwait in the world and
describes children from various countries with greetings. This part asks students questions
about how the student will introduce the country. It gives them a chance to remind them
about their nation, and to think about their behavior as nationals. Explanations of GCC
countries around Kuwait are offered in the text for grade 2. It introduces their location,
name and flag. For grade 3 the status of Kuwait in the Arab world is shown. It gives
information on Arabs who use the Arabic language and believe in the same religion, Islam.
It stresses that Arabs share the same history, religion and language. The texts from grade 1
to 3 in chapter 4 emphasizes that Kuwaitis do not have just Kuwaiti identity, but also there
is an identity as an Arabs and a member of the GCC.
The texts for grade 4 and 5 have relatively old contents relating to Kuwait in the period of
globalization and information-oriented society. It said that Kuwait is a developed country in
the areas of information and technology. The text for grade 5, especially, explains the role
of communication and its impact on the globalized age.Also, it stresses that Kuwaitis are
not supposed to lose their identity, values, religion and heritage as a national and
emphasizes to protect them. Problems due to globalization are also discussed in the same
chapter accompanied by photographs as drugs, disobedience and smoking. But, it is hard to
say if there is a connection between the displayed photographs and a social problem
influenced by globalization.
Citizenship is dealt in with the chapter 2 with the explanation of behavior as a member of
society. Kuwaiti inner society is described in the texts from grade 1 to 3. It lists amenities in
the area and jobs helping and supporting society. The role of the country in the text is to
offer every facility that nationals need and to keep the people safe. In the text for grade 3,
cooperation is emphasized. It is explained that society functions better when people
cooperate each other. The texts for grade 4 and 5 demonstrate citizen’s duties and rights. It
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
49
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
is worthy that the text for grade 5 stresses the existence of the state and advises doing
national duties. It gives many examples to keep their duties like joining army, volunteer
work, buying domestic goods and law observance. A process of democracy is also
described with an example of school elections. It says that democracy is a decision system
as people participate together and a constitution is a key factor in a democracy.
The last chapter of analysis, chapter 3, is related to environmental preservation and
resource saving. Environment and nature in Kuwait are the main texts for grade 1 to 2. It
displays diverse living things of land and sea in Kuwait and emphasizes that water is a
grace of Allah, the God, and its use. From grade 3 to 5 the texts are more centered on
protecting the environment. It presents the idea that humans and protection are closely
related and that Islam also cares about it, using passage of Quran. Lastly, importance and
saving of resources, water and electricity, is explained stressing government’s efforts.
Most of images and photographs in the textbook seem old and do not reflect
contemporary Kuwaiti society. At this point, it is possible that students will become
confused about reality and lose interest in the textbooks. In addition, it is hard to find girls in
most of the photographs and illustrations. There are few containing images like household
works, school activities and religious activities even though Kuwait is a Muslim country,
which has difficulty to show women’s image. It seems that the only approved scenes for
women is household affairs such as cleaning, caring for family members or religious
activities. This scene contradicts the explanation of democracy in chapter 2 for grade 5.
This text describes the improvements in the rights of women in politics and the entry of
women into public affairs.
Ⅳ. Conclusion
Kuwait, a member of GCC countries announced a policy recently to solve the problem
caused by the imbalanced composition of nationals in their population. There have been the
other efforts to support nationalization.Kuwaiti government has amended and reformed the
education policy many times to strengthen national identity and give equal rights to learn
for every national. This article analyzed the elementary social studies textbook in order to
know Kuwaiti government’s intention since the main organizer of reform and edit the
50
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
education policy and textbook in Kuwait is the government. The new social studies
textbook ‘al-Tarbiyat al- Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’ (National Training and
Civic Upbringing) after last education reform in 2003 has been taught in every grade in
Kuwait elementary schools. The textbook talks about essential elements that Kuwaiti
citizens should know, the status of Kuwait in the world and the history of Kuwait. The
contents of the textbook in every grade is same and is composed of four parts; nation,
citizenship, environment and Kuwait and the world.
In sum, the first chapter contains every story about Kuwait from the establishment of
Kuwait till the present. The texts in this chapter intend to understand whole narratives in
detail and to rethink their ancestors and country, ruling families and government by
comparing the past with the present of Kuwaiti society. Also, it explains the administrative
structure of Kuwaiti government to recognize all procedures and to follow it. The texts of
chapter 4 demonstrate the status of Kuwait in the GCC, Arab region and the world. It
proposed how the student acts responsibly as a Kuwaiti, a member of the GCC, an Arab
and a Muslim. The globalized age is described a little bit negatively, indicating problems of
globalization. Chapter 2 explains the role of citizen in Kuwait society and insists to exercise
rights and perform duties with cooperating with others. The contents of chapter 3 are
related to environments of Kuwait. It not only shows Kuwaiti environments but
also emphasizes the importance of protecting environment and saving resources like
water and electricity.
There are noteworthy features in this textbook. First, two aims of learning written in the
foreword, to know jobs contributing to Kuwaiti economy and to understand the importance
of environmental protection, are remarkable. However, it is hard to find diverse jobs
reflecting Kuwaiti economic structures. Policemen, teachers, soldiers, doctors and
volunteers are only shown in the textbook. Second, there are some texts demonstrating the
correlation between Islam and the subject of text, but it does not contain specified
information and explanation relate to Islam. Third, there are negative description about Iraq
explaining as ‘aathim’(trespasser) and the biggest contributor of air pollution in Kuwait. It
seems that Kuwaiti government does not expect Kuwaitis to forget the Gulf War for
unifying people.
In conclusion, the main contexts and texts of the elementary school textbook
‘al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyatwal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’ shows that Kuwaiti
government chose them to impose ideal type as a Kuwaiti using historical stories,
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
51
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
intentionally selected illustrations and photographs and general information of citizenship.
However some of them are distorted and do not reflect contemporary environment of
Kuwait. To solidify people and to show more proper image of nationals, the revise and
amendment of the textbook is necessary. In addition, the other social studies textbook
which was not dealt with in this article should be analyzed and the other subjects like
Arabic language and Islam which were recommended in the text as a basic composition of
Kuwaitis, should also be explored in order to understand preferred image and identity as a
Kuwaiti by government.
52
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
References
Al-Anzi, Abdulla and Gharaibeh, Mazen(2006). “Political Culture of Kuwaiti High School
Student: a Comparative Study of Government & Private Foreign Curriculum
Schools”, Digest of Middle East Studies, 15(1), 35-61.
Al-Rashidi, Ghazi Anizi(2011). al-Nithaam al-Tarbawii wal-Ta’liimii[Educational System],
Kuwait: al-Falah wal-Tawzii’.
Apple, Michael(1991). Kyoyookgwa ideology[Education and Ideology], Translated by
Park, Bugwon. Paju: Hangilsa.
Barr, Robert D. and Barth, James L. and Shermis, S. Samuel(1977). Defining the social
studies,Mayland: National Council for the Social Studies. Cited in Sim, Jasmin
Boon-Yee&Print, Murray(2005). “Citizenship Education and Social Studies in
Singapore: A National Agenda”, International Journal of Citizenship and Teacher
Education, 1(1), 58-73.
Central Statistical Bureau(2013). Statistical Review 2013.
International Bureau of Education(2011). World Data on Education 2010/2011- Kuwait.
Kim, Eun-ji(2011). “The Influence of Education System on Political Consciousness in
Kuwait’s Young Generation: Comparing Views between Public and Private
Schols”, M.A.thesis. Hankuk University of Foreign Studies.
Kim, Hanjong(2006).Yuksa kyoyookgwajunggwa kyogwasu yungu [Historical
Curriculum and Research on Textbooks], Seoul: Suninbook.
Kim, Seyoung(2014). “2009 gejung kyoyookgwajunge ddaleun tonghabkyogwasusim
uiuikyeon bunsuk [An analysis of deliberating council’s opinions about Elementary
Integrated Subjects Textbooks based on 2009]”, Journal of Curriculum Integration,
8(1), 51-77.
Koo, GiYeon(2014). “Islamic Values Reflected in Iranian Textbook”, Educational
Anthropology Research, 17(1), 233-261.
Lee, Hyejung(2013). “Daemanui sahwoigwa kyogwasue natanandongasiaui pyo sang
chegye [Representing East Asia in the Taiwan Social Studies Textbooks]”, Global
Studies Education, 5(1), 3-27.
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Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
Matthias vomHau(2009). “UNPACKING THE SCHOOL: Textbooks, Teachers, and the
Construction of Nationhood in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru”, Latin American
Research Review, 44(3), 127-154.
Murray, Hellen(2008) “Curriculum wars: national identity in education”, London Review
of Education, 6(1), 39-45.
Pingel, Falk(2010). Kyogwasu yunguwa sujung-e gwanhan annesu[UNESCO
guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision], Translated by Han,
Un-suk. Seoul: Northeast Asian History Foundation.
Rah, Ilju(2006). Hyundai Kyoyookui ihae[Understanding Contemporary Education],
Seoul: Seoul National University Publishers.
The Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research. 2012. Essentials of School
Education in the United Arab Emirates. Abu Dhabi: The Emirates Center for
Strategic Studies and Research.
The Ministry of Kuwait(2005-2006). al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyatwal-Tanshi’at alMadaniyat[National Training and Civic Upbringing], Kuwait: The Ministry of
Kuwait.
The Ministry of Kuwait(2008). The National Report: Development of Education in the
State of Kuwait.
- Web Resources
Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed May 23, 2014.
http://www.britannica.com/bps/dictionary?query=textbook.
Encyclopedia Doosan. Accessed May 23, 2014.
http://terms.naver.com/entry.nhn?docId=1065373&cid=40942&categoryId=31723.
State University.Com. Accessed May 20, 2014
http://education.stateuniversity.com/pages/785/Kuwait-PREPRIMARY-PRIMARYEDUCATION.html.
The Public Authority for Civil Information. Accessed June 05, 2014
http://stat.paci.gov.kw/englishreports/#DataTabPlace:ColumnChartGendrGov.
Trenwith, Courtney. 2013. “Kuwait plans to cut expat numbers by 1 million”, Arabian
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Business.Com. Accessed May 28, 2014.
http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-plans-cut-expat-numbers-by-1-million-49
4706.html.
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks to Inculcate National
55
Identity into Youth in Kuwait / Kim, Eun-Ji
<Abstract>
The Role of Elementary Social School Textbooks
to Inculcate National Identity into Youth in Kuwait:
A Study of Elementary School Textbook ‘al-Tarbiyat
al-Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’
Kim, Eun-ji
Kuwait, a member of GCC countries, has discussed nationalization works due to the
imbalanced composition of nationals in their population like the other GCC members. The
previous research on this phenomenon mostly focused on economic analysis rather than
political or social analysis because economic effects and changes are easily witnessed. This
research, however, attempted to approach in educational perspective. Kuwaiti government
has amended educational policies for its nationals and citizens. One of the elementary social
studies subject, ‘al-Tarbiyat al-Wataniyat wal-Tanshi’at al-Madaniyat’ (National Training
and Civic Upbringing), is invented by government in 2003 as a part of an education reform.
The texts and images of this textbook was analyzed in order to explore the intention of the
government with theoretical review.
The findings show that this textbook demonstrates what Kuwaiti nationals should know
includingthe history of Kuwait, the composition of the government, a procedure
of democracy and the status of Kuwait. Also, the nationals should consider the
environmental preservation, regulation and law and resource saving. Negative points of
Iraq, lack of photographs and illustrations of girls, the discordance between some learning
aims and the text is notable. In conclusion, Kuwaiti government edited the contents of
textbook to produce a general type of a Kuwaiti supporting their national identity.
Key Words : Kuwait Education, Elementary Social Studies Textbook, National Identity
‫‪The GCC Institute‬‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014 57-81‬‬
‫مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة‬
‫دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم‬
‫*‬
‫‪8‬‬
‫د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد ﷲ‬
‫>‪<목 차‬‬
‫‪ .Ⅰ‬مقدمة‬
‫‪ .Ⅱ‬اإلطار النظري‬
‫أوال‪ :‬الكفايات‬
‫ثانيا‪ :‬التعبير الشفوى‬
‫ثالثا‪ :‬الدراسات السابقة‬
‫‪ .Ⅲ‬اجراءات الدراسة‬
‫‪ Ⅰ.‬مقدمة‬
‫تعد اللغة الشفھية الوسيلة األساسية للتعليم و ألن النجاح في تنمية اللغة الشفھية لدى‬
‫المتعلم ضمان لنجاح تعليمه المدرسي بل وتمكينه من تعليم نفسه في المواقف الحياتية‬
‫المستقبلية ‪ ،‬كما أن حياة ال تلميذ داخل حجرة الدراسة وخارجھا يعتمد إعتمادا كبيرا على‬
‫اإلتصال الشفوي وھذا يتطلب من الطالب القيام بعدة عمليات عقلية معقدة من حيث‬
‫إستدعاء األفكار والمعاني ‪ ،‬ومن ثم كان االھتمام من قبل التربويين وخبراء التدريس‬
‫بكفايات الحديث الشفھي عند التلميذ حيث يعتبر التعبير الشفھي أساسا مھما من أسس‬
‫النمو اللغوي ‪.‬‬
‫ويستمد التعبير الشفھي أھميته من كونه ككالم سبق الكتابة في الوجود ‪ ،‬ومن ثم فالتعبير‬
‫‪ .‬الشفھي مقدمة للتعبير الكتابي وخادم له‬
‫*استاذ مساعد بجامعة دانكوك –قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫‪58‬‬
‫إن للتعبير الشفھي أھمية لإلنسان على وجه عام وللتالميذ على وجه خاص ‪ ،‬فبوجه عام‬
‫يستمد التعبير الشفھي أھميته من أھمية اللغة في حياة الفرد والمجتمع وعلى الصعيد‬
‫المدرسي أي من الناحية التربوية تأتى مكانة التعبير الشفھي من كونه أھم الغايات‬
‫لما كان ‪ .‬المنشودة من دراسة فروع اللغة فھو المحصلة النھائية من تعليم اللغة العربية‬
‫التعبير الشفھي ھو روح اللغة ومحورھا الرئيسي ومن خالل مالحظة الباحث للضعف‬
‫البين لدى الطالب في امتالك ھذه الكفايات بالجامعات عموما وبھذه الجامعة على وجه‬
‫التحديد فقد سعى الباحث من خالل ھذه الدراسة المتواضعة للبحث والتنقيب واإلستقصاء‬
‫لمعرفة مسببات ھذا الضعف واليات معالجته معالجة جذرية عبر تقديم تغذي ة راجعة‬
‫لألساتذة المتخصصين وجھات االختصاص ‪.‬وفي سبيل تحقيق ھذه األھداف فقد سعى‬
‫الباحث الى استنطاق المستھدفين بغرض التعرف على أبرز الصعوبات التي تواجھھم‬
‫والتى تتسبب في ھذا العائق من وجھة نظرھم وذلك من خالل تحليل إجاباتھم على‬
‫إستبانة من النوع المغلق قام الباحث بإعدادھا خصيصا لھذا الغرض‬
‫مشكلة الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫ظھرت مشكلة ھذه الدراسة من خالل مالحظة الباحث تدني كفايات التعبير الشفوي لدى‬
‫الطالب وخصوصا عند مقارنتھا بالكفايات االخرى)كتابة –قراءة (‪,‬فالطالب يقرؤون بصورة‬
‫جيدة ويكتبون ايضا بصورة جيدة ولكن يشوب اداءھم قصور بين ‪,‬وھذا ما حد بالباحث الى‬
‫اجراء ھذه الدراسة للتعرف على أسباب ھذا القصور وحصر أھم الصعوبات التي تعيق إجادة‬
‫الطالب في التعبير الشفھي ومن ثم وضع الحلول والمقترحات التي من شأنھا ان تسھم في‬
‫معالجة األمر خصوصا إذا وضعنا في اإلعتبار أن التعبير الشفھي ھو قطب الرحى‬
‫أسئلة الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫يسعى الباحث من خالل ھذه الدراسة لإلجابة على األسئلة التالية‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬ما مدى إمتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي‬
‫المختلفة من وجھة نظرھم؟‬
‫‪-2‬ما ھي الصعوبات التي تواجه طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك‬
‫لكفايات التعبير الشفوي المختلفة من وجھة نظرھم؟‬
‫‪-3‬ماھي الحلول التي يمكن من خاللھا معالجة الصعوبات التي تواجه طالب قسم دراسات‬
‫الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك وتعيق امتالكھم لكفايات التعبير الشفوي المختلفة؟‬
‫‪ 59‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫فرضيات الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫يفترض الباحث وجود معوقات تحول دون إمتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة‬
‫دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي المختلفة‪.‬‬
‫أھمية الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫تنبع أھمية ھذه الدراسة من كونھا تسعى الى التالي‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬التعرف على الصعوبات التي تواجه الطالب‬
‫‪-2‬وضع حلول ومعالجات لھذه الصعوبات‬
‫‪-3‬تقديم تغذية راجعة لجھات اإلختصاص من المسؤلين‬
‫‪-4‬فتح افاق امام الباحثين في تناول مجاالت لغوية أخرى‬
‫‪-5‬تحسين قدرة الطالب على المشاركة والتفاعل الصفي‬
‫مصطلحات الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫ التعبير الشفوي‪:‬‬‫ھو عبارة عن أربع عمليات متزامنة ؛ األولى عقلية وھى الفكرة ‪ ،‬والثانية لغوية وھى‬
‫األسلوب ‪ ،‬والثالثة صوتية وھى الكالم أو النطق ‪ ،‬والرابعة ملمحية وھى الھيئة‬
‫يستجيب التلميذ لھا بوسيلة أو بأخرى ويعرف بأنه " إستجابة لمثير أو عدة مثيرات مجتمعة‬
‫‪ ".‬من وسائل التعبير المتعددة ‪ ،‬التي يمكن من خاللھا أن يعبر عن نفسه‬
‫الكفاية‪:‬‬‫تعني المعارف والمھارات والقدرات التي يكتسبھا الفرد لتصبح جزءا من سلوكه ‪,‬االمر الذي‬
‫يمكنه من أداء سلوكيات مرضية وقائمة على الفھم لما تعلمه في المجاالت المعرفية واإلنفعالية‬
‫والحركية مع توفير الجھد والوقت المبذولين)‪(1‬‬
‫حدود الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫الحدود المكانية‪:‬‬
‫مدينة تشون ان – جامعة دانكوك – كلية اللغات االجنبية‪ -‬قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط‪.‬‬
‫الحدود الزمانية‪ :‬النصف الثاني من العام الدراسي ‪2013‬م‪2014-‬م‬
‫منھج الدراسة ‪:‬‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫المنھج المتبع في ھذه الدراسة ھو المنھج الوصفي التحليلي‬
‫)‪Ma Ashan ,H.H. competency Based Education and Behaioral Objectives .(New(1‬‬
‫‪jersey ,Educational Technology Publications ,1979 p.page 94‬‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫‪60‬‬
‫‪ Ⅱ.‬االطار النظري‪:‬‬
‫أوال‪ :‬الكفايات‬
‫ مفھوم الكفاية‪:‬‬‫لقد تعددت وتباينت اراء خبراء التربية حول مفھوم الكفاية ‪,‬ولم يتفقوا على تعريف محدد‬
‫لھا ‪,‬فمنھم من يرى )أنھا المقدرة على شئ وعمله بكفاءة وفعالية وبمستوى عال في‬
‫االداء ()‪.(1‬‬
‫ومنھم من يرى أنھا )مجموعة من المعارف والمفاھيم والمھارات واإلتجاھات التي توجه‬
‫سلوك التدريس لدى المعلم وتساعده في أداء عمله()‪.(2‬‬
‫وبعضھم يرى أنھا)مجموعة من الصفات واالمكانات التي يجب ان تتوفر لدى المعلم والتي‬
‫يمكن مالحظتھا وقياسھا وھي تجعله قادرا على تحقيق اھدافه التعليمية والتربوية ()‪(3‬‬
‫ويقول قنديل )أن الكفاية تعني التمكن من أداء عمل معين وأن التعليم وفقا وفقا لھذا المفھوم‬
‫يختلف في اإلفتراضات التي يقوم عليھا والمداخل التي يستخدمھا ‪.‬إذ أنه يركز على امتالك‬
‫المعارف والمھارات ليس لمجرد إمتالكھا أو استظھارھا ولكن إلستخدامھا في عمل‬
‫معين ‪(4)(.‬‬
‫ومن خالل ما سبق من تعريفات يتضح عدم تبلور مفھوم الكفاية لدى التربويين واھل‬
‫االختصاص بشكل ثابت ومحدد‬
‫"وعطفا على ما سبق من تعريفات فإن الباحث يعرف الكفاية )بأنھا مجموعة من الصفات‬
‫والقدرات واإلمكانات التي يمكن ان يكتسبھا المعلم أثناء فترة اإلعداد أومن خالل التجربة‬
‫العملية والممارسة وتساعده على القيام بمھامه التعليمية بنجاح وفاعلية‪(.‬‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫)‪(1‬توفيق احمد مرعي ‪,‬الكفايات في ضو النظم‪,‬ط‪,1‬عمان‪:‬دار الفرقان‪1983,‬م ‪,‬ص‪19‬‬
‫)‪(2‬احمد حسين اللقاني واخرون ‪,‬تدريس المواد االجتماعية ‪,‬ط‪,4‬القاھرة ‪:‬عالم الكتب‪,1990,‬ص‪184‬‬
‫)‪(3‬محمد ذياد حمدان‪,‬قياس كفاية التدريس ‪,‬جدة‪:‬الدار السعودية للنشر والتوزيع‪1984,‬م‪,‬ص‪160‬‬
‫)‪(4‬يس قنديل ‪,‬التدريس وإعداد المعلم ‪,‬ط‪3,2000‬م‪,‬ص‪94‬‬
‫‪ 61‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫ خصائص الكفايات‪:‬‬‫تتسم الكفايات بعدد من الخصائص ومنھا)‪(1‬‬
‫‪-1‬التغير والثبات ‪:‬‬
‫إذ ترتبط الكفايات بالعديد من العوامل التي تعتبر مصادر رئيسية إلشتقاقھا مثل ‪,‬أھداف‬
‫التعليم‪,‬وخصائص المجتمع وحاجاته ‪,‬وخصائص المتلمين وحاجاتھم ‪,‬وھذه العوامل تتغير من‬
‫مجتمع الخر ‪,‬بل من وقت الخر في المجتمع الواحد ولذلك فإن الكفايات تتغير بتغير تلك‬
‫العوامل ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2‬التعقيد‪:‬‬
‫يعتبر غاية في التعقيد فھو يتضمن مجموعة من أنماط السوك المتداخلة التي السلوك التدريسي‬
‫يصعب فصل بعضھا عن بعض ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬العمومية والخصوصية‪:‬‬
‫ويعني ذلك أن لكل معلم تخصصا مستقال ومادة علمية يقوم بتدريسھا تختلف عن تلك التي‬
‫يدرسھا معلم اخر في تخصص مختلف ‪,‬وھذا يقتضي ويتطلب وجود كفايات خاصة أو نوعية‬
‫تختلف من معلم الخر‪.‬‬
‫وبجانب ذلك توجد كفايات عامة ينبغي توافرھا في المعلمين جميعا على إختالف‬
‫تخصصاتھم مثل كفايات التخطيط للتدريس ‪,‬وكفايات إدارة الصف ‪,‬وكفايات استخدام الوسائل‬
‫التعليمية ‪,‬وغيرھا وعلى ھذا تكون الكفايات عامة وخاصة‬
‫‪ -4‬اإلكتساب أو التعلم‪:‬‬
‫الكفايات اساسا تقوم علي جانبين ‪,‬معرفي وعملي وكال الجانبين قابل للتعلم واالكتساب ‪,‬ويمكن‬
‫ان يتم ذلك عن طريق إعداد المعلم بتقديم مواد تربوية وتخصصية ‪,‬ثم ممارسة مھارات‬
‫التدريس في التربية العملية والعمل الميداني فالكفايات التدريسية لھا مك ًون نظري ولكن ھذا‬
‫المكون ال يتبلور بصورة واضحة إال إذا اُتيح للمعلم التطبيق العملي‪.‬‬
‫أنواع الكفايات وتصنيفاتھا المختلفة‪:‬‬
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‫إتفقت معظم الكتابات التي تناولت انواع الكفايات واجمعت على ان ھناك أربعة أنواع من‬
‫الكفايات "وأحيانا تسمى بمستويات الكفايات "وھي ‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬الكفايات المعرفية أو المستوى المعرفي‪:‬‬
‫وتشير الى المعلومات والعمليات المعرفية والقدرات العقلية والمھارات الفكرية الضرورية‬
‫ألداء الفرد في شتى المجاالت ‪.‬‬
‫ويتعلق ھذا الجانب بالحقائق والنظريات والفنيات ويعتمد مدى كفاءة المعلومات في ھذا الجانب‬
‫على استراتيجية المؤسسة التعليمية في الجانب المعرفي ‪.‬‬
‫‪11‬‬
‫ولذلك ينبغي أن يتمتع المعلم بمعرفة واسعه وعميقة في مجال المادة الدراسية التي يقوم‬
‫بتدريسھا وتمثل ھذه المعرفة طبيعة ھذا المجال وأساليب البحث فيه وقدر من المعلومات‬
‫االساسية في فروعه المختلفة‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1‬الكفايات الوجدانية أو المستوى الوجداني‪:‬‬
‫وتشير الى آراء الفرد واستعداداته وميوله واتجاھاته وقيمه ومعتقداته وسلوكه‬
‫الوجداني ‪.‬وھذه تفضي جوانب كثيرة وعوامل متعددة مثل حساسية الفرد وثقته بنفسه‬
‫واتجاھه نحو المھنة‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬الكفايات األدائية أو المستوى السلوكي‪:‬‬
‫وھذه تشير الى الكفايات التي يظھرھا الفرد وتتضمن المھارات النفس حركيه في حقول‬
‫المواد التكنلوجية والمواد المتصلة بالتكوين البدني والحركي وأداء ھذه المھارات يعتمد‬
‫على الكفايات المعرفية السابقة لدى الفرد‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬الكفايات االنتاجية أو المستوى اإلنتاجي‪:‬‬
‫وھذه تشير الى أداء الطالب في الميدان العملي ‪,‬وھذه ينبغي ان تلقى االھتمام في برامج‬
‫إعداد الكوادر الفنية السيما وأن ھذه البرامج تعد أساسا لتأھيل الكوادر ‪,‬والتأھيل‬
‫والكفايات عادة ما تشير الى نجاح المتخصص في أداء عمله بالصورة المثلى‬
‫)‪(1‬بدرية فخرو‪,‬الكفايات الشخصية لمعمي التربية الخاصة ‪,‬رسالة ماجستير غير منشورة ‪,‬كلية‬
‫التربية ‪,‬جامعه الخليج العربي ‪1992,‬م‪,‬ص‪23‬‬
‫‪11‬‬
‫‪ 63‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫‪ -4‬كفايات التسلسل المتعاقب‪:‬‬
‫وتظھر ھذه عادة في التأثير الذي يخلفه المعلم في سلوك التالميذ‪,‬وفي ھذه الكفايات يكون‬
‫التركيز على العالقة بين سلوك المعلم ومحصالت التالميذ التي تعد مؤثرات حقيقية في‬
‫فاعلية التعلم)‪. (1‬‬
‫‪12‬‬
‫ثانيا ‪:‬التعبير الشفوي‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮاﻟﺸﻔﻮي ‪:‬‬
‫ھو التحدث ‪,‬المحادثة‪ ,‬الحديث ‪,‬الكالم‪,‬وھو مھارة لغوية تحقق للمرء التعبير عما في نفسه‬
‫وتحقق له اإلتصال الجماعي‪.‬‬
‫وھو وسيلة المرء إلشباع حاجاته وتنفيذ متطلباته في المجتمع الذي يحيا فيه ‪,‬ھو األداةالتعبيرية‬
‫التي يستخدمھا الضغار والكبار على حد سواء وتقع في المرتبة األولى من حيث األھمية ثم‬
‫تأتي القراءة والكتابة )‪(1‬‬
‫الكالم ‪:‬‬
‫يعتبر الكالم الفن الثاني من فنون اللغة األربعة بعد االستماع وھو ترجمة اللسان لما تعلمه‬
‫االنسان عن طريق اإلستماع والقراءة والكتابه وھو من العالمات المميزة لإلنسان ‪,‬فليس كل‬
‫صوت كالم ‪,‬ألن الكالم ھو‪ :‬اللفظ واإلفادة ‪,‬واللفظ ھو الصوت المشتمل على بعض الحروف‬
‫كما أن اإلفادة ‪:‬ھي ما دلت على معنى من المعاني ‪,‬ومعنى ھذا أن الكالم بمعناه الحقيقي ‪:‬ھو ما‬
‫يصدر عن اإلنسان ‪,‬ليعبر به عن شئ له داللة في ذھن المتكلم او السامع أو على األقل في ذھن‬
‫المتكلم‬
‫إن واقع اإلتصال اللغوي بين الناس يؤكد ان مھارة الحديث تنمو أوال من االتصال باللغة‬
‫ويقتضي ھذا ان يشجع المتعلمون على أن يعبروا بأنفسھم بأساليب بسيطة وذلك تحت اشراف‬
‫وتوجيه المعلمين)‪(2‬‬
‫إن الكالم وسيلة لتنفيس الفرد عما يعانيه وإلمتصاص إنفعاالته ‪,‬ألن تعبير الفرد عن نفسه‬
‫يخفف من حدة االزمة التي يعانيھا أو الموقف الذي يتعرص له ‪,‬وقد قطعت الدول المتقدمة‬
‫)‪(1‬عبدالرحمن جامل‪,‬الكفايات التعليمية في القياس والتقويم واكتسابھا بالتعلم الذاتي‪,‬عمان‪:‬ط‪,2‬دار المناھج‬
‫للنشر والتوزيع ‪,‬ص‪85‬‬
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‫‪64‬‬
‫شوطا كبيرا في التعليم والتدريب على إحترام الكلمة المنطوقة والتخطيط لھا حتى صارت‬
‫الكلمة المنطوقة ال تقل أھمية عن الكلمة المكتوبة ‪(3).‬‬
‫‪13‬‬
‫أسس التعبير الشفوي‪:‬‬
‫نقصد بھذه األسس طائفة من المبادئ والحقائق التي ترتبط بتعبير التالميذ وتؤثر فيھم واإليمان‬
‫بھا يساعد على نجاح المعلمين في دروس التعبير من حيث إختيار الموضوعات الصالحة‬
‫والمالئمة وإتباع الطرق المثلى في التدريس وھذه األسس ثالثة انواع )‪:(1‬‬
‫‪ -1‬أسس نفسية‬
‫‪ -2‬أسس تربوية‬
‫‪ -3‬أسس لغوية‬
‫أوال ‪ :‬األسس النفسية‬
‫وتتمثل في التالي ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ميل التالميذ إلى التعبير عما في نفوسھم والتحدث مع والديھم وإخوتھم وأصدقائھم ويبدو‬
‫ھذا الميل في حرص الطفل على أن يحدث أباه فيما شاھداه معا في حفل أو سفر مثال‬
‫ويمكن أن يستغل ھذا األساس النفسي في عالج األطفال الذين يحجمون عن المشاركة في‬
‫دروس التعبير‬
‫‪ -2‬ميل األطفال نحو األشياء المحسوسة ونفورھم عن األشياء المعنوية‬
‫‪ -3‬تشجيع الذين بغلب عليھم الخوف والخجل‬
‫‪ -4‬تشجيع التالميذ على التعبير عبر الحافز والدافع‬
‫ثانيا ‪ :‬األسس التربوية‪:‬‬
‫وتتمثل في ‪:‬‬
‫)‪ (1‬حمادة ابراھيم‪,‬االتجاھات المعاصرة في تدريس اللغة العربية لغير الناطقين بھا واللغات الحية‬
‫االخرى‪,‬القاھرة‪:‬دار الفكر العربي ‪,1987,‬ص‪335‬‬
‫)‪ (2‬ابراھيم محمد عطا ‪,‬طرق تدريس اللغة العربية والتربية الدينية‪,‬القاھرة ‪,‬مكتبة النھضه‬
‫المصرية‪,‬ج‪,1‬ط‪1,1986‬م‪,‬ص‪105‬‬
‫)‪ (3‬علي احمد مدكور‪,‬تدريس فنون اللغة العربية الكويت‪,‬مكتبة الفالح‪1984,‬م‪,‬ص‪8‬‬
‫‪13‬‬
‫‪ 65‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫‪-1‬كون التعبير نشاط لغوي مستمر وليس مرتبطا بذمن معين وال حصة محددة‬
‫‪-2‬الحرية ‪.‬من مبادئ االديان السماوية ومن مقومات الحياة الديمقراطية مادامت ال تتعارض‬
‫مع النظام المطلوب ومن حق التلميذ أن يمنح نصيبه من الحرية في درس التعبير من حيث‬
‫إختيار الموضوع وعرض األفكار والعبارات التي يؤدي بھا ھذه األفكار‬
‫‪-3‬ضرورة اختيار موضوع له صلة وعالقة باذھان التالميذ حتى يتيسر لھم امر التفاعل معه ‪.‬‬
‫‪14‬‬
‫ثالثا‪ :‬االسس اللغوية‪:‬‬
‫في‪ :‬ويمكن ايجازھا‬
‫‪ -1‬التعبير الشفوي اسبق من الكتابي‬
‫‪ -2‬قلة المحصول اللغوي لدى الطالب وھذه تنمو بنموالطالب وتدرجھم في المراحل‬
‫الدراسية‬
‫‪ -3‬مزاحمة اللغة العامية ويمكن التغلب عليھا باالستعانة باالناشيد والقصائد باالضافة للقراءة‬
‫واالستماع)‪(1‬‬
‫أھمية التعبير الشفوي‪:‬‬
‫يعد التعبير أھم فروع مادة اللغة العربية ‪,‬فھو القالب الذي يصب فيه اإلنسان أفكاره ويعبر عن‬
‫مشاعره وأحاسيسه وبه يتمكن القارئ او المستمع من أن يصل في سھولة ويسر إلى فھم‬
‫المقروء والمسموع‬
‫والتعبير غاية جميع الدراسات اللغوية وتأتي بقية الفروع بمثابة وسائل لتحقيق ھذه الغاية )‪(1‬‬
‫وأھمية التعبير تنبع من كون أن تصوير ما نريد إفھامه لغيرنا وتحصيل خبراتنا وتفھم‬
‫مشكالتنا والتغلب عليھا يتوقف عليه)‪,(2‬‬
‫وعموما فإن التعبير يستمد أھميته من عدة نواح)‪:(3‬‬
‫)‪(1‬عبد الغفار حامد ھالل‪,‬العربية خصائصھا وسماتھا‪,‬ط‪,4‬جدة‪1995,‬م‪,‬ص‪23‬‬
‫)‪(1‬رشدي احمد طعمية ‪,‬تعليم العربية لغير الناطقين بھا‪,‬مناھجه واساليبه‪,‬الرباط‪,1988:‬ص‪111‬‬
‫‪14‬‬
‫‪15‬‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪-2‬‬
‫‪-3‬‬
‫‪-4‬‬
‫‪-5‬‬
‫‪66‬‬
‫انه أداة التعليم والتعلم‬
‫يساعد على حل المشكالت الفردية واإلجتماعية عن طريق تبادل األراء ومناقشتھا‪.‬‬
‫عدم الدقة في التعبير يؤدي إلى اإلخفاق في تحقيق األھداف ‪,‬وكثيرا ما يكون لدقة التعبير‬
‫دخل في مقاييس الكفاءة والنجاح في العمل بالنسبة لبعض فئات الناس كالمعلمين‬
‫والمحامين والقضاة وغيرھم‬
‫للتعبير وظيفة تقويمية إذ من خالله يختبر الكاتب مھاراته في استعمال الخط والنحو‬
‫واإلمالء وتسلسل االفكار واألساليب ‪.‬‬
‫الفشل في التعبير يؤدي الى اإلضطراب وفقدان الثقة بالنفس وتأخر النمو‬
‫اإلجتماعي والفكري‪.‬‬
‫موقع التعبير الشفوي من المھارات اللغوية‪:‬‬
‫‪16‬‬
‫خلق ﷲ سبحانه وتعالى اإلنسان لعبادته وتعمير االرض وليكون خليفته فيھا ‪,‬وقد ھيأ له كل‬
‫فقد زوده بقدرة فائقة تمكنه من تعلم اللغة في محيطه الذي يعيش فيه اسباب المعيشه وسبلھا‬
‫وليتمكن من اإلتصال بغيره والتفاھم معه فيتم إنتقال المعرفة بين البشر وھذا اإلتصال ھو ما‬
‫عرفه رشدي احمد طعمية بأنه "العملية أو الطريقة التي يتم عن طريقھا إنتفال المعرفة من‬
‫شخص الخر حتى تصبح أمرا مشاعا بينھما وتؤدي الى التفاھم بين ھذين الشخصين أو‬
‫أكثر)‪.(1‬‬
‫فاللغة ھي وسيلة من وسائل اإلتصال ولھا وظائف أساسية يقول داؤد عبده "للغة العربية كما‬
‫ھو معروف أربع وظائف أساسية فھي تعني األھداف العملية التي من أجلھا يتعلم اإلنسان اللغة‬
‫عادة )‪(2‬‬
‫وفي ھذا السياق يقول عبد العليم ابراھيم‬
‫" يمتاز التعبير بأنه غاية وغيره وسائل معينة ‪ ,‬فالقراءة تزود القاري بالمادة اللغوية‬
‫وألوان المعرفة والثقافة وكل ھذا اداة للتعبير ‪,‬‬
‫)‪(1‬محمد عبدالقادر احمد‪,‬طرق تعليم اللغة العربية‪,‬ط‪5‬القاھرة‪:‬مكتبة النھضة المصرية‪1986,‬م‪,‬ص‪311‬‬
‫)‪(2‬علي الجمبالطي وابوالفتوح التونسي‪,‬األصول الحديثة لتدريس اللغة العربية ‪,‬ط‪,5‬القاھرة‪:‬دار‬
‫النھضة‪1981,‬م‪,‬ص‪28‬‬
‫)‪(3‬عبد الفتاح حسن البجة ‪,‬أساليب تدريس اللغة وأدابھا ‪,‬ط‪,1‬دارالكتاب الجامعي ‪2001,‬م‪,‬ص‪2‬‬
‫‪ 67‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫والقواع د وسيلة لصون اللسان والقلم ‪ ,‬والخط في التعبير واالمالء وسيلة لرسم‬
‫الكلمات رسما صحيحا فيفھم التعبير الكتابي على صورته الصحيحة وھكذا ) ‪( 3‬‬
‫فاألنسان يتعلم اللغة لمخاطبة غيره وفھم ما يسمعه أو يقرؤھوللتعبير بھا شفويا أو تحريريا ويتم‬
‫ذلك عن طريق الكالم أو اإلستماع أو القراءة أو الكتابه وقد تأكد للباحثين أن الوظيفة األساسية‬
‫للغة في الحياة ھي اإلتصال بشقيه الشفوي والتحريري ومن المعروف أن عملية اإلتصال‬
‫تتكون من‬
‫المرسل –الرساله – الوسيلة – المستقبل‬‫‪17‬‬
‫مجاالت التعبير الشفوي‪:‬‬
‫ان التعبير الشفوي ھو األساس الذي ينبني عليه التعبير الكتابي ‪,‬وال بتأتى النجاح في التعبير‬
‫الكتابي إذا لم يعتنى اإلعتناء الالزم بالتعبير الشفوي وكذا بدأ به المعلمون وكثير منھم يفضل‬
‫ان يبدأ به حتى في الموضوعات التي سيكلف التالميذ باإلختيار من بينھا والكتابة فيھا ‪,‬ويسبق‬
‫التعبير الشفوي ‪,‬التعبير الكتابي عموما ومن أھم محاالته ما يلي‪:‬‬
‫‪ /1‬المحادثة‪:‬‬
‫من أھم أنواع النشاط اللغوي بالنسبة للكبار والصغار ‪,‬اما بالنسبة للصغار فينبغي ان يترك‬
‫الصغير حرا يتحدث عم يسترعي إھتمامه في البئة المحيطة به ‪,‬وحير أنواع التعبير بالنسبة‬
‫للطفل ما كان صادرا عن تجربته ونشاطه ومستمدا منھا ومن إحساسه فينطلق فيه واضح‬
‫الفكرة وسليم المنطق‪.‬‬
‫)‪(1‬رشدي احمد طعمية ‪,‬تعليم العربية لغير الناطقين بھا ‪,‬مناھجه واساليبه ‪,‬ب‬
‫ط ‪,‬الرباط ‪1998:‬م‪,‬ج‪,1‬ص‪13‬‬
‫)‪(2‬داؤد عبده ‪,‬نحو تعليم اللغة العربية وظيفيا‪,‬ط‪ ,1‬الكويت‪ ,‬مؤسسة دار العلوم ‪1979 ,‬م‪,‬ص‪9‬‬
‫)‪(3‬عبد العليم ابراھيم ‪,‬الموجه الفني المدرسي للغة العربية ‪,‬القاھرة ‪ :‬دار المعارف‪,‬ط‪,1966,,3‬ص‪145‬‬
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‫فمن طبيعة الطفل ان يميل إلى التحدث عما يقوم به من ألوان النشاط واألعمال التي يزاولھا‬
‫واألطفال عموما مفطورون على الرغبة في ان تلقى أحاديثھم اھتماما وتقديرا‪.‬‬
‫‪/2‬الخطابة ‪:‬‬
‫او التعبير الخطابي ‪:‬وھي نمط ھام من أنماط التعبير الشفوي وھي ضرورة من ضرورات‬
‫التعامل اإلجتماعي في الحياة العامة في إي مؤسسة إجتماعية ‪.‬يقول أرسطو‪":‬إن الخطابة ھي‬
‫القدرة على النظر في كل ما يوصل إلى اإلقناع في أي مسألة من المسائل " ويقول ابن رشد‬
‫"إن الخطابة ھي قوة تكفل اإلقناع الممكن في كل واحد من األشياء المقروءة)‪.(1‬‬
‫ويحتاج التعبير الخطابي إلى جمال األسلوب ‪,‬وموسيقى اللفظ‪,‬ويبنى على الفصاحة والبالغة‪.‬‬
‫‪ /3‬المناطرة ‪:‬‬
‫ھي فن القول ‪,‬وھي لون من ألوان التعبير الشفھي ‪,‬يفيد في إقناع المعاندين والمعارضين ‪,‬وھي‬
‫حوار في موضوع واحد كل منھما يثبت عكس ما يقصده االخر حيث يرى أنه الصواب ‪(2).‬‬
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‫‪ /4‬الندوة أو المناقشة‪:‬‬
‫الندوة في اللغة الجماعة وكل دار يجتمع فيھا ويرجع إليھا والندوة أيضا المشاورة والمفھوم من‬
‫الندوة إختيار ثالثة او أربعة يعھد إليھم بحث الموضوع الذي يطرح للمنافشة على أن ينفرد كل‬
‫واحد يبحث ناحية من نواحيه حتى ال يكون ھناك تكرار أو تضارب في الرأي ‪.‬‬
‫والغرض منھا ھو ابراز العمل الجماعي التعاوني لعقليات متنوعة في حل المشكالت )‪(1‬‬
‫‪ /5‬المحاضرة‪:‬‬
‫)‪(1‬محمد صالح سمك‪,‬فن التدريس للتربية اللغوية وانطباعاتھا الميلكية‪,‬وانماطھا العلمية ‪,‬القاھرة‪,‬االنجلو‬
‫النصرية‪,1979,‬ص‪467‬‬
‫)‪(2‬احمد امد علوش ‪,‬قواعد الخطابة وفق الجمعة والعيدين‪,‬ط‪,1‬مطبعة دار البيان‪1979,‬م‪,‬ص‪8‬‬
‫‪ 69‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫ھي فن قولي ‪,‬يقدم المعرفة والخبرة بطريقة منظمة وباإلتصال الشخصي المباشر وھي إحدى‬
‫مجاالت التعبير الشفوي ‪,‬ويختار المحاضر موضوعا مدروسا دراسة وافية ومرتبا ينتقل‬
‫بالسامع من حلقة الى حلقة ويفصل في النھاية الى ختام يستحسنه المستمع ‪.‬‬
‫إن الذي يقوم بإلقاء المحاضرة ھو الشخص الذي جھز الموضوع وحضره وھو يلقي‬
‫المحاضرة والمستمعون يصغون إليه ويناقشونه عند الحاجة‪.‬‬
‫‪/6‬المساجلة‪:‬‬
‫ھي المباراة والمفاخرة والمعارضة فيما تشير إليه معاجم اللغة فالمساجلة لغة من ساجله‬
‫وسجاال ‪,‬باراه وفاخره وعارضه ‪,‬والغرض من المساجلة تبادل الرأي في موضوع من‬
‫الموضوعات بأن يدلي كل عضو برأيه باختصار في نقطة من نقاط الموضوع ويحدد لھا وقت‬
‫معين ال يصح تجاوزه وبعدھا يفتح باب المناقشة ويقوم بذلك رائد المناقشة أورئيسھا للحوار‬
‫معھم)‪. (2‬‬
‫‪ /7‬المسابقة‪:‬‬
‫جاء في معاجم اللغة سابقه سباقا ومسابقة ‪,‬وأصل السباق في اللغة للخيل وھو اجراؤھا في‬
‫مضمار السباق ‪,‬وھو إجراءمسابقات في الخطابة واإللقاء الشعري وفي قراءة القصص بعد‬
‫تأليفھا وفيھا بتدرب التلميذ على على حب البحث والتنقيب والقدرة على اإلرتجال‬
‫‪ /8‬القصة‪:‬‬
‫مجال ھام للتعبير يمكن استغالله في إثراء أسلوب الطالب وإثارة خياله وھي من أنجح الطرق‬
‫في تعليم اللغة العربية ويشبع فيھا التلميذغرائزه ورغباته ويغذي خياله وينمي مداركه‬
‫‪19‬‬
‫اھداف التعبير الشفوي‪:‬‬
‫من أھم الميادين التي تشتق منھا أھداف التعليم المجتمع الذي يعيش‬
‫)‪(1‬احمد احمد علوش‪,‬مرجع سابق‪,‬ص‪142‬‬
‫)‪(2‬احمد العايد واخرون‪,‬العجم االساسي للناطقين بالعربية ومتعلميھا‪,‬المنظمة العربية للتربية والثقافة‬
‫والعلوم‪2003,‬م‪,‬ص‪609‬‬
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‫فيه المتعلم ويحرص واضعو المناھج عند وضع أھداف المادة على جعل المتعلم قادرا على‬
‫القيام بالوظائف التي يتطلبھا المجتمع الذي يعيش فيه ويمكن ترجمة األھداف التي يراد تحقيقھا‬
‫من تعليم التعبير الشفوي الى ما يأتي‪(1):‬‬
‫‪-1‬تزويد الطالب بالمادة اللغوية المناسبة لترقية لغتھم وتوسيع افقھم وتعزز معانيھا وألفاظھا‬
‫عندھم وذلك ألن االلفاظ تحمل شحنات معنوية وال تنفسل عنھا ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2‬تعويدھم الطالقة في التعبير والقدرة على وضع العبارات العربية السھلة التي ننماشى مع‬
‫فواعد النحو ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬تبصيرھم عن طريق التدريب على على جمع االفكار واستيفائھا وترتيبھا ترتيبا منطقيا مع‬
‫ترابط العبارات ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4‬تدريبھم على إنتقاء األلفاظ المالئمة للمعاني والقدرة على التفريق بين المترادفات ‪.‬‬
‫‪-5‬تعويدھم السرعة في التعبير والتفكير وكيفية مواجھة المواقف التكرارية الطارئة ‪.‬‬
‫‪-6‬تعويدھم كذلك على القيام بجميع أنواع النشاط اللغوي التي يتطلبھا منھم المجتمع وبذلك‬
‫يكون األساس الذي يقوم عليه التعبير ھو الوان النشاط اللغوي محادثة ومناقشة رسائل‬
‫وغيرھا ‪.‬‬
‫ويرى الباحث أن أھمية التعبير تنبع من أنه يتوقف عليه تصويرنا لما نريد إفھامه لغيرنا‬
‫وتحصيل خبراتنا وتفھم مشاكلنا والتغلب عليھا ‪.‬‬
‫ومن حيث مكانة التعبير يجب أن يكون ھو القالب الذي يصب فيه المرء أثمن ما لديه من أفكار‬
‫ويكون ھو الصلة التي تجعله يتفاعل مع المجتمع الذي يعيش فيه‪.‬‬
‫‪20‬‬
‫ثالثا‪ :‬الدراسات السابقة‪:‬‬
‫اجرى الكلباني في العام ‪1997‬م دراسة حول تقويم مھارات التقويم الشفھي لدى طالبات‬‫المرحلة االعدادية في منطقة الباطنية بسلطنة عمان وقد ھدفت ھذه الدراسة الى تقويم مھارات‬
‫التقويم الشفھي لدى الطالبات من خالل االجابة على االسئلة التالية ‪ :‬ما مدى توافر تلك‬
‫)‪ (1‬محمد عبد القادر احمد ‪,‬طرق تعليم اللغة العربية ‪,‬مرجع سابق ‪,‬ص‪209‬‬
‫‪ 71‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫المھارات لدى الطالبات ؟ما العالقة بين مستوى االداء اللغوي وبين االداء في مھارات التعبير‬
‫الشفھي لدى الطالبات ؟وقد تكون مجتمع الدراسة من طالبات الصفوف الثالثة في المرحلة‬
‫االعدادية وبلغت عينتھا )‪ (30‬طالبة تم اختيارھن عشوائيا من ثالث مدارس مختلفة ‪ ,‬وفي‬
‫سبيل تحقيق اھداف ھذه الدراسة فقد قامت الباحثة باعداد قائمة يمجاالت التعبير الشفھي‬
‫وبطاقة لتحليل االداء المسجل ‪ ,‬وجاءت نتائج ھذه الدراسة كاالتي‪,‬ابرز المھارات في التعبير‬
‫الشفھي كانت االفكار والكلمات والسياق والقواعد واستخدام االشارات المناسبة ‪ ,‬وجود فروق‬
‫ذات داللة احصائية بين طالبات الصف الثالث وطالبات الصف االول في المھارات المتبطة‬
‫بمستوى االفكار لصالح طالبات الصف الثالث‬
‫وقد اجرى السفوح دراسة في العام ‪2007‬م تحت عنوان "تتقييم مھارات التعبير الشفھي‬‫لدى طالبات الصف التاسع االساسي وبناء برنامج في ضوء النتائج وقد ھدفت الدراسة الى‬
‫تقييم مھارات التعبير الشفھي الموقفي لدى طالب الصف التاسع االساسي في ضوء تحصيلھم‬
‫اللغوي ةجنسھم وبناء برتامج مقترح في ضوء النتائج ‪.‬‬
‫تكونت عينة ھذه الدراسة من)‪ (102‬من الطالب والطالبات تم اختيارھم عشوائيا واشتملت اداة‬
‫الدراسة على بطاقة التحليل اللغوي الشفھي ‪,‬بلغ معامل الثبات لھذه الدراسة ‪ %80‬وھو معامل‬
‫ارتباط مناسب‬
‫ومن نتائج الدراسة وجود فروق ذات داللة احصائية بين متوسط تقديرات طلية الصف التاسع‬
‫تعزى لمتغير الجنس لصالح االناث‪ ,‬وقد اوصت الدراسة يعدد من التوصيات منھا ‪,‬ضرورة‬
‫استخدام استراتيجيات حديثة في التدريستزيط من مشاركة الطالب وبناء لرامج عالجية تعليمية‬
‫لمعالجة الضعف لدى الطالب غي مھارات التعبير الشفھي‬
‫كذلك اجرى اياد الخماسية دراسة تحت عنوان "مدى امتالك طلبة كبية التربية جامعة حائل‬‫لمھارات التعبير الشفوي من وحھة نظرھم والصعوبات التي تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة " وقد‬
‫ھدفت ھذه الدراسة الى معرفة مدى‬
‫طلبة كبية التربية جامعة حائل لمھارات التعبير الشفوي من وحھة نظرھم والصعوبات التي‬
‫تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة وقد تكونت عينة الدراسة من )‪ (305‬طالبا وطالبة نم اختيارھم‬
‫عشوائيا ‪ ,‬وتوصلت الدراسة الى النتائج التالية ‪ ,‬الطالب ال يملكون مھارات التعبير الشفھي من‬
‫وجھة نظرھم ‪,‬ثم وجود فروق ذات داللة احصائية في امتالك الطالب لمھارات التعبير الشفھي‬
‫تعزى للجنس لصالح االناث‪ .‬وقد اوصت الدراسة بعقد ورش متخصصة بھدف تنمية مھارات‬
‫التعبير الشغھي وكذلك عقد دورات تدريبية للمعلمين بھدف تعريفھم بمھارات التعبير الشفھي‬
‫واستراتيجيات تنميتھا لدى الطالب‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫‪72‬‬
‫اجرى عبد الحميد )‪ (1986‬دراسة بعنوان "تقويم التعبير الشفھي في المرحلة االعدادية في‬‫محافظة طنطا في جمھورية مصر العربية "‪ ,‬وقد ھدفت ھذه الدراسة الى تحديد مھارات‬
‫التعبير الشفھي ومجاالته المناسبة لطلبة المرحلة االعدادية ‪ ,‬والتعرف على مدى اتقات الطلبة‬
‫لتلك المھارات وبناء برنامج لتنميتھا ‪ ,‬وقد تألفت عينة ھذه الدراسة من )‪ (600‬طالبا وطالبة تم‬
‫اختيارھم عشوائيا ‪ ,‬وقد بنى الباحث استبيانين احدھما احتوى على مھارات التعبير الشفھي‬
‫المناسبة للطالب والثاني احتوى على مجاالت التعبير الشفھي المفضلة لدى الطالب وقد‬
‫توصلت الدراسة الى نتيكة مفادھا ضعف الطالب في مھارات التعبير الشفھي وقد عزى‬
‫الباحث ذلك الى القصور في خطة الطراسة وضعف المعلمين ‪.‬‬
‫ومن خالل النظر الى ھذه الدراسات وجدنا انھا اتفقت على وجود ضعف غي مھارات التعبير‬
‫الشفھي لدى الطالب وقدمت بعض ھذه الدراسات حلوال ومعالجات لھذه المشكلة يرى الباحث‬
‫انھا ربما تسھم في حل المشكلة اذما تم توظيفھا بصورة صحيحة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ Ⅲ.‬اجراءات الدراسة‬
‫اوال‪ :‬اداة الدراسة‪:‬‬
‫قا الباحث بإعداد إستبانة من النوع المغلق بعد رجوعه الى األدب التربوي والدراسات‬
‫السابقة ذات الصلة بموضوع الدراسة وقد إحتوت اإلستبانه على خمسة محاور حوت مجملة‬
‫عدد) ( كفاية وقد وضع الباحث الكفايات الفكريه ثم تلتھا الكفايات اللغوية وفي المحور الثالث‬
‫ا الكفايات الصوتية ثم ا الكفايات الملمحية واخيرا وفي المحور الخامس ‪:‬الصعوبات التي‬
‫تواجه الطالب في التعبير الشفھي من وجھة نظرھم ‪.‬‬
‫ثانيا‪:‬صدق األداة وثباتھا‪:‬‬
‫تكونت أداة الدراسة في صورتھا األولية من )‪ (38‬فقرة موزعة على خمسة محاور وقد قام‬
‫الباحث بتوزيعھا علي عدد من المحكمين من أھل الثقة والدراية من أعضاء ھئية التدريس ثم‬
‫طلب منھم الحكم على فقرات اإلستبانه من حيث مالئمتھا للمفحوصين ومناسبة وإتساق‬
‫عباراتھا وتحقيقھا للھدف الذي صممت من أجله ومن حيث مناسبة كل فقرة للمجال الذي‬
‫تنضوي تحته ‪,‬وقد أخذ الباحث بجميع الموجھات والمالحظات التي تكرم المحكمون مشكورين‬
‫بتقديمھا له ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 73‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫وللتحقق من ثباتھا فقد إستخدم الباحث طريقة اإلختبار وإعادة اإلختبار بفاصل زمني مقداره‬
‫عشرة أيام على عينة مكونة من عشرين طالبا ‪ ,‬وقد تأكد الباحث من مناسبة معامل الثبات‬
‫ألغراض الدراسة الحالية‪.‬‬
‫ثم أستخدم الباحث مقياس ليكرت الثالثي وأعطيت الدرجات من)‪ (1-3‬للفقرات وقد تم تحديد‬
‫درجة اإلتقان وقد بلغ ‪ %66‬فإذا كان المتوسط الحسابي للفقرة يزيد عن ھذه الدرجة فھذا يعني‬
‫إمتالك الطالب لكفايات التعبير الشفوي ‪ ,‬اذا نقص عن ھذه الدرجة فھذا يعني انھم ال يملكون‬
‫كفايات التعبير الشفھي‬
‫ثالثا ‪ :‬مجتمع الدراسة وعينتھا ‪:‬‬
‫يتكون مجتمع ھذه الدراسة من جميع طالب قسم دراسات الشرق األوسط بكلية اللغات‬
‫األجنبية ‪ ,‬وعينة ھذه الراسة تم اختيارھا اختيارا عشوائيا وقد بلغ عدد‬
‫العينة )‪ (40‬طاال وطالبة والجدول رقم )‪ (1‬يبين توزيعھا ‪.‬‬
‫جدول رقم)‪(1‬‬
‫التكرارات والنسب المئوية‬
‫المتغير‬
‫التكرار‬
‫النسبة المئوية‬
‫طالب‬
‫‪15‬‬
‫‪%38‬‬
‫طالبات‬
‫‪25‬‬
‫‪%62‬‬
‫المجموع‬
‫‪40‬‬
‫‪%100‬‬
‫رابعا‪ :‬األساليب االحصائية ‪:‬‬
‫( لحساب المتوسطات الحسابية ‪spss‬استخدم الباحث البرنامج اإلحصائي )‬
‫واالنحرافات المعيلرية والنسب المئوئة ‪.‬‬
‫خامسا‪:‬نتائج الدراسة ومناقشتھا‪:‬‬
‫وفيما يلي عرض نتائج الدراسة التي ھدفت إلى التعرف على مدى إمتالك طالب قسم دراسات‬
‫الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفھي واھم الصعوبات التي تواجھھم من‬
‫وجھة نظرھم وسوف يتم عرض النتائج ومناقشتھا وفقا لما جاء في اسئلة الدراسة ‪.‬‬
‫ولإلجابة على السؤال األول والذي نص على "ما مدى إمتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق‬
‫االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفھي من وجھة نظرھم؟"‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫جدول رقم )‪(2‬‬
‫المتوسطات الحسابية واالنحرافات المعيارية التي تقيس مدى امتالك طالب جامعة دانكوك‬
‫لكفايات التعبير الشفوي من وجھة نظرھم‪:‬‬
‫الكفايات الفكرية‪:‬‬
‫الرقم‬
‫الفقرات‬
‫المتوسط‬
‫الحسابي‬
‫االنحراف المعياري‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫أبدأ حديثي بمقدمة جميلة‬
‫‪2.03‬‬
‫‪0.49‬‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫أرتب افكاري جيدا‬
‫‪2.20‬‬
‫‪0.61‬‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫أوصل افكاري بسھولة‬
‫‪2.26‬‬
‫‪0.69‬‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫استخدم كلمات بسيطة‬
‫‪2.50‬‬
‫‪0.57‬‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫أقدم حلوال ومقترحات‬
‫‪2.40‬‬
‫‪0.56‬‬
‫‪6‬‬
‫أنوع في عرض افكاري‬
‫‪2.16‬‬
‫‪0.64‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫ألتزم بموضوع الحديث‬
‫‪2.40‬‬
‫‪0.56‬‬
‫‪8‬‬
‫استخدم امثلة‬
‫‪2.23‬‬
‫‪0.56‬‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫أنسق افكاري‬
‫‪2.23‬‬
‫‪0.56‬‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫ألخص االفكار في نھاية‬
‫‪2.10‬‬
‫‪0.60‬‬
‫‪2.23‬‬
‫‪0.66‬‬
‫الحديث‬
‫‪11‬‬
‫أكون دقيقا في عرض‬
‫االفكار‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫‪2.25‬‬
‫‪74‬‬
‫‪ 75‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫‪.1‬‬
‫الكفايات اللغوية‪:‬‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫االنحراف‬
‫المعياري‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫أستخدم كلمات مناسبة‬
‫‪2.50‬‬
‫‪0.63‬‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫أستخدم جمال صحيحة‬
‫‪2.03‬‬
‫‪0.49‬‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫ال أستخدم الفاظا غريبة‬
‫‪2.03‬‬
‫‪0.81‬‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫ال أستخدم جمال طويلة‬
‫‪1.90‬‬
‫‪0.80‬‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫أھتم بالنحو اثناء الحديث‬
‫‪2.26‬‬
‫‪0.69‬‬
‫‪6‬‬
‫أستخدم كلمات تعبر عن المعنى‬
‫‪2.23‬‬
‫‪0.67‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫أربط الجمل بشكل جيد‬
‫‪2.23‬‬
‫‪0.61‬‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫‪2.17‬‬
‫الفقرات‬
‫الرقم‬
‫الكفايات الصوتية‪:‬‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫االنحراف المعياري‬
‫الفقرات‬
‫الرقم‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫أتحدث بصوت واضح‬
‫‪2.36‬‬
‫‪0.66‬‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫أتحدث بثقة‬
‫‪1.96‬‬
‫‪0.49‬‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫أحرص على النطق الصحيح‬
‫‪1.96‬‬
‫‪0.80‬‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫أتحدث مناسبة‬
‫‪1.86‬‬
‫‪0.86‬‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫أميز مخارج الحروف‬
‫‪2.36‬‬
‫‪0.66‬‬
‫‪6‬‬
‫اوزن إيقاع الحروف عند االنتقال من‬
‫‪2.16‬‬
‫‪0.53‬‬
‫فكرة أوزن إيقاع الحروف عند االنتقال‬
‫من فكرة الى اخرى‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫‪2.11‬‬
‫الكفايات الملمحية‪:‬‬
‫الرقم‬
‫الفقرات‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫أستخدم تعبيرات وجھي وفقا للمعنى‬
‫أحرك اعضاء جسمي وفقا للمعنى‬
‫‪2.60‬‬
‫‪2.26‬‬
‫االنحراف‬
‫المعياري‬
‫‪0.62‬‬
‫‪0.78‬‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫أواجه المستمعين وانظر للمستمعين‬
‫‪2.53‬‬
‫‪0.50‬‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫أستخدم اشارات مناسبة‬
‫‪2.46‬‬
‫‪0.57‬‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫أستخدم اشارات وحركات مناسبة لجذب‬
‫‪2.56‬‬
‫‪0.56‬‬
‫انتباه المستمعين‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫‪2.48‬‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫‪76‬‬
‫ومن الجدول اعاله رقم) ‪ ( 2‬نالحط أن أعلى المتوسطات الحسابية التي تقيس مدى‬
‫أمتالك طلبة قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفھي كانت‬
‫لصالح الكفايات الملمحية بمتوسط حسابي بلغ )‪, (2.48‬ثم تلتھا بعد ذلك الكفايات‬
‫الفكرية بمتوسط حسابي بلغ )‪, (2.24‬ثم جاء في المرتبة التي تليھا الكفايات اللغوية‬
‫بمتوسط حسابي بلغ )‪ , (2.16‬واما الكفايات الصوتية فقد حازت المرتبة االخيرة‬
‫بمتوسط حسابي قدره )‪(2.11‬‬
‫ويرجع الباحث إحتالل الكفايات الملمحية للمرتبة االولي في ترتيب مجاالت التعبير‬
‫الشفوي االربعة وحصوله على اعلى متوسط حسابي الى ان بني االنسان عموما والطالب‬
‫على وجه الخصوص يحاولون أحيانا اإلستعانة باإلشارات والتعابير الحركية بواسطة‬
‫أعضاء الجسم خاصة عندما تعجز الذاكرة عن إسعافھم ورفدھم بالمفردات المناسبة‬
‫للموقف والمتصلة بسياق الموضوع سعيا منھم إلى تعزيز وتوضيح ما يقولون من خالل‬
‫قرنه باإلشارات ‪.‬‬
‫واما كون ان الكفايات الصوتية قد حازت المرتبة األخيرة وفان الباحث يرجع ذلك إلى أن‬
‫عموم المتحدثين ياللغة العربية من الناطقين بغيرھا وخصوصا من فئات التعليم الدنيا‬
‫)الجامعي وما دون( يواجھون غالبا مشاكال في نطق بعض األحرف بسبب ضعفھم في‬
‫تمييز مخارج الحروف وھذا بدوره يؤثر سلبا على ثقتھم بانفسھم ومقدرتھم على النطق‬
‫السليم ‪.‬‬
‫جدول رقم )‪(3‬‬
‫المتوسطات الحسابية واالنحرافات المعيارية التي تقيس الصعوبات التي تواجه طالب قسم‬
‫دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك في امتالك كفايات التعبير الشفوي من وجھة نظرھم‪:‬‬
‫الرقم‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫‪6‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫‪8‬‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫الفقرات‬
‫ال يشجعني مستواى على التعبيرالشفوي‬
‫ال أثق بنفسي‬
‫أخاف من الفشل واالجابة الخاطئة‬
‫ال يسمح لي اسلوب التدريس بالمشاركة‬
‫فھو تلقيني‬
‫ال أقدر علي مواجھة الجمھور‬
‫ال أقدر على التعبير باللغة الفصيحة‬
‫أخجل من التحدث امام زمالئي‬
‫تعوق أعداد الطالب قدرتي على التعبير‬
‫ال يتيح لي وقت المحاضرة المشاركة‬
‫والتعبير الشفوي‬
‫االنحراف المعياري‬
‫المتوسط الحسابي‬
‫‪1.93‬‬
‫‪2.03‬‬
‫‪2.00‬‬
‫‪0.69‬‬
‫‪1.23‬‬
‫‪0.43‬‬
‫‪1.83‬‬
‫‪1.73‬‬
‫‪1.83‬‬
‫‪1.56‬‬
‫‪0.64‬‬
‫‪0.63‬‬
‫‪0.74‬‬
‫‪0.49‬‬
‫‪1.40‬‬
‫‪0.56‬‬
‫‪0.63‬‬
‫‪0.76‬‬
‫‪ 77‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫لالجابة على السؤال رقم )‪ (2‬والذي نصه "ما ھي الصعوبات التي تواجه طالب جامعة دانكوك في‬
‫إمتالك كفايات التعبير الشفھي من وجھة نظرھم" وبالنظر للجدول اعاله رقم )‪( 3‬‬
‫نالحظ أن أعلى المتوسطات الحسابية للفقرات التي تقيس الصعوبات التي تواجه الطالب في‬
‫جامعة دانكوك‪ .‬قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط في امتالك مھارات التعبير الشفوي من وجھة‬
‫نظرھم جاءت للفقرة رقم )‪ (2‬والتي تنص على "ال أثق بنفسي( بمتوسط حسابي قدره) ‪(2.03‬‬
‫وانحراف معياري بلغ )‪ , (0.76‬ثم الفقرة رقم )‪ (3‬والتي نصھا "أخاف من الفشل واإلجاية‬
‫الخاطئة" بمتوسط حسابي )‪ (2.00‬وأنحراف معياري بلغ )‪. (0.69‬‬
‫بينما حصلت الفقرات رقم )‪ (4‬والتي تنص على"ال يسمح لي اسلوب التدريس بالمشاركة فھو‬
‫تلقيني" ‪,‬ثم الفقرة رقم )‪(9‬والتي تنص عبى " ال يتيح لي وقت المحاضرة المشاركة والتعبير‬
‫الشفوي " ‪.‬على ادنى المتوسطات الحسابية واالنحرافات المعيارية مما يقلل من تأثيرھا ‪.‬‬
‫الباحث يعزي حصول الصعوبة في الفقرة رقم )‪ (2‬والتي نصھا "ال أثق بنفسي "‬
‫الى ضعف اإلعداد وربما انعدامه في المراحل التعليمية الدنيا )متوسط –ثانوي ( فتنعدم عندھم‬
‫بالتالي الخبرة التي تعينھم على إكتساب الثقة بالنفس ومعلوم أن تعلم اللغة العربية "وال سيما‬
‫التعبير الشفوي "شأنھا شأن اللغات األجنبية االخرى يعتمد على تراكم الخبرات وثراء الذخيرة‬
‫المعرفية‬
‫واما الفقرة ذات الرقم )‪ (3‬والتي تنص على "أخاف من الفشل واإلجابة الخاطئة"‬
‫فھي مرتبطة إلى حد كبير بالفقرة التي سبقتھا فالثقة بالنفس والمقدرات تكسر حاجز الخوف من‬
‫فشل اإلجابة عند الطالب‪.‬‬
‫اما حصول الفقرة ذات الرقم )‪ (4‬والتي نصھا " ال يسمح لي أسلوب التدريس بالمشاركة فھو‬
‫تلقيني" على ادنى متوسط حسابي فربما يبرر ذبك بأن اسلوب التدريس المتبع يعتمد بصورة‬
‫كبيرة على طريقتي الحوار والمناقشة مما يتيح للطالب المشاركة في النقاش والتعبير ‪.‬‬
‫واما حصول الفقرة رقم )‪ (9‬والتي تنص على " ال يتيح لي وقت المحاضرة المشاركة والتعبير‬
‫الشفوي " ‪.‬على ثاني أدنى متوسط حسابي فھذا ربما يعزى إلى‬
‫أن الساعتين المقررتين كوقت للمحاضرة تعتبر كافية ومثالية الى حد كبيريمكن للجميع‬
‫المشاركة خاللھا اذا ما وضعنا في اإلعتيار ان طريقة التدريس واساليبه تعتمد بصورة كبيرة‬
‫علي الحوار والمناقشة‪.‬‬
‫‪The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014‬‬
‫‪78‬‬
‫ولإلجابة على السؤال الثالث والذي ينص على "كيفية معالجة الصعوبات التي تواجه الطالب"‬
‫وبالرجوع الى الجدول رقم )‪ (3‬أعاله فإننا نالحظ أن الفقرات التي حازت أعلى متوسطات‬
‫حسابية تمثلت في الفقرة ذات الرقم )‪ (2‬والتي تنص على "ال أثق بنفسي( بمتوسط حسابي‬
‫قدره) ‪ (2.03‬وأنحراف معياري بلغ )‪ , (0.76‬ثم الفقرة رقم )‪ (3‬والتي نصھا "أخاف من‬
‫الفشل واالجاية الخاطئة" بمتوسط حسابي )‪ (2.00‬وانحراف معياري بلغ )‪ (0.69‬وعليه‬
‫يمكن القول انه يمكن التغلب على ھاتين المشكلتين عبر الحلول التالية‪. :‬‬
‫‪-1‬تعزيز ثقة الطالب في أنفسھم من خالل تنمية زخيرتھم اللغوية وتدريبھم على أساليب‬
‫التعبير‬
‫‪-2‬ضرورة اإلعتماد على طرائق تدريس تركز على مشاركة الطالب وتفاعلھم مثل العصف‬
‫الذھني والتعلم التعاوني والطريقة الحوارية‬
‫سادساالتوصيات ‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬بناء برامج تعليمية تسھم في تنمية كفايات التعبير الشفھي لدى الطالب‬
‫‪-2‬استخدام اساليب التدريس التي تعتمد بشكل اساسي على مشاركة الطالب عبر‬
‫الحوار والمناقشة مثل "العصف الذھني – التعليم التعاوني ‪ -‬الحوار‪ -‬المتاقشة –‬
‫لعب االدوار –حل المشكالت "‬
‫‪-3‬عقد دورات تدريبية ألعضاء ھئية التدريس بھدف تعريفھم بكفايات التعبير الشفھي واليات‬
‫تنميتھا وتطويرھا لدى الطالب ‪.‬‬
‫‪-4‬عقد ورش دورية مختصصة للطالب بھدف تنمية وترقية كفايات التعبير الشفوي لديھم‬
‫‪-6‬تفعيل دور المختبرات اللغوية التي تنمي الكفايات اللفطية لدى الطالب‬
‫‪ 79‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫المراجع‪:‬‬
‫‪-1‬احمد العايد واخرون‪,‬العجم االساسي للناطقين بالعربية ومتعلميھا‪,‬المنظمة العربية للتربية‬
‫والثقافة والعلوم‪2003,‬م‪,‬ص‪609‬‬
‫‪-2‬احمد حسين اللقاني واخرون تدريس المواد االجتماعية ط‪,4‬القاھرة ‪:‬عالم الكتب ‪ 1990‬م‬
‫‪-3‬الخمايسة‪,‬اياد محمد خير‪,‬مدى امتالك طلبة كلية التربية حائل لمھارات العبير الشفھي من‬
‫وجھة تظرھم والصعوبات التي تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة ‪,‬مجلة الجامعة االسالمية للدراسات‬
‫التربوية والنفسية‪,‬غزه ‪,‬العدد االول ‪2012,‬م‬
‫‪-4‬بدرية فخرو‪,‬الكفايات الشخصية لمعمي التربية الخاصة ‪,‬رسالة ماجستير غير‬
‫منشورة ‪,‬كلية التربية ‪,‬جامعه الخليج العربي ‪1992,‬م‬
‫‪-5‬الكلباني ‪,‬زوينة بنت سعيد‪ ,‬تقويم مھارات التعبير الشفوي لدى تلميذات المرحلة االعدادية ‪,‬‬
‫رسالة ماجستير ‪,‬جامعة السلطان قابوس‪,‬عمان ‪1997,‬م‬
‫‪-6‬نصر‪ ,‬حمدان ‪,‬مھارات االرسال واالستقبال في اللغة العربية‪,‬محاضرات غير منشورة‬
‫قدمت لطلبة ماجستير التربية ‪,‬اختصاص مناھج اللغة العربية واساليب تدريسھا ‪,‬جامعة‬
‫اليرموك ‪,‬كلية التربية‪2006,‬م‬
‫‪-7‬عصر ‪ ,‬حسني عبد الباري ‪ ,‬تعليم اللغة العربية في تالمرحلة االبتدائية ‪ ,‬القاھرة ‪ :‬دار نشر‬
‫الثقافة‪1997 ,‬‬
‫‪-8‬محمد ذياد حمدان‪,‬قياس كفاية التدريس ‪,‬جدة‪:‬الدار السعودية للنشر والتوزيع‪1984,‬م‪,‬‬
‫‪-9‬الناقة‪,‬محمود ‪,‬طرق تدريس اللغة العربية في المرحلة االبتدائية ‪,‬الكويت الجامعة العربية‬
‫المفتوحة ‪,‬الصفاه ‪,‬ط‪1‬‬
‫‪-10‬عبد الحميد‪ ,‬عبد ﷲ عبد الحميد ‪ ,‬تقويم التعبير الشفھي في المرحلة‬
‫االعدادية ‪ ,‬رسالة دكتوراه غير منشورة ‪ ,‬جامعة طنطا ‪ ,‬مصر‪1986‬‬
‫‪-11‬عبدالرحمن جامل‪,‬الكفايات التعليمية في القياس والتقويم واكتسابھا بالتعلم‬
‫الذاتي‪,‬عمان‪:‬ط‪,2‬دار المناھج للنشر والتوزيع‬
‫‪ -12‬والي ‪,‬فتحي فاضل ‪,‬تدريس اللغة العربية في المرحلة االبتدائية طرقه‪ ,‬اساليبه‪,‬قضاياه‪,‬دار‬
‫االندلس سسنشر والتوزيع ‪,‬ط‪1,1998‬م‬
‫‪ -13‬السفوح ‪,‬سمير صايل علي‪,,‬تقييم مھارات التعبير الشفھي لدى طلبة الصف التاسع‬
‫االساسي في ضوء النتائج ‪ ,‬رسالة ماجستير غير منشورة ‪,‬جامعة‬
‫اليرموك ‪,‬اربد ‪,‬االردن ‪2007,‬م‬
‫‪-14‬توفيق احمد مرعي ‪,‬الكفايات في ضو النظم‪,‬ط‪,1‬عمان‪:‬دار الفرقان‪1983,‬م‬
‫‪ -15‬يس قنديل ‪,‬التدريس وإعداد المعلم‪,‬القاھرة‪:‬مطابع الحميضي ‪,‬ط‪2000, 3‬م‪,‬‬
‫‪-16Ma Ashan ,H.H. competency Based Education and Behaioral Objectives .(New‬‬
‫‪jersey ,Educational Technology Publications ,1979 p.page 94‬‬
80
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
Extent the student of middle
east studies at dankook university to the competencies
of oral expression and difficulties which they faced from
their perspective
Ahmed Sayed Mohammed Nogod allah
The aim of this study is to find out how to own the Middle East Studies Department at the
University of dankook oral expression competencies and and identify the main difficulties
they face from their perspective.
The population of the study consisted of all students of the same University'sMiddle East
Studies scholar whom picked delegation (40) randomly sampled for this study, the
researcher on the closed questionnaire was adopted as an instrument for the collection of
data necessary for the study and after measuring the sincerity and consistency, the
researcher used a number of statistical methods of processing the data and found the
following results:
1. almlmhai competencies got on top of the arithmetic means that students have to
measure the skills of oral expression, followed by intellectual and linguistic and finally the
voice side
2-double trust students themselves and theirablities is The main reason for feeling
hard-guy students oral expression promoting the confidence of students and their yanfshm
and the development of the linguistic and cognitive repertoire and diversifying teaching
methods are the most important methods of addressing weaknesses incident guy oral
expression.
The researcher made a number of recommendations:
1.prepairing educational programmes that contribute to the upgrading and improvement
of teaching skills of students
2-traning courses for members teaching in order to familiarize them with competencies
‫‪ 81‬مدى امتالك طالب قسم دراسات الشرق االوسط بجامعة دانكوك لكفايات التعبير الشفوي واھم الصعوبات التي‬
‫‪sdff‬تواجھھم داخل المحاضرة من وجھة نظرھم\ د‪ .‬احمد سيد محمد نقد‬
‫‪of oral expression‬‬
‫‪3-activating language clubs which help student to improve and develop their oral‬‬
‫‪expression competencies‬‬
‫‪Key Words :‬‬
‫التعبير الشفوى‬
‫الدراسات السابقة‬
‫اجراءات الدراسة‬
‫كفايات‬
‫طالب في قسم اللغة العربية‬
‫دراسات الشرق األوسط‬
편집위원회 및 편집규정 83
『The Gulf Area Studies』 편집위원회 및 편집규정
제정 2013.11
제1장 총칙
1조 본 위원회는 『The Gulf Area Studies』 편집위원회라 칭한다.
2조 본 위원회는 GCC국가연구소 정관에 의거하여 연구소 내에 설치하며,
논총편집 및 논문심사를 목적으로 한다.
제2장 구성과 임기
1조 편집위원회는 1인의 편집위원장, 6인 내외의 편집위원, 편집간사 1인으로
구성된다.
2조 편집위원장은 국내외 걸프지역 전문가 중에서 GCC국가연구소장이
추천하고, GCC국가연구소 운영위원들의 동의를 받아 GCC국가연구소장이
임명한다.
3조 편집위원은 연구 활동이 우수한 연구자 중에서 투고 논문을 세부
전공별로 심사할 수 있도록 각 영역 전문가를 고루 선정하며, 가능한
학문분야 및 연구지역을 안배하도록 한다.
제3장 기능
1조 편집위원회는『The Gulf Area Studies』의 체제와 발간 횟수, 분량, 논문심사
기준 및 투고규정을 결정한다.
2조 편집위원장은 연구소에 접수된 논문의 심사위원을 선정. 의뢰하고,
편집위원회는 심사결과를 참조하여 논문 게재 여부를 최종적으로 의결한다.
3조 편집위원회는 필요한 경우 심사료 및 게재료를 결정한다.
4조 전임 소장에 한하여 본인이 희망하는 경우 평생 한 차례 『The Gulf Area
Studies』의 기념 논문집을 발간한다.
제4장 회의
1조 편집위원회는 논총 투고논문의 심사를 위해 심사위원의 선정과 게재 논문
결정을 위해 논총 발간 기간에 맞춰 정기적으로 소집한다.
84
The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
2조 편집위원회는 편집위원장의 소집에 의해 편집위원의 과반 수 이상으로
성원이 되고, 출석 위원 과반 수 이상의 찬성으로 의결한다.
제5장 심사기준
1조 내용의 적절성: 논문의 주제가 페르시아(아라비아)걸프지역에 관련된
주제여야 한다.
2조 내용의 독창성: 논문의 내용은 국내외 학술지에 게재되지 않은 새롭고
참신한 것이어야 한다.
3조 전개의 논리성: 내용의 구성과 전개는 논리적이고 명료해야 한다.
4조 학문적 기여도: 논문의 내용은 페르시아(아라비아) 걸프지역학의 이론적,
실질적 발전에 기여할 수 있어야 한다.
5조 형식의 적절성: 논문은 본 학술지 투고규정에 적합한 형식을 갖추어야
한다.
6조 연구방법의 적절성: 논문은 연구주제에 대한 문제 제기, 연구방법,
연구결과의 활용 및 기대효과 등에 타당성이 있어야 한다.
제6장 심사절차
1조 접수: 논문접수는 마감일(투고규정 2조 참조)까지 도착한 논문에 한해
접수한다. 다만 논문의 투고규정이나 작성요령을 지키지 않은 논문은
접수하지 않는다.
2조 심사위원 선정: 편집위원장은 접수된 논문을 각 영역 전공별로 분류하고
합당한 심사위원을 선정한다. 심사위원은 편집위원을 중심으로 해당 분야에서
학술활동이 뛰어난 연구자 중에서 3인을 선정한다. 단 논문 투고자는
제외하는 것을 원칙으로 한다.
3조 심사의뢰: 편집위원장은 ‘심사의뢰서’를 작성하여 해당 심사위원 에게
심사대상 논문, 심사의뢰서, 그리고 본 연구소 논문심사서 양식을 보낸다.
이때 논문심사의 공정성을 유지하기 위해, 투고자의 이름과 소속이
심사위원에게 알려지지 않도록 한다. 연구비 수혜사실은 심사대상 논문에
표기하지 않고, 게재가 확정된 후 최종 교정지에 표기한다.
4조 심사: 각 심사위원은 심사 의뢰서에 있는 ‘심사서 작성 요령’을 근거로
배당된 논문을 심사하여 A, B, C, D, E의 5등급으로 평정하고 심사평 난에
평정의 근거를 구체적으로 기술한다.
5조 심사보고서 제출: 각 심사위원은 심사결과를 본 연구소 논문심사서에
편집위원회 및 편집규정 85
구체적으로 작성하여 논문 원고제출 마감일로부터 3주 이내에 편집
위원장에게 통보한다. 논문심사서에는 심사위원의 익명성을 보장하기 위해서
심사위원의 소속, 직위, 성명 대신에 본인만의 고유번호를 사용한다.
심사보고서를 작성하는 데는 논문총평, 논문내용, 논문형식 등으로 영역을
나누어 작성하고, 특히 수정을 제의하는 경우에는 수정할 곳과 방향을
구체적으로 지시한다.
6조 게재결정: 편집위원장은 심사결과를 가지고 10일 이내에 편집 위원회를
소집하여 심사결과를 알린다.
1. 투고논문의 심사결과는 아래의 경우에 따라 정해진다.
심사위원 A
심사위원 B
심사위원 C
심의 결과
게재
게재
게재
게재
게재
게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
게재
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재 불가
수정 후 게재
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재 불가
수정 후 게재
수정 후 게재
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재 불가
게재
게재
게재 불가
편집위원회 회부
게재
수정 후 게재
게재 불가
편집위원회 회부
2. ‘게재’ 판정을 받은 논문일지라도 심사위원의 지적사항, 오류, 오타는
수정해야하며 이에 따르지 않으면 게제의사가 없는 것으로 간주한다.
3. ‘수정 후 게재’ 판정을 받은 논문의 투고자는 심사위원의 수정 사항을
반영한 논문을 정해진 기일 안에 편집위원회에 제출해야 하며 이에 따르지
않으면 게재의사가 없는 것으로 간주한다. 수정된 내용은 해당
심사위원에게 통지되며 3일 이내에 이의 표명이 없으면 수정 사항이
수용된 것으로 간주하며, 특별한 경우에는 편집위원회에서 수정여부를
판단할 수 있다.
4. ‘게재’나 ‘수정 후 게재’로 심사를 통과한 논문이라도 편집위원회가 정한
일정량을 초과할 경우, 심사결과 등급 및 학문분야의 적실성에 따라 게제를
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제한할 수 있다. 동일저자의 연속 게재는 피하는 것을 원칙으로 한다.
5. 게재 결정 후에라도 연구윤리규정을 어긴 것으로 확인된 논문은
편집위원회에서 게재 결정을 취소할 수 있으며 일정기간 투고자격을
제한할 수 있다.
6. 편집자는 학술지 발간 시 논문접수일, 심사완료일, 게재확정일 등의
논문처리일정을 각 논문의 마지막 페이지에 기재한다.
제7장 이의신청:
1. 심사위원의 수정 요구에 이의가 있을 경우 1주일 이내에 이의신청서) 를
편집위원회에 제출할 수 있다.
2. 심사결과 ‘게재’ – ‘게재’ – ‘게재불가’의 경우나 ‘게재’ – ‘수정 후 게재’ –
‘게재불가’의 경우 ‘게재불가’ 판정에 1주일 이내에 이의 신청서를
편집위원회에 제출할 수 있으며 편집위원회는 이의신청이 타당하다고
인정된 경우 별도의 심사위원을 선정하여 재심사하고 그 결과를
투고자에게 통지한다.
제8장 보안:
모든 편집위원, 편집간사, 연구보조원들은 편집회의 관련 내용에 대하여
비밀을 유지하여야 한다.
제9장 기타
본 규정에 명시되지 않은 사항은 관례에 따른다.
투고규정 및 논문작성요령
87
『The Gulf Area Studies』 투고규정 및
논문작성요령
투고규정
1조
논문의내용: 걸프지역과 관련된 주제로 해당지역의 이론적, 실질적
발전에 기여하는 내용이어야 한다.
2조
원고 제출:
1) 논문은 연구소 홈페이지에 탑재하거나 email(gcc-dankook@
hanmail.net)로 제출하고 심사 후 결과에 따라 최종 수정된
원고를 다시 홈페이지에 탑재 또는 email로 제출한다.
2) 마감 일자는 년 2회로 6월 15일과 12월 15일 이다.
3) 논문이 공동저작으로 제1저자가 있는 경우 공동저자와 구분하여
이름과 소속을 명시한다.
3조
논총목차: 논총의 목차는 정치, 경제, 역사, 종교, 문화, 언어,
문학의 순서를 따른다.
4조
논문의 The Gulf Area Studies 논문작성요령 에 따라 작성한다.
5조
6조
7조
8조
9조
10조
게재예정증명서의 발급은 편집위원회에 의하여 ‘게재가’로 결정된
이후에만 가능하다.
단독 게재의 경우 동일 필자가 연속 2회 게재하지 않는 것을
원칙으로 한다.
‘게재가’로 결정된 원고의 교정은 필자의 책임 하에 행한다.
논문 분량은 지정된 용지 규격으로 25쪽을 넘지 않도록 하며,
초과된 분량에 대해서는 필자가 추가인쇄비를 부담한다. 만일 원고
분량이 너무 부족하다고 판단되는 경우에는 편집위원회 의 의견을
붙여 접수를 보류할 수 있다.
투고자는 논문 게재시 소정의 게재료를 납부해야 한다.
투고된 논문은 게재 여부와 상관없이 반환하지 않으며, 본 논총에
게재된 논문에 대한 저작권은 필자와 연구소가 공동으로 갖는다.
따라서 논문 전체 혹은 부분을 재수록할 경우에는 사전에 필자와
연구소의 동의를 얻어야 한다.
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
논문작성요령
1.
논문은 <MS Word 2010> 이상으로 작성하며
휴면명조이다. 논문의 편집 규정은 다음에 따른다.
속성
글자
크기
글자
모양
줄간격
논문 제목
15
진하게
1.5 줄
장제목:Ⅰ.
14
진하게
고정 27pt
절제목: 1.
12
보통
고정 18pt
10.5
보통
고정 17pt
제목
들여
쓰기
하지
않음
하지
않음
하지
않음
기본글씨체는
정렬
방식
비고
가운데
양쪽혼합
소제목: 1)
세부제목:(1)
미세 제목: ①
본문・본문주
참고
문헌
표
그림
초
록
2.
양쪽혼합
제목
14
진하게
1.5 줄
내용
10.5
보통
고정 17pt
제목
10.5
진하게
내용
8
보통
9
제목
내용
설명주
0.35cm
하지
않음
하지
않음
가운데
양쪽혼합
고정 17pt
하지
않음
가운데
보통
고정 13pt
1.5 줄
하지
않음
17
진하게
고정 17pt
10.5
보통
1.5 줄
0.35cm
하지
않음
장평
85%
자간
0
양쪽혼합
가운데
1) 원고의 표지에는 논문제목, 논자명, 논자소속 및 근무처와 연락처,
전공분야 등을 명기한다.
2) 논문의 제목은 가급적 2행을 넘기지 않는다.
3) 초록은 200단어 내외로 영어로 작성하며, 영어로 쓴 논문은 한국어
초록을 제시한다. 기타 외국어의 경우에는 영문 초록을 제시한다.
4) 논문을 소제목으로 구분할 경우, <목차>로 정리하여 논문제목
다음에 넣는다.
5) 연구비 수혜 사실이 있는 경우는 논문의 첫 쪽 하단에 명기한다.
투고규정 및 논문작성요령
95
3.
1) 상․하위제목의 번호체계는 아래 예와 같이 한다. 예) Ⅰ 1. 1) (1) ①
2) 각 제목의 사이는 한 줄씩 띄운다. 세부제목과 미세제목에 이어지는
본문은 띄우지 않는다.
4.
저자 성명의 영문 표기는 저자가 정한 철자법에 따르되, 특별한 요청이
없는 한, 영문 논문 제목 하단의 저자명에는 ‘성 이름’ 방식(예: Jang,
Gil- San)으로 통일한다. 논문의 체제는 본 규정의『The Gulf Area Studies』
논문작성요령과 투고양식 안내에 따라 작성한다.
5.
인용 문헌의 원천명은 참고문헌에만 열거하고, 각주로서는 달지
않는다.
각주는 반드시 본문주로 한다. 단 설명주는 각주로 처리할 수 있다.
본문주 예: ~고려해야 한다(김정위 1988, 34-35).
영문 주석은 같은 본문주를 사용하되 성만 사용한다.
영문 본문주 예: ~라고 주장하고 있다(Lewis 1995, 167).
6.
7.
영어 초록의 하단에 5개의 키워드를 명기하고 결론 부분의 하단에
논문의 주 언어로 5개 이내의 주제어를 명기한다.
8.
참고문헌의 표기시 책의 제목은 한글 저서의 경우 『』안에 넣으며,
외국어는 저서명을 이탤릭체로 표기한다. 책의 제목과 부제목의 첫
글자만 대문자로, 나머지는 소문자로 표기한다.
1) 저서
저자의 성, 저자의 이름(출판년도). 『 저서명 』 , 권수, 도시이름:
출판사.
① 단일 저자(책)
김정위(1993). 『중동사』, 서울: 대한교과서주식회사.
Choueiri, Youssef M.(1990). Islamic fundamentalism, London: Printer
Publisher.
② 복수 저자(책)
김중관, 심의섭(1999). 『이슬람 경제의 사상과 적용』. 서울:
신창문화사.
Crone, Patricia, & Hindes, Martin(1986). God's caliph: Religious
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
authority in the first centuries of Islam, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
2) 논문
논문필자(출판년도). “논문명”, 『 학술지명 』 권번호(호번 호),
논문페이지.
외국어는 학술지명과 권번호(Volume number)를 이탤릭체로 하며,
논문의 제목과 부제목에서 첫 글자만 대문자로 하고 나머지는
소문자로 표기한다.
① 단일 저자
사희만(1993). “아랍인의 비언어적 의사소통 양식에 관한 고찰”,
『중동문제연구』1, 117-129.
Ranstrop, Magus(1996). “Terrorism in the name of religion”, Journal of
International Affairs, 11(2), 134-149.
② 복수 저자
김종인, 박인혜, 김종갑(2000). “현대서술이론의 흐름”, 『문학교육』,
55(2), 243-279.
Berman, R. A., & Olshtain, B(1983). “Features of foreign language
transfer in second language attrition”, Applied Linguistics, 4(3), 222-234.
3) 편저서(외국어는 저서명을 이탤릭체로 표기한다)
편저서에 수록된 글(chapter)의 저자(출판년도). “chapter의 제목”,
『저서명』, 편저자, 도시: 출판사, 글(chapter)의 페이지.
① 단일 편저자
박주언(2000). “이중언어이론과 영어교육”, 『현대 영어 교육의
이해와 전망』, 황적륜(편저), 서울: 서울대학교 출판부, 270-295.
Altman, G(1990). “Cognitive models of speech processing: An
introduction”, Cognitive models of speech processing: Psycholinguistic
and computational perspectives, G. Altman(Ed.), Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press, 1-23.
② 복수 편저자
Barnes, D(1993). “Supporting exploratory talk for learning”, Cycles of
meaning: Exploring the potential of talk in learning communities, K. M.
Pierce & C. J. Gilles(Eds.), Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann Educational
books.17-34.
투고규정 및 논문작성요령
95
4) 신문․잡지기사(외국어는 신문․잡지명을 이탤릭체로 표기한다)
원고 작성자(2***년 **월 **일자). “기사 제목”, 『신문․ 잡지명』,
페이지.
① 단일 저자
Bowles, Jerry(February 1976). “How We got This way: TV-Styled
America”, Vouge. No. 166, 165-193.
② 복수 저자
Gerbner, George and Larry Gross(June 7, 1976). “Ending Mayhem”,
Time, No. 107, 116-118.
9.
10.
5) 인터넷 자료(외국어는 글 제목을 이탤릭체로 표기한다)
인터넷을 통해 얻은 자료인 경우는 저널논문, 책, 연구보고서 등의
양식을 따른 후 맨 끝에 인터넷 사이트를 제시한다. 단 인용한
날짜를 밝히며, 출판된 자료가 아닌 경우는 자료의 제목을
이탤릭체로 한다.
이채연(2001). “인터넷활용 수업의 필요성 및 활성화 방안”,
http://lotus.pwu.ac.kr/～lcy/syber-younsu3.htm(검색: 2002.3.20.).
Thompson, D(1990). Electronic bulletin Boards: A timeless place for
collaborative
writing
projects.
[On-line].
Available
from
http://corax.cwrl.utexas.edu/cac/archives/v7/7_3_5_Thompson(Search:
2002.3.20.).
동일 필자의 저서(또는 논문)가 여러 편일 경우는 a, b, c로 구분한다.
참고문헌의 작성은 한글, 영어, 기타외국어, 인터넷 사이트 순으로
한다. 즉, 한국어문헌을 저자 이름의 가나다순으로 먼저 제시하고 그
다음에 외국어 문헌을 알파벳순으로 작성한다. 단, 중국어 및 일본어
저자명을 괄호 속에 영문 또는 한글로 표기한다. 인터넷 사이트는 접속
가능한 주소를 표시해야 한다.
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걸프지역연구
The Gulf Area Studies
(330-714) 충남 천안시 동남구 안서동 산 29 번지
단국대학교 천안캠퍼스 인문과학대학 107-1 호 GCC 국가 연구소
전화 041)550-1419, http://gcc.dankook.ac.kr/
논 문 투 고 신 청 서
*제출자 소속
*제출자 성명
*논 문 제 목
*논 문 주 제
*회피 심사자
:
:
:
:
:
『걸프지역연구』 편집위원회 귀중.
첨부한 논문을 『걸프지역연구』
제 권 제 호에 게재 신청합니다.
20
.
.
신청자
.
(인)
투고규정 및 논문작성요령
95
걸프지역연구
The Gulf Area Studies
(330-714) 충남 천안시 동남구 안서동 산 29 번지
단국대학교 천안캠퍼스 인문과학대학 107-1 호 GCC 국가 연구소
전화 041)550-1419, http://gcc.dankook.ac.kr/
연구윤리서약 및 저작권 이양 동의서
논문제목 :
제출자성명
소속
전공
연락처
저자는 본 논문이 『걸프지역연구』에 게재되기를 희망하며 아래 사항
들에 대하여 동의하는 바입니다.
동
의
내
용
1. 저자(들)는 본 논문이 창의적이며 다른 논문의 저작권을 침해하지 않
았음을 확인합니다.
2. 저자(들)는 본 논문에 실제적이고 지대한 공헌을 했으며 논문의 내용
에 대하여 책임을 함께 합니다.
3. 본 논문은 과거에 출판된 적이 없으며, 현재 다른 학술지에 게재를 목
적으로 제출되었거나 제출할 계획이 없습니다.
4. 본 잡지의 발행인은 저자(들)나 잡지 발행인의 허락 없이 타인에 의해
이루어지는 저작권 침해에 대해서 이의를 제기할 권리가 있습니다.
5. 저자(들)는 본 논문이 『걸프지역연구』에 게재될 경우, 본 논문에 따른
권리, 이익, 저작권, 및 디지털 저작권에 대한 모든 권한 행사 등을 걸
프지역연구에 이양합니다.
20
.
.
서 명
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연구 윤리 규정
제 1 장 총칙
제 1 조 (목적)
1. 본 규정은 단국대학교(이하 “본 대학교”라고 한다) 연구윤리를 확립
하고 연구부정행위를 사전에 예방하며, 연구 부정행위 발생시 공정하고
체계적인 진실성 검증을 위해 필요한 사항을 규정함을 목적으로 한다.
2. 본 규정은 GCC 국가연구소‘연구윤리위원회’의 구성 및 운영에 관한
사항을 규정 한다. 본 연구윤리규정을 기반으로 연구자가 연구수행
과정에서 지켜나가야 할 원칙과 기준을 규정하여 지적재산권의 보호뿐만
아니라 타인이 이룬 연구의 가치를 존중하고 그 결과물을 함께 공유하여
이룰 수 있는 연구풍토의 조성과 학문의 발전에 기여할 수 있다.
제 2 조 (적용대상)
본 규정은 GCC 국가연구소 학술지『The Gulf Area Studies』를 포함해서 본
연구소가 발행하는 모든 간행물에 글을 투고하고 심사하는 모든 연구자를
적용대상으로 한다.
제 3 조 (적용범위)
본 규정은 본 대학교 GCC 국가연구소와 관련된 모든 연구, 집필 활동을
적용 범위로 삼는다.
제 4 조 (시행지침)
『The Gulf Area Studies』에 투고하는 모든 연구자는 투고신청서의 항목 중
하나인 윤리규정준수에 대한 항목에 반드시 동의하여야 한다. 이에 동의하지
연구 윤리 규정 95
않는 연구자의 논문은 투고할 수 없다.
제 5 조 (용어의 정의)
본 규정에 사용하는 용어의 정의는 다음과 같다.
1. 연구 부정행위(이하 “부정행위”라 한다)라 함은 연구의 제안, 연구의
수행, 연구결과의 보고 및 발표 등에서 행하여진 위조·변조·표절·부당한
논문저자 표시 행위·연구물의 중복 게재 혹은 이중출판 등을 말하며 그
정의는 다음 각 항과 같다.
• “위조”는 존재하지 않는 데이터 또는 연구결과 등을 허위로 만들어
내는 행위를 말한다.
• “변조”는 연구 재료ㆍ장비ㆍ과정 등을 인위적으로 조작하거나
데이터를 임의로 변형ㆍ삭제함으로써 연구 내용 또는 결과를 왜곡하는
행위를 말한다.
• “표절”이라 함은 타인의 아이디어, 연구내용 및 결과 등을 정당한
승인 또는 출처를 명시하지 않고 자신의 연구결과물에 전체 혹은
일부를 도용하는 행위를 말한다. 이는 사용언어, 문장 및 표현 (그래프,
도표, 그림, 사진)이 다른 경우에도 해당한다. 단 독창성이 인정되지
않는 타인의 표현 또는 아이디어를 이용한 경우는 표절에 해당하지
않는다.
• “부당한 논문저자 표시”는 연구내용 또는 결과에 대하여 학술적 공헌
또는 기여를 한 사람에게 정당한 이유 없이 논문저자 자격을 부여하지
않거나, 학술적 공헌 또는 기여를 하지 않은 자에게 감사의 표시 또는
예우 등을 이유로 논문저자 자격을 부여하는 행위, 공동저자의
상대적인 지위 혹은 직책의 고하에 의해 제 1 저자로 업적을 인정받지
못하는 경우와 공동연구자 도는 출판물에 직간접적으로 기여한 사람은
연구 결과물에 표시되는 방법에 따라 그 기여도가 명시되어야 하는
경우를 말한다.
• “연구물의 중복 게재 혹은 이중 출판”은 이미 출판된 연구물 혹은
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게재예정이거나 심사 중에 있는 연구물을 다른 학술지나 저서에
투고하거나 출판하는 것을 말한다. 학술지에 먼저 게재된
연구결과물을 저서로 출간하거나 일부를 포함시킬 경우 반드시 해당
학술지의 서지정보를 출판물에 명시해야 한다. 연구자는 이미 발표된
결과에 대하여 적절한 인용표시를 하여야 한다. 단 학술지에 실었던
내용을 대중서나 교양잡지 등에 쉽게 풀어 쓴 경우 또는 학술적
저작물을 모아서 출처를 표시해 저서로 출판하는 경우에는 중복게재에
해당하지 않는다.
2. 그밖에 인문 사회 및 과학기술 분야 등 각 학문분야에서 통상적으로
용인되는 범위를 심각하게 벗어난 행위가 포함된다.
• 본인 또는 타인의 부정행위 혐의에 대한 조사를 고의로 방해하거나
제보자에게 위해를 가하는 행위
• 타인에게 상기의 부정행위를 행할 것을 제안ㆍ강요하거나 협박하는
행위
• 사사로운 감정 개입으로 연구 결과물이나 연구자에게 위해를 가하는
행위
제 6 조 (편집위원회 윤리규정)
1. 편집위원회와 편집위원은 투고된 논문의 게재 여부를 결정하는 모든
책임을 지며, 저자의 인격과 학자로서의 독립성을 존중해야 한다.
2. 편집위원회는 학술지 게재를 위해 투고된 논문을 저자의 성별, 나이,
소속 기관과 무관하게 오로지 논문의 질적 수준과 투고 규정에 근거하여
공평하게 취급하여야 한다.
• 편집위원회는 심사위원의 선정과정에 있어서 편집위원들에게 심사위원
을 선정하기 위한 논문의 제목과 주제어만 제시하는 것을 원칙으로
한다.
• 편집위원회는 심사위원에게 논문저자의 성명, 소속, 직위 등을 밝히지
연구 윤리 규정 97
않는 것을 원칙으로 한다.
• 편집위원회는 논문저자에게 투고한 논문에 대한 심사위원의 익명성을
보장해야 한다.
3. 편집위원은 투고된 논문의 평가를 해당 분야의 전문적 지식과 공정한
판단 능력을 지닌 심사위원을 위촉하여 의뢰해야 한다.
• 편집위원은 저자와 가능한 한 개인적인 관계가 개입되지 않고
객관적인 평가가 이루어질 수 있도록 심사위원을 선정하고 위촉하도록
노력한다.
• 같은 논문에 대한 평가가 심사위원에 따라 현저한 차이가 날 경우에는
편집위원회에서 심사보고서를 면밀히 검토하고 해당 분야 제 3 의
전문가에게 자문을 받을 수 있다.
4. 편집위원은 투고된 논문의 게재가 결정될 때까지는 심사자 이외의
사람에게 저자에 관한 사항이나 논문의 내용을 공개하지 않는다.
제 7 조 (심사위원 윤리규정)
1. 심사위원은 학술지의 편집위원회가 의뢰하는 논문을 심사규정이 정한
기간 내에 성실하게 평가하고 평가 결과를 편집위원회에 통보해 주어야
한다.
2. 심사위원은 논문을 개인적인 학술적 신념이나 저자와의 사적인 친분
관계를 떠나 객관적 기준에 의해 공정하게 평가하여야 한다.
• 저자와의 사적인 친분관계 등을 바탕으로 불충분한 논문을 통과시키지
않는다.
• 논문에 대한 충분한 검토 없이 통과시키거나 탈락시키지 않는다.
• 논문을 탈락시키고자 할 때는 충분한 근거를 심사보고서에 명시한다.
• 심사자와 저자의 관점이나 해석이 상충되는 것을 이유로 논문을
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The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
탈락시키지 않는다.
3. 심사위원은 전문 지식인으로서의 저자의 인격과 독립성을 존중하여야
한다.
• 논문심사보고서에는 논문에 대한 자신의 판단을 밝히되, 보완이
필요하다고 생각되는 부분에 대해서는 그 이유도 함께 상세하게
설명해야 한다.
• 심사자는 논문심사보고서에 가급적 정중하고 부드러운 표현을 사용
하고, 저자에 대한 비하나 모욕의 표현은 삼간다.
4. 심사위원은 심사 대상 논문에 대한 비밀을 지켜야 한다.
• 논문 평가를 위해 특별히 조언을 구하는 경우를 제외하고, 논문을
다른 사람에게 보여주거나 논문 내용에 대하여 다른 사람과 논의하는
것은 바람직하지 않다.
• 논문이 게재된 학술지가 출판되기 전에 저자의 동의 없이 논문의 내용
을 인용하는 것을 금한다.
제 2 장 연구윤리위원회 구성 및 운영
제 8 조 (연구윤리위원회 구성 및 운영)
연구윤리위원회는 상설기구는 아니며, 연구윤리위반사항이 보고되면 연구
소 편집위원장의 위촉으로 연구소 운영위원회와 편집위원회의 동의를
얻어 10 인 이내로 구성한다.
제 9 조 (연구윤리위원회 역할)
연구윤리위원회는 연구윤리위반으로 보고된 사안에 대해 제보자, 피조
사자, 증거자료 등을 확보하여 폭넓게 조사할 수 있는 자율권을 가진다.
이러한 면밀한 조사 후 윤리규정위반이 사실로 판단되는 경우 해당
연구 윤리 규정 99
연구자와 해당논문에 대한 적절한 제재를 건의한다.
• “제보자”라 함은 부정행위를 인지한 사실 또는 관련 증거를 본 연구소
에 알린 자를 말한다.
• “피조사자”라 함은 제보 또는 연구기관의 인지에 의하여 부정행위의
조사대상이 된 자 또는 조사 수행과정에서 부정행위에 가담한 것으로
추정되어 조사의 대상이 된 자를 말한다. 다만, 조사과정에서의
참고인이나 증인은 이에 포함되지 아니한다.
제 10 조 (연구윤리위원의 윤리규정)
연구윤리위원회는 다음의 사항을 준수한다.
• 매우 엄격하고 공정하게 사안에 대해 심의에 임해야 한다.
• 연구윤리위원은 연구윤리규정을 위반한 것으로 보고된 연구자의 인격
을 존중해야 한다.
• 연구윤리위원은 해당 문제에 대해 편집위원회에 보고한 연구자의
신원을 외부에 공개하지 않는다.
제 11 조 (연구윤리위원회 조사절차)
연구윤리위원회의 조사절차는 다음을 준수한다.
• 부정행위의 혐의가 있는 사안에 대하여 공식적으로 조사할 필요가
있는지 여부를 결정하기 위한 편집위원회와 연구소장의 승인을 거쳐
“예비조사”절차를 가진다.
• 부정행위의 혐의에 대한 사실 여부를 입증하기 위해 연구윤리위원회를
구성하여 “본 조사”절차를 가진다.
• 조사결과를 확정하고 이를 제보자와 피조사자에게 문서로써 통보하는
“판정”절차를 가진다.
100 The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
제 3 장 연구진실성 검증
제 12 조 (부정행위 제보 및 접수)
1. 제보자는 부정행위와 관련된 연구과제명, 논문명 및 구체적인 내용과
증거를 본 연구소에 구술·서면·전화·우편·전자우편 등 가능한 모든 방법
으로 제보할 수 있으며, 실명으로 제보함을 원칙으로 한다. 실명 제보자는
연구소 차원에서 보호한다. 단, 익명으로 제보할 경우, 구체적인 부정
행위의 내용과 증거가 제출되어야 한다.
2. 제보 내용이 허위인 줄 알았다거나 알 수 있었음에도 불구하고 이를
신고한 제보자는 보호 대상에 포함되지 않는다.
3. 게재이전에 투고된 논문에서 이러한 윤리규정위반에 대한 사항이
보고될 경우, 편집위원회나 심사자는 해당 연구자로 하여금 윤리규정을
환기시키고 문제를 바로잡도록 노력한다.
제 13 조 (예비조사의 절차 및 방법)
1. 예비조사는 신고접수일로부터 15 일 이내에 착수하고, 조사 시작일로
부터 30 일 이내에 완료하며, 편집위원회의를 거쳐 연구소장의 승인을
받는다.
2. 예비조사에서는 다음 각 호의 사항에 대한 검토를 실시한다.
• 제보내용이 제 5 조 제 1 항의 부정행위에 해당하는지 여부
• 제보내용이 구체성과 명확성을 갖추어 본 조사를 실시할 필요성과
실익이 있는지 여부
• 제보일이 “시효기산일”로부터 5 년을 경과하였는지 여부
• “시효기산일”이라 함은 해당 부정행위가 이루어진 연구내용 및 결과를
이용하여 논문이나 학회에 발표한 날 또는 연구과제 신청서를 제출한
날을 의미한다. 다만 부정행위가 일루어진 연구내용 및 결과를 이용
하여 여러 차례에 걸쳐 논문발표 등이 이루어진 경우 최근의 발표일을
연구 윤리 규정 101
시효 기산일로 한다.
3. 예비조사는 편집위원회의 주도로 이루어지되, 필요한 경우 관련 전문가
또는 별도의 소위원회를 구성하여 조사를 의뢰할 수 있다.
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1. 예비조사 결과는 연구소장의 승인을 받은 후 10 일 이내에 피조사자와
제보자에게 문서로 통보한다. 다만 제보자가 익명인 경우에는 그렇지
아니하다.
2. 예비조사 결과보고서에는 다음 각 호의 내용이 포함되어야 한다.
• 제보의 구체적인 내용
• 조사의 대상이 된 부정행위 혐의 및 관련 연구과제
• 본 조사 실시 여부 및 판단의 근거
• 기타 관련 증거 자료
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1. 본 조사는 연구소장의 예비조사결과 승인 후 30 일 이내에 착수되어야
하며, 이 기간 동안 본 조사 수행을 위해 구성된 연구윤리위원회(이하
“윤리위원회”라고 한다.)를 구성하여야 한다.
2. 본 조사는 판정을 포함하여 조사 시작일로부터 90 일 이내에 완료
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3. 조사위원회가 2 항의 기간 내에 조사를 완료할 수 없다고 판단될 경우
연구소장의 승인을 얻어 30 일 한도 내에서 기간을 연장할 수 있다.
102 The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
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1. 윤리위원회는 편집위원들을 포함하며, 총 구성원을 5 명 이내로 정한다.
위원장은 윤리위원 가운데서 호선으로 한다. 다만 제보내용과 관련하여
대학에서 조사를 하는 것이 바람직하다고 인정되는 경우에는 해당 대학장
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2. 당해 조사 사안과 이해갈등 관계가 있는 자는 위원회에 포함시키지
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1. 윤리위원회는 제보자·피조사자·증인 및 참고인에 대하여 진술을 위한
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2. 윤리위원회는 피조사자에게 자료의 제출을 요구할 수 있다.
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1. 어떠한 경우에도 제보자의 신원을 직·간접적으로 노출 시켜서는 아니
되며, 제보자의 성명은 반드시 필요한 경우가 아니면 제보자 보호
차원에서 조사결과보고서에 포함하지 아니 한다.
2. 부정행위 여부에 대한 검증이 완료될 때까지 피조사의 명예나 권리가
침해 되지 않도록 주의하여야 하며, 무혐의로 판명된 피조사자의 명예
회복을 위해 노력하여야 한다.
3. 제보ㆍ조사ㆍ심의ㆍ의결 및 건의조치 등 조사와 관련된 일체의 사항은
비밀로 하며, 다만 합당한 공개의 필요성이 있는 경우 연구소장의 승인을
거쳐 공개할 수 있다.
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윤리위원회는 제보자와 피조사자에게 의견진술, 이의 제기 및 변론의
권리와 기회를 동등하게 보장하여야 하며, 관련 절차를 사전에 알려
주어야 한다.
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1. 윤리위원회는 이의제기 또는 변론의 내용을 토대로 조사 결과보고서
(이하“최종보고서”라 한다)를 작성하여 연구소장에게 제출한다.
2. 최종 보고서에는 다음 각 호의 사항이 포함되어야 한다.
• 제보 내용
• 조사의 대상이 된 부정행위 혐의 및 관련 연구과제
• 해당 연구과제에서의 피조사자의 역할과 혐의의 사실 여부
• 관련 증거 및 증인
• 조사결과에 대한 제보자와 피조사자의 이의제기 또는 변론 내용과
그에 대한 처리결과
• 윤리위원 명단
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1. 윤리위원회는 연구소장의 승인을 받은 후 최종 보고서의 조사내용 및
결과를 확정하고 이를 제보자와 피조사자에게 통보한다.
2. 조사내용 및 결과에 대한 합의가 이루어지지 않을 경우 표결로 결정할
수 있으며, 이 경우 재적위원 과반수이상의 출석 및 출석 위원 3 분의
2 이상의 찬성으로 의결한다.
104 The Gulf Area Studies Vol.2 Winter 2014
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제 22 조 (결과에 대한 조치 및 기록의 공개)
1. 부정행위가 확인된 논문에 대해서는 해당 학술지 논문 목록에서 삭제
하고 이를 대외적으로 공지할 수 있다. 아울러 논문 투고자는 향후 5 년간
논문 투고를 금지한다.
2. 최종보고서는 판정이 끝난 이후에 공개 할 수 있으나, 제보자·
조사위원·증인·참고인·자문에 참여한 자의 명단 등 신원과 관련된 정보에
대해서는 당사자에게 불이익을 줄 가능성이 있을 경우 공개 대상에서
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The Gulf Area Studies
제 2 권 1 호 (2014 년)
2014 년 12 월 27 일 인쇄
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