Code-switching patterns in the speech of
Romanian-English bilinguals
ANAMARIA BELIGAN
MONASH UNIVERSITY
1.
This paper is an attempt to explore the code'Suiitching patterns in the speech
of two Romanian English bilingual males, M and V, currently living in
Melbourne. The informants have a frieruUy relationship and visit each other
regularly - however their socio-economic backgrour\d is different: Visa welleducated urban professional, whereas Mis a driver/tour operator, and comes
from a remote village in Northern Romania. The paper examines the types of
psycholinguistically-conditioned and discourse-related switches that are used
by the two informants, ar\d attempts to provide two different profiles of
switchers. It is found that M code-switches freely, without self-censorship,
displaying his successful adjustment to Australian life. By contrast, V
consistently attempts to excuse or to correct his code-switching, displaying a
pre-disposition to avoid mixing languages. Hou^ever, V appears to relinquish
his self-censorship mechanism when code-switching for discourse-related
reasons.
Introductory remarks
T
his paper is an exploratioii of code-switching
patterns in the speech of two Romanian-English
bihnguals. It is a pilot study which I performed in
the first stages of my current, larger scale research on the
contact between the English and the Romanian
languages, in various subgroups within the Romanian
community in Melbourne. 1 use the term code-switching
to describe the alternate use of linguistic codes within the
same utterance, as well as in separate utterances (i.e.
intrasentential and iruersentential), and to include both
integrated and unintegrated forms.
An aspect that needs clarification is the classification of
code-switching. Clyne (1991:191) distinguishes between
sociolinguistically and psycholinguistically conditioned
code-switching. McClure andMcClure (1988:47) discuss
situational and conversational code-switching (such as
quotation, parenthetical remarks, reiteration, etc.), and
consider the latter category subordinated to the first.
Auer (1988:187) identifies two main categories of code
switches, namely speaker-related (i.e. determined by the
interlocutor's competence or preference) and discourserelated ones (of which he identifies ten sub-categories).
While 1 could identify a consistent pattern of discourserelated code-switches in my data, which, in accordance
with Clyne's classification would belong in the
VOLUME TWO, NUMBER ONE
"sociolinguistically conditioned" category (with
subcategories such as: "topic", "phatic function", etc.), the
vast majority of code switches that I recorded were
psycholinguistically conditioned. In other words, they
were the result of a triggering effect.
Having clarified these preliminary considerations, 1 would
like to answer the following research questions:
(1)
What types of psycholinguistically-conditioned and
discourse-related code switches are used by M and
V consistently throughout the recordings?
(2)
Is it possible to identify two different profiles of
"switchers" on the basis of the existing data?
2.
Methodology
My informants, V and M, are both Romanian-bom males
in their mid-thirties who migrated to Melbourne about
twelve years ago. Both of them use English as lingua del
pane, and Romanian as lingua della casa. V is a tertiaryeducated cinematographer and photographer who is
employed as a photographic reporter by a newspaper
group and who also works as a freelance cameraman and
film producer. He comes from a middle class, urban
Romanian background. M is a driver and tour guide
employed by a Melbourne bus company. He comes from a
Code-switching patterns in the speech of Romanian-English bilinguals
peasant background, a remote mountain village in
Northern Romania. 1 have known both of them for a long
time and they also know each other well.
The recordings were performed in V's home, where M is a
regular visitor. The first is an interview with M, in which I
asked my informant detailed questions about the nature of
the tour packages offered by his company. The second
recording is a discussion between M and V about cars.
The third recording is a short dialogue between me (A),
M and V on the subject of Romanian-Australian males
who travel to Romania in order to find a wife. The fourth
recording is an interview with V, and relates to a
photograph that V has taken recently. The picture
features an Aboriginal man in front of a suburban
shopping centre where a visible sign reads: fish 'n chips best of British.
The topics that 1 initiated are strongly related to the
Australian context - a fact that is bound to facilitate the
occurrence of code-switching.
3.
Findings
3.1.
Initial observations
Both V and M are highly conscious when they codeswitch, a fact which is frequently marked by pauses before
the switches and by comments or hedges such as these:
(1) M: [...] accidentele is/ja/7'o/7r>&cumzic a§tia
(dialogue 1/10)
However, there appears to be a certain difference in my
informants' overall attitude to code-switching. V, who is
more educated, seems to have inherited the traditional
view regarding the undesirable character of mixing
languages, promoted by the Romanian education system.
Hence his tendency to "correct" himself after switching,
by providing a Romanian translation:
(4) V: §i / hm // fiind in hm // anul cu the indigenous
people\xca I anul, ma rog, aborigenilor din
intreaga lume / (4/10)
'And / huh // as it was // during huh //the year of
the ir\/^gex\JMS people, huh / the year, well, of the
indigenous people from all over the world/
or:
(5) V: sliowull era / hm / putin / hm / down the roadI
adica putin mai jos pe / hm / drum [...] (4/24)
'the. s/icw / was / huh / a little bit / huh / doom the
road 11 mean, a little bit down the / huh / road
On the other hand, M is very proud of his fluency in
English which he enjoys showing off. Indeed, he is one of
the very few people from his village and region who have
integrated successfully in the Australian culture, and he
is particularly proud that his job involves verbal
communication in English. This explains why he often
engages in code-switching even when there is no
apparent need for doing so:
'accidents are part of life as these people say'
(2) M: [...] e-un mare / cum ii zice, landmarki dog on a
tuckerbox{\l\5^)
'[...] it's a big / what is it called, landmarV I dog
on a tuckerbox'.
(3) V: Hm // M-am gindit ca ar fi foarte / foarte
interesant sa / fi gasit un aborigen hm / adevarat
ji sa / fi facut o fotografie hm / in legatura sau
ma rog / hm hm / related to this I hm / sign. (4/
12)
'Huh //1 thought it would be very / very
interesting to / find an Aborigine huh / a real
one and to / take a photograph huh / in relation
with or, well / huh huh / related to this / huh /
sign.'
(6) M: Am / Aoa^.yacasa / ^i-mi iau notes I (1/146)
'I've got / books at home / and I take notes /
3.2.
Types of triggering
In an attempt to ariswer the first question, I will firstly
consider the main patterns of code-switching caused by a
triggering effect.
Clyne (1967:84) identifies four types of triggering:
"cor^equential", "anticipational", "sandwich words" and
"contextual". All of these are present throughout my
recordings, but 1 will insist on the first three, since this is
an area where marked differences appear between the
two speakers.
Consequential triggering takes place after the use of a
trigger word.
MONASH UNIVERSITY LINGUISTICS PAPERS 1999
Code-suiitching patterns in the speech of Romanian-English bilinguals
As Clyne (1967:84) points out, it is mostly an
unconscious phenomenon, whereby the speaker:
"...momentarily forgets which language he is
speaking , and later utterances are automatically in
the other language (i.e. the one in which the
statement, sentence or conversation was not
begun)."
Within my four recordings, this type of triggering can be
caused by an integrated transfer:
(7) M: / 51 peste zi avem un light lunch somewhere...
(1/80)
'/ and during the day we have a light lunch
somewhere...'
(11) V: [...] adica / practic, spunea foarte mult despre
istoria acestei |ari (laughs) li^'ve been a travel
agency exporting I hm i probably I hm / cum sati spun? (4/32)
'[...] I mean / practically, it was saying a lot about
the history of this country (laughs) V^'ve been a
travel agency exporting / huh / probably / huh /
how shall I put it?.'
Again, it is interesting to notice V's 'self-correcting'
mechanism: as soon as he realises that he has switched to
English, he returns to the Romanian language by
providing a translation of the start of his new utterance.
Anticipational triggering is far more frequent than the
consequential type, throughout the four recordings. Clyne
(1967:87) mentions that:
... or by an enumeration of unintegrated transfers:
(8) M: / accommodation II hm / breakfast I dinner II all the
entry fees... (1/72)
M: ce-{i ofera indivizii mtr-i/n breakfast\\ I li
cereals I milk I hot breakfast if you want I
whatever {\ll^)
'what the blokes offer you for breakfast is / is
cereals I milk / hot breakfast if you want / whatever.'
...or a proper noun:
(9) M: §tii, adica sa zicem ca tre'sa ma due la /
Gundagai, alright? (1 /176)
'You know, let's say I've got to go to / Gur\djagcd,
alright?'
"Anticipational triggering is often the result o
considerable linguistic consciousness and a
deliberate attempt to avoid individual
morphosemantic traixsfers. The speaker is so aware
that he is dealing with two distinctive speech
systems that he changes over to the other language
for a sentence or word-group rather than to
transfer individual word-forms and thereby 'mix'
the two systems."
It is precisely this linguistic awareness and predisposition to avoid mixing languages which make it
predictable that this particular type of code-switching
should match V's linguistic behaviour particularly well.
Indeed, anticipational triggering is consistent throughout
his speech, as the following examples illustrate:
While consequential triggering occurs far more often in
M's speech, it sometimes takes place in V's speech as well.
In his case, however, the triggering effect is usually caused
by a discourse-related device, such as a quotation
(example 10) or an elaboration (example 11):
(12) V: §i-s aja, jtii / hm / really Irock solid, hm / adica
nu / nu / nu / exista sa... (2/38)
(10) V: [...] era un big sign cu fish and chips and best of
British I two I hm hm / doi gagii care / hm / (4/
32)
(13) V: Hm / ji the fish and chips and best of British
(laughs) / §i / hm // fiind in hm // anul cu / the
indigenouspeoplehm I anul, ma rog,
aborigenilor din intreaga lume / [...] (4/10)
[...] there was a big sign with fisk and chips and
best of British / two I huh huh / two guys who /
huh/
VOLUME TWO, NUMBER ONE
'And they're like, you know / huh / really / rock
so\id, huh /1 mean, there's no / no / no / way
that....'
('Huh / and the fish and chips and best of British
(laughs) / And / huh // as it was // the year of /
the indigenous people huh // the year, well, of the
indigenous people from all over the world /)
Code-switching patterns in the speech of Romanian-English bilinguals
(14) V: / hm / era Tnca un sign I un semn / care practic
arata hm / hm / a travel agent I and a Liquorland
(laughs)/[...] (4/32)
might be you as / private, 'cause you brought her
with you [refers to a potential girlfriend].'
'[...] huh / there was another sign I a sign / which
was practically showing huh / huh / a travel ageM
I and a Liquorland (laughs) / [...]'
In all three examples, it is a modifier that is adapted to
the trigger nouns. Again, I am inclined to interpret these
as instances of "advance processing", where the entire
noun phrase has been worked out prior to the utterance.
(15) V: [...] in spatele fotografiei am descoperit dupaceea ca de fapt era in / in toata treaba asta era
un / hm / a very bland shopping centre hm /[...]
(4/32)
'[•••] in the background of the photograph I
discovered later on that there was / in all this
thing, there was a / huh / a very Hand shopping
centre huh/ [...]'
In example (13), V adapts the definite articles in
anticipation of the trigger words. Similarly, he adapts the
indefinite articles, in example (14). Such adjustments of
definite and indefinite articles are particularly recurrent
in V's speech. In example (12) it is an adverb (really)
which is rendered in English, in anticipation of the
switch. In example (15), the process is more complex.
Rather than a mere instance of indefinite article
adaptation, I interpret it as an "advance processing"
phenomenon, whereby the entire noun phrase has been
thought out prior to the utterance (see Clyne (1967:86)
for more information).
In M's case, however, anticipational triggering is not as
frequent. There is a small number of clear-cut iiistances:
(16) M: [...] Cind te duci sa iei your/ learner'spermit I
$tii? (1/50)
'[...] When you go to get -yova I leavnier's permit /
You know?'
(17) M: [...] / e-o / e-o grupa de oameni intre pensionarii
/ obijnuiti $i / sort of senior citizens. (1/110)
'[...]/ it's a / it's a group of people in between
pensioners / regular [ones] and / sort of senior
citizens.'
(18) M: [...] §i-atuncea vin din anumite cluburi de genul
asta, poate sa fie / three senior citizens, poate sa
fii tu ca I private., c-ai adus-o tu. (1/116)
If anticipational triggering involves a high degree of
linguistic consciousness, not the same can be said about
"sandwich word" triggering. The latter is caused by:
"... the dual effect of two trigger-words between
which the transfer is sandwiched. The speaker is
unable to switch in and out of [L2] quickly
enough to avoid adapting the sandwich word to
the two trigger-words." (Clyne 1967:89)
In other words, this type of triggering is mostly
unconscious. It occurs infrequently in M's speech. In
the following example, it is caused by the collocation of
two proper nouns:
(19) M: / sa zicem iei // Echuca, or... I Brightl (1/64)
'/ let's say you take // Edwtca, or... I Bright f
In V's case, however, "sandwich-word" triggering is
surprisingly frequent, as suggested by the examples
below:
(20) V: Hm / ?! the fish and chips and best of British
(laughs)/(4/10)
'Huh / and the /ish and chips and best of British
(laughs)'
(21) V: [...] / practic / fotografia era latr-un shopping
centre adica chiar in fata / piejii §i / hm / era
inca un sign I un semn / care practic arata hm
/ hm / a travel agent I and a Liquorland
(laughs) / [...] (4/32)
'[...] / practically / the photograph was [taken]
in a shopping centre, I mean right in firont of/
the market and / huh / there was another sign /
a sign / which was practically showing huh /
huh / a travel agent I and a Uqiunland (laughs) /
[...]'
'...An then they come from certain clubs like
that, there might be / three se:my< citizens, there
MONASH UNIVERSITY LINGUISTICS PAPERS 1999
Code-switching patterns in the speech of Romaruan-English bilinguals
(22) V: [...] fi ce-am adus noi acestei tari este 3
Liquorland and fish and chips. I (4/36)
'[...] and what we brought to this country is a
iJquarlanA ai^ fish and chips f
V: S-o caute de oua! // (3/26)
To check her out!'
A: Savinaea... (3/27)
'She should come here'
Given V's general tendency to be more aware of his codeswitching, and more inclined to control it, it is somehow
puzzling to discover how often he "falls into the trap" of
"sandwich word" triggering (of which the above are but a
few examples). However, under a closer examination, the
phenomenon appears to have a psycholinguistic
explanation. It is worth noticing that in all of the
examples chat I quoted, "sandwich word" triggering
appears to follow closely after an instance of
anticipational triggering. I suspect that V, by
concentrating his linguistic awareness on anticipational
adjustments, is less alert immediately after such an
occurrence and consequently more vulnerable to
"sandwich word" triggering.
In terms of discourse-related code-switching, we are
again faced with marked differences between V and M. V
appears to be particularly aware of the strategic effect of
code-switching at certain key points during his speech. In
such instances, he no longer appears inclined to "censor"
his switches. On the contrary, he sounds reasonably
comfortable, because the need to mark his discourse
overrides his apprehension against mixing codes. Let us
consider the following examples:
(23) M: [...] valoarea lui pa / market va/uea^a e cam /
4,500 am vazut, m-am uitat in Trading Post...
(2/15)
[...] its value on the / [its] market value is
something like / 4.500 [that's what] I saw, I had
a look in the Trading Post...'
V: Asta? / Are you kidding? i^l\es
This one? / Arc you kidding?'
(24) M: [...] e diesel, ma! / Is foarte purine, is / (2/19)
'[...) it's a ^sd, mate / There's very few, there's /
V: That's excellent.'(2/20)
(25) V: Sa mearga-n Romania §1 s-o (3/24)
'He should go to Romania and'
M: Sa mearga-n {ara / s-o caute! (3/25)
'He should go back there / to look for her!'
VOLUME TWO, NUMBER ONE
V: To do a test drivel II (3/28)
(26) V: [...] / fotografia era intr-un shopping centre,
adica chiar in ia\a pietii [...] /era un / hm / a
very bland shopping centre I hm / [...] (4/32)
'[...]/ the photograph was taken in a ^ppix\g
centre, I mean right in front of the market [...] /
it was / huh / a very bland shopping cervtre I huh
/[...]•
(27) V: [...] adica/ practic, spunea foarte mult despre
istoria acestei tari (laughs) ff^Ve been a travel
agency exporting I hm I probably I hm / cum
sa-ti spun? (4/32)
'[...] I mean / practically, it was saying a lot
about the history of this country (laughs) We've
been a travel age:t\cy ex^iortxng I huh / probably /
huh / how shall I put it?'
(28) V: [...] chiar ii amuza, spuneau ca / 'Oh, that's very
good advertising for us! (^aw^i) Itgoes in the
paper and(\a\x^s) it I it wilJbenicS, zic 'Sigur
ca da!'. (4/54)
[...] it even amused them, they were saying /
'Oh, that's very good advertising for us!
(laughs) It goes in the paper and (laughs) it / it
ivill be nice ', I say, 'Of course!'.
In examples (23) and (24), code-switching is used to
mark what Auer (1988:199) describes as "sequential
contrasts". The flow of conversation is temporarily
interrupted to allow for a comment or a remark. In
examples (25) and (26), the switches mark a
reformulation. In (25) this reformulation is meant to
create a comical effect, while in (26) it is combined with
an elaboration (on the qualities of the shopping centre). In
example (27) the switch to English marks not only an
elaboration but also, to paraphrase Auer (1988:199), a
"summing-up" episode: indeed, after a lengthy description
of the circumstances in which the photograph was taken,
V discloses the message behind it. Finally, in example
(28), code-switching is used as a means of marking
quotation. All these discourse-related code-switching
Code-switching patterns in the speech of Romanian-English biUnguals
strategies are consistently used by V throughout the
recordings.
In M's case, however, such strategies are uncommon. On
the rare occasions when he switches to English for
discourse related reasons, he usually follows his
interlocutor. For instance:
Australian society and way of life. Therefore when an
interlocutor, particularly one who is more educated than
him, switches to English, he is eager to demonstrate that
he can change registers with ease. This is particularly
evident in example (30), where he persists in using the
English register even after V has ceased to do so.
4.
(29) M: [...] §i daca te gindejti ca / fiecare-i minimum
cinci dolari / pen... (1/132)
'...And if you come to think that / each of them
is a minimum of five dollars / for...'
A: That's a bt! (1/133)
M: Hat's a/ot//^tii'?
{in3'\)
'That's a lot'. /You know?'
(30) M: Vor... /1\\ dau cuvintul meu! Diesel!I E diesel,
ma! / Is foarte purine, is / (2/19)
They want... / My word! / Diesel! / It's diesei,
mate / There are very few, there are [
Conclusions and directions for further
research
Is it possible to draw a "switcher's profile" of M and V on
the basis of the code-switching patterns identified so far?
Given the limitations of my data, all I can attempt is a
sketch. It is also worth mentioning that in doing so, one
needs to be aware of the inevitable continuum between
sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic factors. As I have
already shown, even psycholinguistic phenomena such as
triggering can be correlated with certain sociolinguistic
factors: V who comes from an urban, educated,
Romanian background, is more conscious and selfcritical of his code-switching, which might explain at
least in part the increased frequency of anticipational
triggering encountered in his speech.
V: That's ejccellent! (2/20)
M: That's/antastic.'//(2/21)
V: Wow! (2/22)
M: I might moA^e. a hit of profit of it! (2/23)
V: Mijto / Fantastic, foarte mijto! (2/24)
'Cool / Fantastic, real'cool!'
M: Prob... / Thou... / Thousarul bucks I Thousand
bucks, I wiW I {1115)
V: Pai face...//(2/26)
'Well, it's worth... //'
M: Fa... / Firesc ca face. (2/27)
As a "switcher", M emerges as one who is freely changing
registers without "self-censorship", a fact motivated in
part by his perception of code-switching into English as
an indicator of successful adjustment. In terms of
triggering, the consequential type (which is largely
unconscious) is the most frequently encountered. This is
entailed by the relative frequency of (integrated or
unintegrated) transfers which very often act as triggerwords. As far as discourse-related code-switching is
concerned, M does not make active use of such linguistic
devices, which could be partly explained by the more
spontaneous, "unstructured" nature of his speech. On
the other hand, if his interlocutor switches to English, M
is happy to sustain the switch, a fact which might be
interpreted as another opportunity for him to display his
English skills.
'It's wo... / Of course it's worth.'
In example (29), M reiterates my utterance (That's a lot'.)
while using an emphatic intonation. This can be also
interpreted as comment (meaning: 'It's a lot indeed!').
However, while not denying such a possibility, I am more
inclined to interpret it as a device used for "role
identification" purposes (McClure and McClure 1988:40).
As I pointed out earlier, M is keen to show off his fluency
in English, which within his network of Romanian-bom
friends, is a symbol of successful adjustment to the
By contrast, V emerges as a "switcher" who is
consistently trying to "excuse" or "correct" his linguistic
behaviour. He is more active in the area of anticipational
triggering, a process which involves a comparatively
higher degree of linguistic awareness. On the other hand,
he is not able to control such highly uncor\scious
phenomena as "sandwich-word" triggering, which tends
to occur frequently in his speech. While his "selfcensorship" mechanism is normally under alert, V is
happy to relinquish it when it comes to a discourse-
MONASH UNIVERSITY LINGUISTICS PAPERS 1999
Code-switching patterns in the speech of Romanian-English bilinguals
related use of code-switching. His need to impress the
audience via suggestive reiterations, elaborations sideremarks, etc., is stronger than his relative reluctance to
"mix" languages. Of course, the more complex the topic,
and the more educated the interlocutor, the more V is
likely to resort to such techniques. Subsequently, most
instances of consequential triggering recorded in his case
are caused by discourse-related transfers.
So far, 1 explored the most consistent patterns of codeswitching in my informants' speech and on that basis, I
attempted to portray two different profiles of "switchers",
within the limitations of my data. Such profiles could be
used within the framework of a larger, in-depth
exploratory study on code-switching patterns, performed
within the open network of the bilingual, RomanianEnglish community in Melbourne and based on a
conversation analytical approach.
References
Call me Michael: A tribute to Michael Clyne
I migrated to Melbourne from a country whose academic life
was extremely hierarchical. Everything revolved around the
Big Names in the field. Who your lecturer was seemed far
more important than what you actually studied... Typically,
"The Professor" was arrogant, distaru, dictatorial, and
prirrmrily preoccupied with his legacy to posterity. And yes, he
had an army of "little people" writing his books.
Years later, as a new Australian embarked upon an M.A. in
Applied Linguistics, 1 found myself in the class of a lecturer
whose name and reputation preceded anything 1 had ever
known about Monash, Arts, Linguistics, arxd the Uke. His
rrnme was Michael Clyne - professor extraordiruiire, mentor of
many generations of linguists and educators, author of
hundreds of articles and of twenty-something books. No
wonder that, when I attended my first class in biUngualism, I
had all the reasor\s to feel intimidated, insignificant, provincial.
And yet, when he first stepped into that classroom, it was as if
we had known him for ages. He was more than a mentor - he
Auer, J.C.R 1988. A conversation analytic approach to
was our friend. Rather than imparting his impressive
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he was stirring our minds. He seemed to learn from us as
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much as we were learning from him. He was like a perpetual
Martinus Nijhoff
student, forever enthused by the irv:ricacies of language Clyne, M.G. 1972. Perspectives on language contact.
radically contradicting my stereotype of the "The Professor".
Melbourne: Hawthorn Press.
(By the way, never before had it dawned on me what a
Clyne, M.G. 1977. Nieuw Hollands or Double Dutch.
fascinating thing the suffixation of a defirute article could be!)
Dutch Studies, 3:1-30.
He also appeared to me as a perpetual soldier, engaged in an
Clyne, M.G. 1991.ComTnuTut3r languages: The Australian
exhaustive
war against ignorance, prejudice, intolerance,
experience. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
bigotry.
His
major weapon was his inimitable sense of humour,
Heller, M. (ed.) 1988. Codeswitching - anthropological and
so unfor^ving and so delightfully unpredictable...
sociolinguistic perspectives. Berlin, New York,
Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter.
McClure, E and M. McClure. 1988. Macro- and microOnce I rang him up to ask some information regarding an
sociolinguistic dimensions of code-switching in
imminent assignment. "Hello? Doctor Clyne?... I mean,
Vingard. In M. Heller, M. (ed.), 25-51.
Professor Doctor...?", 1 stuttered. I felt impossibly awkward, in
the most East-European way. "Call me Michael", he replied
matter-of-factly, and I'm sure he couldn't suppress a smile.
Anamaria Beligan completed a B.A. (Hons) in Film and
Television (Bucharest), a DipEd (Dealdn University) and an
M.A. in Applied Unguistics (Monash). She won the
It didn't come easy, but I did manage to call him by his first
Cambridge University Press Award for her results during her name.
M.A. studies. She is currently doing a PhD in Linguistics
under the supervision of Professor Michael Clyne. Her thesis Michael was my best introduction to that genuine democracy
focuses on language contact phenomena in the Romanian
of the spirit, which only Uves in books, or in some fading
language of Romanian migrants in Melbourne. She has also
faruasies about the agoras of ancient Athens. I have no doubt
worked as a co-writer, producer and director on two video
that he would laugh dismissively if he were to read these Unes,
projects for the Language ar\d Society Centre at Monash, and and would call them siRy (he always tells you what he thinks
for Language Australia: "EngUsh and the Multicultural
without any mitigation!), but this is my informed opinion and I
Team", and "Growing Up with English Plus".
want it on record.
VOLUME TWO, NUMBER ONE