Religious Diversity in Primary Schools: Reflections from the Republic of
Ireland
Daniel Faas, Department of Sociology, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland – daniel.faas@tcd.ie
Merike Darmody, Economic and Social Research Institute, Ireland – merike.darmody@esri.ie
Beata Sokolowska, Department of Sociology, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland – sokolowb@tcd.ie
1
Abstract
Growing secularisation of the population and the arrival of new culturally and religiously
diverse migrants are posing new challenges to schools in the Republic of Ireland (Ireland).
These challenges are particularly acute in Irish primary schools, the majority of which are
under Catholic patronage. Recent changes have necessitated an extensive consultation
process about how to accommodate religious diversity and have resulted in some important
policy changes. This article contributes to an ongoing debate about state-run denominational
schools and the place of Religious Education in these. While set in the Irish context, the
article is also relevant for educators and academics in other jurisdictions as it describes recent
policy developments and steps taken in addressing cultural and religious diversity in schools.
Keywords: Religious Education, Ireland, religious diversity, religious pluralism, primary
schools
2
Introduction
Continuing globalisation has resulted in European societies and schools becoming more
ethnically and culturally diverse (Faas 2010). Many debates centre on religious pluralism and
growing secularism in Europe. Religious pluralism has become one of the primary topics
within the global academic discussion in terms of equality. Ongoing debates also focus on the
compatibility of publicly funded denominational schools with growing secularism, as well as
the use of state funding for denominational schools. This article explores the role of Religious
Education in public schools. In so doing, we acknowledge the challenges posed by migration
and diversity to educational systems within the European Union (EU). We investigate the
extent to which existing educational policies and practices within the EU address
diversification of religious beliefs and practices.
Increased religious diversity and secularism are likely to pose substantial challenges for
schools in terms of catering for the needs of all pupils and their parents. The spiritual and
moral systems that religions and beliefs offer can often be of fundamental importance to
students. Denominational schools - where the ethos of the school is based on the values of a
particular religion - have played an important part in the state educational systems in many
countries. Such schools generally incorporate religious and spiritual elements into the school
day and are wholly or partly governed by a religious organisation. Denominational schools
remain a common feature of education systems in many European countries, although there is
some variation across the jurisdictions reflecting their historical legacies. Opponents of staterun denominational schools argue that by providing separate schools, children face being
separated along religious and often ethnic lines, possibly fuelling prejudice and divisions in
wider society (Jackson 2003). Supporters highlight proximity of the school and child wellbeing. This raises a number of important questions centring on whether catering for diversity
requires the provision of different types of schools or whether diversity should be seen as an
issue for all schools (see Darmody et al. 2012).
It is increasingly acknowledged that all students need to know more about the religious
diversity that characterizes the communities and institutions they are part of (Bragg and
Manchester 2011). Ireland is an interesting case study for exploring the provision of
Religious Education in state-run primary schools. Firstly, in the last decades, the Irish
primary school population has changed from almost exclusively ‘Catholic, White, and
Gaelic’ (Tovey and Share 2003) to an increasingly ethnically and culturally diverse one,
3
partly due to relatively recent large-scale immigration. Unlike many other countries, the
migrant population in Ireland is highly heterogeneous in terms of their ethnic and religious
backgrounds. In addition, attitudes towards religion and religious observance among the
native population have changed (Census 2011; Darmody et al. 2012) Secondly, primary
schools in Ireland are predominantly denominational, just over 90 per cent of which are under
Catholic patronage. In these schools religion permeates the school day and pupils participate
in sacramental preparation (First Confession, Holy Communion, and Confirmation). At the
same time, many such schools cater for an increasing diversity of students with different
cultural and religious backgrounds. This has sparked a debate on how best to cater for the
needs of students and their parents. Reflecting these changes, recent discussions have
problematised the dominance of denominational schools in the context of considerable
cultural change in Ireland (Donnelly 2000). Changes in attitudes towards religion, the
presence of a variety of belief systems and growing secularisation in Ireland has renewed
debates about the need for providing other types of schools and has increased the pressure on
religious congregations to divest some of their schools to accommodate the needs of those of
minority or no faith backgrounds.
The article is structured into five sections: the first presents the broader context and
conceptualises approaches to religious pluralism and diversity. The following sections
describe Religious Education across the EU and discuss recent policy developments with
regard to accommodating religious plurality in Irish primary schools. The final section
discusses key findings of our research.
Conceptualising religious pluralism and religious diversity in the school context
Across Europe the populations have become increasingly diverse in recent decades. The rise
of religious diversity has resulted in the return of religion to public policy discourse (Bouma
and Halafoff 2009) not only because it is of great social and political significance but
predominantly because religion is seen to provide meaning and orientation for many children
of migrant communities (Knauth et al. 2008). At the same time, increased secularisation,
‘believing without belonging’ (Davie 1994), and the notion of the preservation of national
culture and traditions contribute to growing tensions and discourses on religious pluralism,
religious diversity and respective religious practices. The concepts of cultural diversity and
religious pluralism now occupy social, political, as well as cultural domains (Fearon 2003;
Holm et al. 2014). There is now a growing body of research on religious pluralism in
4
contemporary societies. The definition of religious pluralism is rather broad - ‘respecting the
otherness of others’ - and is often used interchangeably with interfaith dialogue (Garfinkel
2008). At the conceptual level the term refers to religious toleration regarding the diversity of
religious belief systems co-existing in society (Beneke 2007). According to Silk (2007)
religious pluralism enables a country made up of people of different faiths to co-exist without
the persecution of religious minorities. Moreover, it is a cultural construct that embodies
some shared conception of how a country’s various religious communities relate to each
other and to the larger nation as a whole (Zinnbauer and Pargament 2000). The concept of
religious pluralism is central to human service professions, including those working in the
field of education, providing pastoral care to the students: ‘With growing populations of
immigrants and adherents of religions not previously seen in significant numbers […]
spiritual care must take religion and diversity seriously. Utmost respect for the residents'
spiritual and religious histories and orientations is imperative’ (Friberg 2001, 182). At the
same time, educators need to have a good understanding of the major religious traditions
combined with an openness and acceptance towards the other (Cahill 2009).
The integration and accommodation of ethnic and religious minorities and their specific
needs has been an important concern for European countries (Triandafyllidou 2011) with a
particular focus of moral education at early stages of schooling (Yablon 2007). However,
reflecting historical legacies across Europe, different approaches prevail in how best to
accommodate religious diversity, especially in the school context.
Overview of Religious Education in Europe
At European level, religion remains a strong influence in contemporary societies. The
challenges faced by European societies in terms of accommodating ethnic and cultural
diversity need to be understood not only in their national or European contexts but in the
wider perspective of social and economic globalisation (Triandafyllidou 2011; Weisse 2007)
that can help to develop a shared understanding regarding the provision of Religious
Education in schools (Rossiter 1999). The significance of religion, its role and value in
society, differs across European countries and it is beyond the scope of this article to provide
a detailed overview of historical legacies of all 28 jurisdictions. Instead, in this section we
will focus specifically on the provision of Religious Education in order to contextualise
recent developments in the Republic of Ireland.
5
The provision of Religious Education in different jurisdictions is far from homogeneous (see
Table 1), and is shaped by complex relationships between the state, religious communities
and schools (Schreiner 2000). In France, for instance, there is a well established principle of
secularism within public education. Religious Education often permeates the school day in
countries where religion is considered to be an important part of national identity (such as
Ireland, Poland). The three Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) have their own
religious heritage which was strongly marginalised by Communist ideology. In Europe, one
can broadly differentiate between two main models of Religious Education: the religious
studies approach and the denominational or confessional approach (Schreiner 2000). In the
former, the syllabus and teacher education are the responsibility of the state whereas in the
latter, the responsibility lies with religious communities. Denominational schools generally
provide an opportunity to opt out of Religious Education or provide pupils with alternative
subjects such as Ethics. Considering the complexities (for a detailed discussion, see Smyth et
al. 2013) involved it is not possible to establish one model of Religious Education applicable
across national contexts. Recent findings from a European Commission report (2011, 18)
indicate that most pupils would like to see schools dedicated more to teaching about different
religions than to guiding them towards a particular religious belief or worldview. Students
prefer learning about religions to take place in a safe classroom environment governed by
agreed procedures for expression and discussion.
--- Insert Table 1 about here please --The overview provided in this section does not pretend to offer an in-depth look into the
content of teaching about religions in Europe. This has already been provided by EU 7th
Framework programmes such as REDCo1 and REMC2; instead, it provides the context in
which to discuss recent policy developments in Ireland. In order to contextualise the
provision of Religious Education in Ireland, the next section explores the population change
in the Republic and gives a brief description of the primary school system.
Population changes and the primary education system in Ireland
As reflected in the Census results, there has been a significant growth in the diversity of the
population in Ireland. Over the years the non-Catholic population has increased, due to
growing numbers of people with ‘no religion’ (138,264 in 2002 compared with 269,111 in
2011) accompanied by an increase in the number of migrants with different belief systems
6
(up from 89,223 in 2002 to 216,401 in 2011). The number of Catholics reached the lowest
point in 2011 (3,861,335), representing 84 per cent of the population. A number of primary
school aged children (14,769 or 3%) were recorded as belonging to ‘no religion, atheists or
agnostics’ categories with 6 per cent belonging to a minority faith background.
Over a number of decades, religious orders were centrally involved in establishing and
running schools in Ireland. In 1831, when the national school system was founded, the aim of
the Irish educational policy was the establishment of an inter-denominational education
framework aimed at children from different religious backgrounds (mostly Catholic and
Protestant). The system was designed to offer combined moral and literary education, but
separate religious education. It was envisaged that the Patron of each school would determine
the form and content of religious instruction in schools under their patronage (Hyland 1993;
Devine et al. 2005). However, over time schools effectively came under the management of
the individual Churches (predominantly Catholic) rather than mixed management as it was
initially envisaged. By the 1970s, the State had formally recognised the denominational
character of the national school system and made no provision for parents who did not wish
their children to attend exclusively denominational schools or to attend Religious Education
in such schools. The Rules for National Schools (1965) noted that religious instruction was
by far the most important part of the school curriculum (Department of Education 1965).
However, reflecting parental demand, at the end of the 1970s, multidenominational Educate
Together (ET) Schools were set up to provide an alternative to denominational primary
schools. The number of such schools has now expanded considerably and ET schools are the
fastest growing school sector at primary level (currently 74 ET schools).
Today, primary schools in Ireland are for the most part privately owned but state-funded and
provide education for children from the ages of four to eleven or twelve years. The major
religious denominations and the Department of Education play complementary roles in the
provision and organisation of primary schooling. The ultimate responsibility for each primary
school lies with the patron, who delegates authority to a school board (OECD 1991). The
school board is responsible for the day-to-day management of the school. Nearly all primary
schools are denominational in their pupil intake and management, and their location and
organisation is typically parish based. A notable exception has been the establishment and
growth of multidenominational ET Schools. The distinctive ethos of ET schools, based on
child-centred, multidenominational approach means that all children have equal rights and
7
their social, cultural and religious backgrounds are equally respected notwithstanding their
specific ethical curriculum, which comprises ethics and values with a comparative view of
world religions (see Darmody et al. 2012).
ET schools are state funded and religious
instruction is optional after school hours.
Hyland (1989) notes that since the option of multi-denominational schools became available,
there has been a growing demand for these schools, as the proportion of the population who
do not belong to the Catholic faith has increased. In addition, there are now nine Community
National Schools under the patronage of Education and Training Boards (ETBs), established
in order to cater specifically for children of all faiths and none – six are in Dublin, and one
each in counties Kildare, Meath and Cork. These new schools instruct all children in their
individual faiths, which means that while all other subjects are taught together, children are
streamed by religions. All children learn about all religions during a half-hour lesson per day,
except for three weeks of the year when children of different faiths are taught material
specific to their own religion. At primary level, there are also minority faith schools, the
largest number of which belong to Church of Ireland. There are also two state-funded Islamic
primary schools in Ireland, both in Dublin, and one Jewish school.
The following table shows the number of primary schools in Ireland organised by different
patron bodies for the years 2005 and 2014:
--- Insert Table 2 about here please --Table 2 clearly demonstrates the continuing prevalence of Catholic schools in Ireland. The
dominance of majority faith schools and the relative lack of alternatives for minority faith and
non-faith groups has resulted in a situation whereby many children attend primary schools
which do not reflect their own beliefs and, in fact, have a strong emphasis on socialisation
into the majority faith. At the same time the intake of migrant children from schools outside
Ireland is continuing, albeit at a slower pace than during the economic boom. Each year,
during the past decade, a minimum of 3,000 new entrants from outside Ireland to mainstream
primary schools have been recorded, with a peak of 8,000 per annum around the time of the
start of the recession in 2008 (DES statistics).
8
Access and school admission policies
Access and school admission policies are associated with many factors including school size
and ethos. Some Irish schools are very small: 20 per cent of schools have less than 50 pupils.
These are often found in rural areas and generally have denominational (mainly Catholic)
ethos. Access to minority faith primary school types varies by county (e.g., Muslim schools
and the single existing Jewish school are located in Dublin while ‘Educate Together’ schools
are now scattered throughout the country in cities and large towns) and by school admission
policies. The Equal Status Act (2000) and the Education Act (1998) govern nondiscriminatory practices but, although schools are required to publish their admission
policies, there is no absolute requirement on schools to admit any particular student. School
admission criteria vary across the schools (Smyth et al. 2009). Some denominational schools,
for example, give preference to children living in the area, or children of families who
practice the particular faith of the school, while most multi-denominational schools allocate
places by date of application. The Irish Constitution advocates that the State should respect
religious affiliation, including the freedom to manifest beliefs and no person should be denied
access to education. Moreover, it affirms parental rights to educate their children in
accordance with their socio-cultural, political, linguistic, religious, and moral understanding
(Article 42.4 and Section 1).
Considering the limited number of minority faith and multidenominational schools in Ireland,
many of which are available in urban centers and are oversubscribed, a considerable number
of non-Catholic children attend their local Catholic schools (Smyth and Author 2 2012).
However, the matter of school choice is complex as previous studies have shown that around
half of the children in multi-denominational schools come from Catholic background (Author
2 et al. 2012). The same study found that minority faith schools (mainly Protestant) were
mostly made up of those of ‘other religions’, but with a sizeable (30 per cent) Catholic intake,
whereas the Catholic schools had predominantly Catholic intake (although many had
substantial migrant population among their student body).
The Irish education system is underpinned by various legislative documents, several of which
deal with religion in schools. According to Irish legislation all parents have the right to
withdraw their child from religious instruction in schools (Article 44). In addition, section 30
of the Education Act 1998 indicates that a student cannot be required to attend instruction in
9
any subject which is contrary to the conscience of the parent of the student or, in the case of a
student who is 18 or older, the student him/herself.
Some schools find it challenging to provide facilities for the different religious needs of their
pupils. Existing research in Ireland indicates that while most primary schools admit children
from diverse religious backgrounds, the school ethos and curriculum do not adequately
address the needs of children of minority faith backgrounds. These challenges are
experienced predominantly by denominational stand-alone schools in rural areas; with
minority faith students experiencing exclusion, ignorance, and lack of understanding (Curry
et al. 2011; Devine 2011; Parker-Jenkins and Masterson 2013; Smyth et al. 2013) caused by
the conflict between the right of denominational schools to enforce Religious Education, and
the constitutional right of pupils to engage in educational practices that do not violate their
religious norms (Lodge 2004).
Approaches to religious education in Irish primary schools
Irish primary schools follow the new Primary School Curriculum (introduced in 1999) that
was devised by the National Council of Curriculum and Assessment. The curriculum
comprises six areas including religious education. The key areas include: language,
mathematics, Social Environmental and Scientific Education (SESE), Arts Education,
Physical Education, and Social Personal and Health Education (SPHE). The formulation of
the religious education curriculum is the responsibility of the patron of the school, usually the
religious authorities. With regard to religious education, in Catholic schools a common AliveO programme is taught to children, and children receive preparation for the sacraments,
including Communion and Confirmation, as part of the school day. Church of Ireland schools
use the Follow Me programme, broadly similar to the approach used in Alive-O, but with
preparation for the sacraments taking place in the community, outside the school day. In
Educate Together schools, a specific ethical curriculum, Learn Together, has been developed
in agreement with parents in the Educate Together sector. In some of these schools, parents
have arranged for religious instruction to take place outside of school hours within the school.
Catholic schools celebrate major religious festivals and provide sacramental preparations
combined with the use and display of religious symbols, whilst the Community National
Schools provide a multi-belief education programme called Goodness Me! Goodness You!.
10
The two Muslim state-funded primary schools in Dublin follow the curriculum for primary
schools but have an Islamic ethos, and teach Arabic and Qur’anic studies (Honohan and
Rougier 2011). The Islamic ethos is reflected in various practices in the school. Children
perform midday (Dhuhr) prayer during the school day. On Fridays (Jummah) the children
attend congregational prayer. The uniform required for the students is in accordance with
Islamic code of dress. The class libraries include Islamic books while Islamic posters and
pictures add to the Islamic atmosphere. Islam is represented not only in religious classes but
also in many areas of school activities. Holidays are taken at the end of Ramadan and
continue through Eid-ul-Fitr. Holidays are also taken for Eid al-Adha. Both of these
occasions are Islamic festivals, which are celebrated yearly in accordance with the Islamic
lunar calendar. The school closes for national and bank holidays. Traditionally Muslim
students have attended Christian schools and received Islamic training, separately.
Stratford National School is Ireland’s only Jewish primary school and provides a primary
education within a Jewish ethos, as defined by The Chief Rabbi of Ireland. The school enrols
pupils from a wide range of religious and cultural backgrounds and now accept children from
other denominations due to a dwindling Jewish population. However over the years members
of the Jewish community have also attended schools with a Christian ethos.
By law, Irish primary schools must teach the ‘integrated curriculum’, in which religion is
integrated with other subjects throughout the school day. A religious ethos permeates the
school culture and prompts questions about ‘learning about religion’ and ‘learning from
religion’ (Grimmitt 1987) particularly in the case of minority faith or with no faith pupils
(Honohan and Rougier 2011). In other words, ‘learning about religion’ provides an
opportunity to understand a range of religious beliefs and rituals in a comparative and factual
manner. In contrast, ‘learning from religion’ is about religious indoctrination through
teaching a particular religion or faith. In principle, it is possible for minority faith pupils to
‘opt out’ of religious classes. However, in practice, many pupils are asked to stay back in
class (without actively participating), with lack of resources to cater for the group of students
often quoted as a reason for this practice (Smyth and Author 2 2010). The fact the pupils of
other faiths or without religion have to stay in the class is problematic because these students
may be exposed to conflicting sets of values – one set at home, another outside (Devine
2009), juxtaposing often competing definitions of appropriate forms of identity formation and
presentation (Eriksen 2003). Despite the fact that parents have the right to ‘opt out’ of
11
religion class and/or sacramental preparation on behalf of their children, children’s freedom
to express their own religious identity may be constrained by the school they attend (Smyth et
al. 2013). On the other hand, it is argued that ‘pulling out’ pupils from religious education
classes poses another challenge in terms of alternative provision, issue of otherness and may
have discriminatory effect (Devine 2005, 2009; Evans 2008). At the same time, insufficient
communication between Church and educators highlights a need for deeper engagement and
active participation of the Church in the current interfaith dialogue supported by critical
reflection on how the Catholic schools can promote social cohesion and the common good
(McKinney and Sullivan 2013).
Recent policy responses to the need to address religious plurality
Over decades, the religious communities in Ireland had a major role in setting up schools and
providing education. The dominance of the main Churches in educational matters has lasted
until relatively recently when debates about restructuring of the primary education sector
increased partially due to the public demand for alternative options to denominational
schooling. As a result, a number of issues have been addressed including clearer guidelines
regarding setting up new schools; awarding patronage; making school admission policies
more explicit and extending the multidenominational sector. However, it can be argued that
more fundamental issues such as the provision of religious education in state-run schools
have not been sufficiently debated.
However, there have been some developments that have gone some way towards addressing
this issue. In March 2011, the Minister for Education, established a Forum on Patronage and
Pluralism in the Primary Sector aimed at reducing the number of Catholic primary schools in
favour of more multidenominational schools to meet societal changes and demands. Minister
Ruairi Quinn called for submissions on three specific themes: (a) how to establish the
demand for diversity of patronage, (b) the practicalities of managing the divesting of
patronage, and (c) how diversity can be accommodated where there are just one or two
schools serving a community. Over 200 submissions were presented by all major
stakeholders including various patrons, parents, pupils and educational institutions. In 2012,
the Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in the Primary Sector report (Coolahan at al. 2012)
was published. The report presented a range of views inter alia criticisms in relation to
current teaching practices regarding religious education. The report recommended that
schools should be a place, where all pupils feel included, irrespective of their beliefs. This
12
could be achieved by the pluralism and ecumenism expressed by giving pupils opportunities
to learn about other religions and beliefs, and to celebrate other religious festivals in schools.
Presently, the Department of Education and Skills is working on a White Paper on inclusivity
(not available at the time this article is going to press) which will propose new guidelines on
how to manage children opting out of faith formation, especially in areas where they have no
choice of school patronage, in order to ensure that all children’s rights are respected.
Furthermore, the Department for Education and Skills aimed to make school enrolment
policies more transparent. This move resulted in introduction of the Education (Admissions
to Schools) Draft Bill in September 2013. Central to this debate on enrolment of children to
primary and post primary schools is the need to ensure a fair and transparent system in all
schools, which does not discriminate unfairly against students or parents (DES 2011). In
addition, the new criteria were unveiled informing recognition of the new schools. The
criteria used included how the proposed schools under the respective patrons would
encompass and provide for diversity, having regard to the views of parents. This was
followed by the Report on the Draft General Scheme of an Education (Admission to Schools)
Bill 2013 launched by the Oireachtas Joint Committee in March 2014. The proposed
Admission to Schools Bill and the accompanying draft Regulations aim to put in place an
equitable model of admission that will be better structured, fairer, and more easily
understood. In tandem, a new law (Parent and Student Charter) is on the way setting out the
minimum standards that parents and pupils can expect in their dealings with schools. Under
the proposed legislation, schools will be required to write up a charter that adheres to a
national standard of best practice across the full range of relations with their students and
their parents with the aim to improve transparency and promote inclusion of diversity in
existing schools.
Discussion and conclusions
To conclude, there are different approaches to Religious Education across Europe: the nonconfessional approach (e.g., Denmark, UK, Estonia); the confessional approach (e.g.,
Bulgaria, Greece, Poland, Spain) and the no religious education approach in public schools
(e.g., Albania, France); this highlights that the overall picture is complex, and that the
existing practices are steeped in socio-cultural histories. Several European societies seem to
favour a multi-religious approach to education (e.g., UK, Netherlands).
13
Debates on religion in state-run schools and how to uphold the rights and cultural traditions
of all pupils are gathering pace. Discourses on religious pluralism advocate for promotion of
diversity management, tolerance, inclusion of religious and non-religious worldviews in
schools where all pupils are respected, regardless of their religious conviction.
Education has been identified as a most important field where action can be taken to foster
tolerant and respectful attitudes towards diversity (Freathy and Parker 2010; Triandafyllidou
2011). Intercultural, interreligious sensitivities are important parts of moral education in
multicultural schools helping to pave the way towards understanding and tolerance among
people and developing respect for pluralism (Holm et al. 2014). Much debate has also centred
on the nature of Religious Education in diverse school settings. Rather than taking a
confessional approach (with an opt-out opportunity), an ‘integrative’ approach (e.g., Ireland)
– teaching about religions – is adopted by many jurisdictions or different schools in one
jurisdiction. The Irish example indicates a need for a responsive, pluralistic approach both at
the macro and micro levels. Over the last few decades, Irish society has undergone a
significant social change which is reflected in the changing attitudes towards religion,
religious practices and increasing need to overhaul the education system dominated by
religious congregations. As a multi-ethnic, multi-faith society, it is imperative that Ireland
continues to strengthen a non-discriminatory perspective in education and promote religious
pluralism. Recent developments in Irish policies show some encouraging trends: there are
now more explicit guidelines in place with regard to school admission policies, making it
more difficult (at least in principle) to discriminate against some students. In addition,
diversification of the primary school sector is progressing, although at a slow pace. Only two
schools have been divested so far – one Catholic school in Dublin and one Church of Ireland
school in the west of Ireland. Issues still remain in some rural areas where there are not
enough pupils to justify establishing different types of schools. In these cases inclusive
practices that go beyond admission policy and acknowledging cultural and religious
difference may be a way forward. Schools could also collaborate more closely with Churches
and parents to provide religious instruction outside school hours.
Religious education in schools has the potential to promote tolerance, teach about human
rights and challenge discrimination. Rather than a challenge, religious and moral education
(as opposed to indoctrination) should be seen as an opportunity to help younger people to
understand and respect the increasingly diverse world and communities around them without
14
compromising their own sense of self and their identity. According to Alberts (2007) the
subject should be for all pupils of whatever religious background or none, and should not
promote any particular religion over others. It should also include the study of non-religious
worldviews such as Humanism. Rather than limited to the provision of information about
religious and non-religious traditions, the approach should enable students to think critically
about religions and to be able to discuss religious and ethical matters in an informed way.
Notes
1. Religion in Education. A contribution to Dialogue or a factor of Conflict in
transforming societies of European Countries (REDCo); for further details see
http://www.redco.uni-hamburg.de/web/3480/3483/index.html.
2. Religious Education in a Multicultural Society (REMC); for further details see
https://www.esri.ie/research/research_areas/education/Remc/meetings/REMC__An_Introduction.pdf
Notes on Contributors
Daniel Faas is Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Sociology and Member of the
University Council at Trinity College Dublin. His research interests are in the sociology of
migration with specific emphasis on the intersection of migration and education. His work
focuses on youth identities in relation to immigrant integration, national identity,
multiculturalism and social cohesion in Europe, diversity management in educational sites
and work places, curriculum design and development, and comparative case studies.
Merike Darmody is Research Officer at the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI)
and adjunct Assistant Professor at the Department of Sociology, Trinity College Dublin. Her
key area of interest lies in sociology of education. Her more recent work includes studies on
ethnic, cultural and religious diversity in Irish schools. She has recently been involved as a
national expert in a European Commission-funded study on the educational needs of newly
arrived migrant children.
Beata Sokołowska is a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Sociology at Trinity
College Dublin. Her doctoral dissertation was on the acculturation of Polish immigrant
teenagers in Ireland. She graduated with a Masters Degree in Social and Political Science in
15
1998 from the Silesian University in Poland. Her main research interests include
transnational migration, youth, acculturation, family separation and uprooting.
References
Alberts, W. 2007. Integrative Religious Education in Europe: A Study of Religions Approach.
Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Beneke, C. 2007. “Beyond Toleration: The Religious Origins of American Pluralism.” The
New England Quarterly 80 (3): 526-528.
Bouma, G. and A. Halafoff. 2009. “Multifaith Education and Social Inclusion in Australia.”
Journal of Religious Education 57(3): 17-26
Bragg, S. and H. Manchester. 2011. Creativity, School Ethos and Creative Partnerships
Programme. The Open University Press.
Cahill, D. 2009. “Religious education and interreligious education: Their context in social
capital and social cohesion in Australia.” Journal of Religious Education 57(3): 4-17.
Coolahan, J., Hussey, C. and F. Kilfeather. 2012. The Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in
the
Primary
Sector
available
online
at
http://www.education.ie/en/Press-
Events/Conferences/Patronage-and-Pluralism-in-the-Primary-Sector/The-Forum-onPatronage-and-Pluralism-in-the-Primary-Sector-Report-of-the-Forums-AdvisoryGroup.pdf
Curry, P., Gilligan, R., Garratt, L. and J. Scholtz. 2011. Where to From Here? Inter-ethnic
Relations among Children in Ireland. Dublin: Liffey Press.
Darmody, M. Smyth, E. and S. McCoy 2012. School Sector Variation among Primary
Schools in Ireland, Dublin: ESRI and Educate Together.
Davie, G. 1994. Religion in Britain since 1945: Believing Without Belonging. Oxford:
Blackwell.
Department of Education and Science 1999. Revised Primary School Curriculum. Dublin:
Stationery Office.
Department of Education and Skills 2014. Press Release 12 March 2013. Dublin
http://www.education.ie/en/Press-Events/Press-Releases/2014-PressReleases/PR2014-03-12.html
Devine, D. 2005. “Welcome to the Celtic Tiger! Teachers Responses to Immigration and
Increasing Ethnic Diversity in Irish Schools.” International Studies in Sociology of
Education 15 (1): 49-70.
16
Devine, D. 2009. “Mobilising Capitals? Migrant Children’s Negotiation of their Everyday
Lives in School.” British Journal of Sociology of Education 30 (5): 521-535.
Devine, D. 2011. “Securing migrant children’s educational well-being: Perspective of policy
and practice in Irish schools.” In The Changing Faces of Ireland: Exploring the Lives
of Immigrant and Ethnic Minority Children, edited by M. Darmody, N. Tyrrell, and S.
Song. Rotterdam: Sense.
Devine, D. 2012a. Immigration and Schooling in Ireland: Making a Difference? Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
Devine, D. 2012b. “Practising Leadership in Newly Multi-Ethnic Schools: Tension in the
Field?” British Journal of Sociology of Education 33 (1): 1-20.
Donnelly, C. 2000. “In Pursuit of School Ethos.” British Journal of Educational Studies 48
(2):134-154.
Donnelly, C. 2004. “Constructing The Ethos of Tolerance and Respect in an Integrated
School: The role of Teachers.” British Educational Research Journal 30 (2): 263-278.
Eriksen, T.H. 2003. “Creolization and Creativity.” Global Networks 3 (3): 223-237.
European Commission. 2011. Pluralism and Religious Diversity, Social Cohesion and
Integration in Europe: Insights from European Research. Brussels: European
Commission.
Evans, C. 2008. “Religious Education in Public Schools: An International Human Rights
Perspective.” Human Rights Law Review 8 (3): 449-447.
Faas, D. (2010) Negotiating Political Identities: Multiethnic Schools and Youth in Europe,
Farnham: Ashgate.
Fearon, J.D. 2003. “Ethnic and cultural diversity by country.” Journal of Economic Growth 8
(2):195-222.
Freathy, R. and S. Parker. 2010. “The necessity of historical inquiry in educational research:
the case of religious education.” British Journal of Religious Education 32 (3): 229243.
Friberg, N. 2001. “The role of the chaplain in spiritual care.” In Aging and Spirituality:
Spiritual Dimensions of Aging Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, edited by D.O.
Moberg, p. 177-190, New York: Haworth Pastoral Press.
Garfinkel, R. 2008. What Works?: Evaluating Interfaith Dialogue Programs. Pennsylvania:
Diane Publishing.
Grimmitt, M. 1987. RE and Human Development: The Relationship between Studying
Religions and Personal, Social and Moral Education. Great Wakering: McCrimmons.
17
Holm, K., Nokelainen, P., and K. Tirri. 2014. “Finnish Secondary School Students’
Interreligious Sensitivity.” British Journal of Religious Education 2-17.
Honohan, I., and N. Rougier. 2011. Challenges of Immigrant Religious Diversity in Irish
Schools, Accept Pluralism Project Report, University College Dublin.
Hyland, A. 1993. Educate Together Schools in the Republic of Ireland. Belfast: Fortnight
Educational Trust.
Jackson, R. 2004. “Intercultural Education and Recent European Pedagogies of Religious
Education.” Intercultural Education 15 (1): 3–14.
Jackson, R., Miedema, S., Weisse, W., and J.-P. Willaime. eds. 2007. Religion and Education
in Europe: Developments, Contexts and Debates. Münster: Waxmann.
Jackson, R. and K. O’Grady. 2007. “Religions and Education in England: Social Plurality,
Civil Religion and Religious Education Pedagogy.” In Religion and Education in
Europe: Developments, Contexts and Debates, edited by R. Jackson, S. Miedema, W.
Weisse and J.-P. Willaime, pp. 181-202, Münster: Waxmann.
Knauth, T. and Jozsa, D-P., Bertram-Troost, G, and J. Ipgave. 2008. Encountering Religious
Pluralism in School and Society, Religious Diversity and Education in Europe: A
Qualitative Study of Teenage Perspective in Europe, Münster: Waxmann.
Lodge, A. 2004. Diversity at School. Dublin: The Equality Authority and Institute of Public
Administration.
McKinney, S., J and J. Sullivan. 2013. Education in Catholic Perspective. Farnham: Ashgate.
Oireachtas Joint Committee 2014. “Draft General Scheme of an Education (Admission to
Schools) Bill 2013.” http://www.oireachtas.ie/parliament/media/Report-on-SchoolsAdmissions-Bill.pdf
Parker-Jenkins, M. and M. Masterson. 2013. “No longer ‘Catholic, white or Gaelic’: Schools
in Ireland Coming to Terms with Cultural Diversity.” Irish Educational Studies 32
(4): 477-492.
Rossiter, G.M. 1999. “Historical Perspective on the Development of Catholic Religious
Education in Australia: Some Implications for the Future.” Journal of Religious
Education 47 (1): 5-18.
Schreiner, P. 2000. Religious Education in Europe. Münster: ICCS and Comenius Institut.
Silk, M. 2007. “Defining Religious Pluralism in America: A Regional Analysis.” The Annals
612 (1): 64–81.
Smyth, E., Darmody, M., McGinnity, F., and D. Byrne. 2009. Adapting to Diversity: Irish
schools and Newcomer students. ERSI: Research Series no 8.
18
Smyth, E. et al. 2010. ‘Religious Education in a Multicultural Society: School and Home in
Comparative Context’, http://www.esri.ie/research/research_areas/education/Remc/
Smyth, E., Lyons, M. and M. Darmody. eds. 2013. Religious Education in a Multicultural
Europe: Children, Parents and Schools. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.
Tovey, H. and P. Share. 2003. A Sociology of Ireland. Los Angeles and London: Maw.
Triandafyllidou, A. 2011. Addressing Cultural, Ethnic and Religious Diversity Challenges in
Europe: A Comparative Overview of 15 European Countries. Florence: European
University Institute.
Yablon, Y. 2007. “Cognitive rather than emotional modification in peace education
programs: advantages and limitations.” Journal of Moral Education 36 (1): 51-65.
Yang, F. and H.R. Ebaugh. 2001. “Religion and ethnicity among new immigrants: the impact
of majority/minority in home and host countries.” Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion 40 (3): 367-78.
Weisse, W. 2007. “The European Research Project on Religion and Education ‘REDCo’ an
Introduction.” In Religion and Education in Europe: Developments, Contexts and
Debates, edited by R. Jackson, Miedema, S., Weisse, W. & Willaime, J., pp. 9-25.
Münster: Waxmann.
Zinnbauer, B.J. and K.I. Pargament. 2000. “Working with the Sacred: Four Approaches to
Religious and Spiritual Issues in Counseling.” Journal of Counseling and
Development 78 (2): 162-171.
19