CULTURAL COMPETENCY PRACTICE WITH SOUTHEAST-ASIAN FAMILIES IN CHILD WELFARE Yoriko Sakuma B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2004 Ana Nguyen B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2008 PROJECT Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK at CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO SPRING 2010 CULTURAL COMPETENCY PRACTICE WITH SOUTHEAST-ASIAN FAMILIES IN CHILD WELFARE A Project by Yoriko Sakuma Ana Nguyen Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Francis Yuen, DSW, Professor ____________________________ Date ii Students: Yoriko Sakuma and Ana Nguyen I certify that these students have met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the project. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator Teiahsha Bankhead, Ph.D., LCSW Division of Social Work iii ___________________ Date Abstract of CULTURAL COMPETENCY PRACTICE WITH SOUTHEAST-ASIAN FAMILIES IN CHILD WELFARE by Yoriko Sakuma Ana Nguyen The association between culturally competent practice and treatment outcomes among Southeast Asians has become recognized in the field of social work. However, crosscultural challenges continue to exist, particularly in one field of social work – child welfare practice. In an attempt to ameliorate cross-cultural challenges child welfare workers face, this descriptive study provides recommendations of how child welfare agencies, particularly Sacramento County Department of Health and Human Services Child Protective Services, can improve its practice with its Southeast Asian clientele. Thirty six Sacramento County child welfare workers discussed their knowledge, challenges, agency resources, familiarity with services relevant to the needs of this group, and their perceptions of what should be systematically changed in order to improve services delivery to this group. The results showed that cultural competency is important in child welfare practice, but is, however, limited in all three of the micro, meso, and macro levels. The study’s findings show that current child welfare workers are limited in their skills to effectively service Southeast Asian clients as a result of ineffective and inadequate training, lack of consultation support, and lack of programs and community iv resources, particularly family therapy and mental health outreach programs. To ensure better outcome, these researchers recommend the focus of cultural competency training be shifted more towards knowledge acquisition and skill development. The researchers also recommend increasing bicultural workers in the child welfare workforce, and providing workers with consultation and support regarding service delivery and decision making. Lastly, the researchers recommend increasing the collaboration between the child welfare agency and the Southeast Asian communities by expanding community resources. Yoriko Sakuma and Ana Nguyen worked together and contributed equally to this research project. _______________________, Committee Chair Francis Yuen, DSW, Professor _______________________ Date v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This research study would not have been possible without the support of many people. We would first like to express our gratitude to our thesis advisor, Professor Francis Yuen, who offered invaluable assistance, support and guidance. We would also like to convey thanks to all of the study’s participants for their contribution during the course of this study. Last, a special reference to our family, for their unconditional love and moral support throughout our academic journey. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgement ............................................................................................................. vi List of Tables ...................................................................................................................... x Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1 Statement of Collaboration ............................................................................... 3 Background of the Problem .............................................................................. 4 Statement of the Research Problem .................................................................. 6 Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................... 7 Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................... 8 Definition of Terms......................................................................................... 11 Assumptions.................................................................................................... 12 Justification ..................................................................................................... 13 Limitations ...................................................................................................... 14 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................................................................................. 16 Introduction/Overview .................................................................................... 16 Cultural Competence ...................................................................................... 17 History of the Southeast Asian Population ..................................................... 23 Theoretical Foundation ................................................................................... 25 vii Cultural Concerns ........................................................................................... 29 Factors Contributing to Child Maltreatment ................................................... 35 Asian Americans in the Child Welfare System .............................................. 37 Current Practice .............................................................................................. 41 An increase in Bi-cultural child welfare workers ........................................... 43 Interpretation Services .................................................................................... 44 Increase the Quality of Trainings .................................................................... 46 Outreach Programs.......................................................................................... 48 3. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 53 Introductions ................................................................................................... 53 Study Design ................................................................................................... 53 Sampling Procedures ...................................................................................... 54 Data Collection Procedures............................................................................. 55 Instruments ...................................................................................................... 55 Data Analysis Approaches .............................................................................. 57 Protection of Human Subjects ........................................................................ 57 Summary ......................................................................................................... 58 4. FINDINGS .............................................................................................................. 59 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 59 Demographics ................................................................................................. 59 Cultural Competency of Child Welfare Workers ........................................... 61 viii Community Resources and Support by the Agency ....................................... 70 Recommendations for Effective Practice with Southeast Asian clients ......... 79 Summary ......................................................................................................... 85 5. CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................... 90 Summary ......................................................................................................... 90 Conclusion and Recommendations ................................................................. 91 Implications for Social Work Practice and Future Studies ............................. 95 Appendix A Letter of Consent Form .............................................................................. 98 Appendix B Survey Questionnaire ............................................................................... 100 References ..................................................................................................................... 103 ix LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. 4.1 Ethnicity of the Study Participants .................................................................... 60 2. 4.2 Special Skilled and Non-Special Skilled Workers............................................ 61 3. 4.3 Familiarity: Southeast Asian v. Non-Southeast Asian Workers ........................ 63 4. 4.4 Important Factors in Practice: SEA v. Non-SEA............................................... 66 5. 4.5 The Cultural Practice Hard to Accept ................................................................ 67 6. 4.6 The Cultural Practice Hard to Acccept: SEA v. Non-SEA ................................ 68 7. 4.7 The Challenges in Working with SEA Clients .................................................. 69 8. 4.8 The Challenges: Special Skilled v. Non-Special Skilled ................................... 70 9. 4.9 Important Factors: Trained v. Untrained ........................................................... 73 10. 4.10 Challenges: Trained v. Untrained .................................................................... 74 11. 4.11 Resources Available in the Community .......................................................... 78 12. 4.12 Ranked Significant Factors .............................................................................. 80 13. 4.13 Factors to Minimize Cultural Barriers ............................................................. 81 14. 4.14 Factors to Ameliorate Issues of SEA Families ................................................ 82 15. 4.15 Resources Needed for SEA Families ............................................................... 84 16. 4.16 Resources Needed: SEA v. Non-SEA ............................................................. 85 x 1 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Introduction Cultural competency, the development of skills to interact effectively with in cross-cultural situations, is the one of the most often discussed concepts in social work practice. This is evident by the ample amounts of research articulating this subject. The teaching of cultural competency has been implemented in various educational curriculums over several years, such as the school of Medical Health, Psychology, Gerontology, and Social Work. In the last decade, practitioners have relied heavily on cultural competency practice, and social work was no exception. Cultural competency began to spread throughout social work universities and human service agencies. The National Association of Social Work (NASW), for instance, has mandated cultural competency practice since 1996. For more than a decade, social work professionals have decreed the importance of cultural competency in social work practice. For example, cultural competency is not only outlined in the NASW Code of Ethics, but also mandated by the Council of Social Work Education (CSWE). Within the NASW Code of Ethics, specific standards were implemented to assure and provide a context for service delivery. The standard of cross-cultural knowledge, for example, mandates social workers to have and continue to develop “specialized knowledge and understanding about the history, traditions, values, family systems, and artistic expressions of major client groups that they serve” (NASW, 1996). In addition, the standard of cross-cultural skills instructs social workers to use “appropriate methodological approaches, skills, and techniques that 2 reflect the workers’ understanding of the role of culture in the helping process” (NASW, 1996). In addition, the American Psychological Association requires mental health professionals to be aware of racial, linguistic, gender, and socioeconomic status of their clients (APA, 1992). To some extent, the changing ethnic profile in the United States has sparked the demand for culturally competent practice. The heightened interest in cultural competency was also due to research that found that this practice is a mechanism to deal with diversity issues and their accompanying challenges. In past years, organizations throughout the United States are responding to this requisition by offering translation services, employing cultural workers, and providing written materials in various languages. In addition, organizations are now calling out for culturally competent professionals. Health, social work, health, and other human service professionals require integration of cultural references into their work with all people. The reason is that cultural competency has been recognized by scholars and researchers to improve the quality of health care, treatment outcomes, and service participation. The discussion of cultural competency first progressed from multiculturalism to cultural sensitivity and then to cultural competency. Within recent years, a more innovative concept has emerged from research – this concept of cultural considerations. These new studies not only examine the values and beliefs of various cultures, but also propose interventions that are consistent with one’s cultural values and beliefs. For example, in a study of psychiatric diagnosis among Chinese Americans, one of the ethical and cultural considerations identified was utilizing cultural knowledge to change the 3 process of interpersonal communication that is accessible to patients (Yueng and Kam, 2009). The discussion of cultural competency in social work rapidly emerged in the past decade, in part, due to the staggering number of immigrants and the recognition of disparities in the quality of services delivered to them. Among the ethnic and racial groups in the United States, Asian- and PacificIslander- Americans constitute one of the fastest growing groups, increasing by 72% between 1990 and 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). More recent is the influx of Southeast Asian immigrants (accounting for 68% of the 72% referred earlier by 2003— U.S. Census Bureau, 2003), which resulted from the United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War during the early 1970s. Although these Southeast Asians are comprised of several ethnically diverse groups, including the Vietnamese, Cambodian, Hmong, Mien, Laotian, and Thai, they share a common immigration history. Moreover, unlike voluntary immigrants, this group has endured further conflict, compounded by acculturation issues, environmental influences, and social barriers. Despite this, literature that addresses cultural considerations within Southeast Asian American communities is limited in many disciplines, including social work. Although there are studies of Southeast Asians in the area of health care, mental health, and educational system, few have focused on the interaction between this group and the child welfare system and/or ethnic disparities of services offered to this group in the child welfare system. Statement of Collaboration The work for this paper is a collaborative effort between Ana Nguyen and Yoriko Stenhouse. 4 Background of the Problem More than 70,000 Asian Americans call Sacramento, California home, 17.6 percent of the city’s population (Fong & Kim 2006). While the national poverty rate is 5.1 % in general, the poverty rate among Asian Americans is slightly higher (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). In Sacramento County, one of four Asian- and Pacific-Islander Americans lives in poverty (Fong & Kim 2006). This is worthy to note, since poverty is the most commonly distinguished and documented risk factor for child maltreatment. Due to its demographic growth and poverty rates, it is projected that the Asian American community will increasingly come to the attention of the child welfare system, as expected in every growing community. According to the Sacramento Department of Health and Human Services, 2.8% (137) of children in placement during fiscal year 2002/2003 (4,851) were Asian/Pacific Islander, and the number increased to 4.8 % (187) out of 3,882 during the fiscal year 2007/2008. In child welfare setting, culturally competent practice is inevitably important. However, child welfare workers today are generally affected by the lack of available funds, heavy caseloads, overburden, and insufficient staff training for them to respond to the growing number of families and children entering into the system. These issues have become hindrance, contributing to social workers’ inability to provide their clients with culturally effective services. This poses an immense problem in child welfare agencies, being that families and children approaching the system are overly represented as ethnic minorities. Cultural competency is the ability to deliver effective services that are respectful and consistent with one’s culture (Williams, 1997). Based on this definition, 5 social workers in any organization must take into consideration their clients’ ethnic background, linguistic needs, religious beliefs, and cultural demands in order to effectively serve clients of diverse backgrounds. Asian- and Pacific-Islander Americans, however, remain at the margins of the current child welfare system since they have difficultly navigating the system. While the general Asian American families are relatively underrepresented among reported cases of child maltreatment, Southeast Asian families suffered the most because they share the difficulty of navigating the system but also have higher incidence of child maltreatment. According to Pelczarski and Kemp (2006), the reported case of child maltreatment is higher among Southeast Asian families than that of non-Southeast Asian families. Anecdotal materials show the increased risk for child maltreatment among Southeast Asians is the consequence of the stress and difficultly resulting from those families’ recent immigration experience and acculturation issues. As a result, this group has a more difficult time obtaining meaningful employment, while experiencing intergenerational conflict, mental illness, and substance abuse problem. These dynamics, therefore, often place them at a higher risk of interacting with child welfare system. It is also important to note that the Asian population is not homogeneous. It includes many groups who differ in language, culture, and length of residence in the United States. While, Japanese and Chinese in the United States have been represented in the United State for several generations, Southeast Asians tend to be comparatively recent immigrants. Many Asian families who come to the attention of the child welfare system are primarily Southeast Asians, and the reason is that of cultural differences, 6 language barriers, and economic disparity. Recent reports show that Southeast Asians tend to have lower income and educational attainment and higher poverty rates, when compared to Japanese, Chinese, and Asian-Indian Americans (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). Next to Hispanic immigrants, Southeast Asians have the second highest poverty rates in the United States (Fong & Kim 2006). However, the data on the number of Southeast Asians in child welfare are unavailable since it is generally put into a more general category of “Asian- and Pacific-Islander Americans.” Statement of the Research Problem In view of the limited amount of empirically based information available, crosscultural challenges exist in one particular field of social work today – child welfare practice. The rapid growths of racial, ethnic, and linguistic groups present a challenge to delivery of services in the child welfare system. Cross-cultural issues proliferate as ethnic minorities increasingly face the child welfare system. Faced with barriers such as language skills and inexperience with the child welfare system, Southeast-Asian Americans are likely to avoid services necessary for successful family reunification. In child welfare practice, certain skills are required to work with people from different cultures. Although child welfare agencies across the nations are seeking to respond to the rising ethnic minorities, the lack of exploration in this area has contributed to the lack of knowledge among child welfare workers and hinders child welfare agencies from providing appropriate services. For example, the Sacramento County Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) Child Protective Services (CPS) has made systematic efforts to overcome current cross-cultural barriers, including cultural 7 competency training and employing special skills workers and language interpreters. There is, however, a lack of dedicated time and resources to ensure that cultural competency training is implemented on a regular and needed basis. Cultural competency trainings are also applied to all ethnic minorities, making them vague and unspecific to the Southeast-Asian population. Additionally, there is a lack of mandated training requirements in the area of language, interpretation, and cultural competency for the staffs. The agency’s current practice, therefore, seldom addresses the cross-cultural issues that this group experiences. Nevertheless, the inability of any organization to provide culturally relevant services prevents practitioners from effectively working in cross-cultural situations. To generate higher cultural competency practice among the Sacramento child welfare agency, there is a compelling reason to study various cultural practices pertinent to the needs of Southeast-Asian Americans that may serve as a reference source for the Sacramento County CPS workers and/or practitioners to work with Southeast-Asian families. This will ensure greater outcome and success, and ultimately contribute to the systematic change within the child welfare system. Purpose of the Study There is evidence that shows that the rising number of ethnic minorities in the United States will result in an increasing number of ethnic minorities in the child welfare system. With a large and growing population of Asian Americans in Sacramento County, Southeast-Asians will increasingly encounter the child welfare system. Unfortunately, child welfare workers are unprepared to provide culturally relevant approaches to this 8 group. In lieu of this, the study explores the importance of the cultural understanding of Southeast Asian Americans in child welfare practice. The purpose of the study is to present various cultural competency practice, gathered from research and Sacramento CPS workers’ perspectives, with the objective of providing recommendations to the agency as to how to improve their practice with Southeast-Asian clients. These recommendations will include whether education and trainings in cultural competency within CPS should be added or altered and/or whether the agency’s institutional system should be altered, and/or what services and outreach program should be expanded. The study will yield information that will provide a better understanding of the issues and problems concerning Southeast Asian families to assist child welfare workers when working with Southeast-Asian families. Additionally, information obtained from this study can help child welfare agencies to identify, plan for, and provide support, culturally appropriate services, and effective interventions to enhance the well-being of Southeast Asian clients. Theoretical Framework The theoretical approaches that support the aim of the research will include the ecological system theory and acculturation theories. The ecological systems theory recognizes the influence of environment as well as internal factors in individuals (Payne, 2005). This theory views the individual at the micro, meso, and macro levels as well as at the interactions and influences each of these systems have on each other (Payne, 2005). The ecological system theory focuses on the interactions of structures within a system and the interaction of structures between systems, and recognizes the bi-directional 9 influences within and between the systems as a vital factor. A change in one level of the systems, therefore, will creates a domino effect on all the levels of the systems. It views each existing element within an ecosystem as playing an equally important role in maintaining the whole. While a system close to the individual has a direct impact, other outside factors also have a powerful impact on the individual. Changes can occur both from external environments and from inside the individuals. Additionally, people are capable of choosing and constructing their own setting, which is affected by the person’s physical and logical characteristics, experience, and environment. People are both products and creators of their own environments (Hepworth, Rooney, Rooney G., StromGottfried, & Larsen, 2006). The ecological system theory allows us to view the experiences of Southeast Asian families involved in the child welfare system on multiple levels. Cultural competency, therefore, needs to be included at the individual, agency, and larger policy levels in order to prevent disparities in services delivered to ethnic minorities. It is critical for social workers to consider the Southeast Asian immigrant clients’ family functions, heritage background, immigration experiences, acculturation processes, and their relationships with the child welfare agency, the community, and the larger society. An ecological system theory is valuable in that it examines not only the immediate and apparent impact, but examines the effect on multiple levels. Acculturations theories help understand the experiences of Southeast Asian families, who have lived and learned in a cultural context, and then try to adapt to a new cultural context. The experience in two essentially different cultures and acculturation 10 differences between the immigrant parents and their immigrant or U.S.-born children have great impacts on Southeast Asian families (Ying & Han, 2007, 2008). Acculturation is an important variable in the development of Southeast-Asian immigrants’ cultural identify, in part, because they contribute to the understanding of the extent to which these individuals have integrated the dominate culture into their lives (Leong & Lee, 2006). Other theoretical models that develop within the acculturation framework also guide in the understanding of Southeast-Asian Americans: Unilinear and Orthogonal models (Oetting, 1993). Contrary to the acculturation theory, the unilinear models assume individuals need to abandon their original culture in order to adapt to a new culture. For example, this model of acculturation assumes that the bond of one’s culture of origin is weakened once Southeast-Asian immigrants as well as other ethnic immigrants accommodate and familiarize themselves within the host culture (Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000). However, this was not true for many Southeast-Asian immigrants. Acculturation is a multidimensional or multilinear process, where individuals are able to maintain contact with one culture while adapting to another, forming a bicultural identity and skills (Berry, 2003). Orthogonal models further suggest that identification with one culture is independent of identification with any other culture (Oetting, 1993; Valencia & Johnson, 2008). This model explains an individual can have any combination of cultural identification; he or she may exhibit a single cultural identity, a bicultural identity, a strong identification with one culture and a modest one with another, or a weak identification with any culture (Oetting, 1993). Assimilation, integration, separation, and 11 marginalization are also distinguished in various ways in which acculturation could take place (Berry, 1980, 2003). It is when individual follow integration strategy of acculturation that they are likely to be well adapted to another new culture psychologically, socioculturally, and economically (Berry, 2003). Each group or individual takes different path to acculturation outcomes depending on many factors at multiple levels, including the nature of cultural contact, the attitude of the host culture, the governmental policies, social ecology, vitality, and individual psychological factors (Berry, 2003). Accordingly, Southeast Asian immigrant families have their own unique cultural traits, immigration history, and acculturation outcomes. When providing services to the family, social workers, therefore, need to assess the extent of acculturation in order to provide relevant services. When coordinating ethnic/racial matching of clients and social workers, the acculturation degree of both parties also might need to be looked at. Definition of Terms -Asian- and Pacific-Islander Americans: Americans whose primary ethnic identification and familial descent are of Asian and Pacific origin, which include Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Vietnamese, Laotian, Korean, and Japanese. -Southeast-Asian Americans: Americans whose primary ethnic identification and familial descent are of Southeast-Asian origin, from region including Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. -Cultural Competence: the ability to deliver services in a way that is respectful of a different culture, builds on the strengths of the culture, and is consistent with the culture. 12 -Immigrant Families: Family who has migrated to the United States from another country and has members whose legal categories fall into: either legal permanent resident; naturalized citizens; refugees; or undocumented immigrants. -Child Welfare System: A system of services designed to promote the well-being of children by ensuring safety of the children and strengthening families to care for their children. -Child welfare worker: people who provide direct service to clients in Child Welfare System. -Cultural Worker: Child welfare workers with a special skill status. -Ethnic Matching: Matching clients with child welfare workers of the same race and ethnic background -Cultural Matching: Matching clients with child welfare workers of the same or similar cultural background, which include age, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation. Assumptions This study stands on several assumptions regarding the cultural considerations necessary when working with Southeast-Asian families. Here, it is assume that culturally competent practices can better serve children and families in the child welfare system. In addition, social workers play a key role in the experience and outcome of families in the Child Welfare System. It is furthermore postulated that all participants will use the correct procedures to answer the questions as outlined on the given instrument. 13 Justification As summarized in the National Association of Social Worker’s Code of Ethics (1996), the mission of social workers includes being receptive to their clients’ cultural and ethnic diversity and making every effort to end discrimination and oppression. The importance of learning the issues of Southeast-Asian Americans and the cultural considerations most effective when working with this particular group demonstrates cultural competency and therefore, is significant in the profession of social work. Given the rapid growth of ethnic minorities in the child welfare system, it is, therefore, important that CPS social workers uphold these standards in an effort to give surety to their responsibility and enhance the welfare of their families and children. The knowledge acquired in this research will help with the finding of cultural considerations necessary to work with Southeast-Asian Americans in the child welfare system. The study’s findings will guide the development of a model for culturally competent practice in the Sacramento County child welfare system. Lack of cultural competency should be of great concern to social work practitioners, scholars, and policy makers. It is important for social work professionals to understand that the current model of child welfare services has failed to meet the needs of the Southeast-Asian populations, and acknowledge the racial and cultural issues that affect service outcomes. Social workers are obligated by their profession to educate themselves further about various multicultural practices. The lack of cultural sensitivity and awareness while working with SoutheastAsian immigrants in child welfare can lead to discriminatory practices and affect success 14 of outcomes. The reason is that Southeast-Asian immigrants have distinct cultural values and practices; additionally, they have experienced hardships through immigration, low educational attainment, low socio-economic status, and language and cultural barriers. Research findings may help Sacramento County develop a service model to provide culturally appropriate services to the Southeast-Asian population and improve outcomes. Information collected will better inform the researchers what aspects of policies, programs, and existing models are effective in meeting the needs of this population. Without appropriate culturally competent interventions and services geared towards Southeast-Asian immigrant families, it will be difficult to achieve equal service outcomes. In addition, enhancing the lives of this population will be difficult. Limitations The value of any study depends heavily on the accuracy of the data collected. Studying cultural considerations of Southeast-Asians in child welfare has clear limitations. First, as this study utilized a small sample (n=30) of respondents and is limited to Sacramento County, the results may ineffectively represent the general population. In addition, the small sample of cultural workers and Asian workers employed at Sacramento County CPS limits the comparison between the two groups. Second, the measure of cultural competency practice of Sacramento County CPS worker were based on self- assessments and may be inaccurate due to social desirability that may affect the participants’ choices. Third, this study targets Southeast-Asian Americans and may be inapplicable to other ethnic population. Furthermore, the majority of the subjects in this study have limited direct experience working with the Southeast Asian population, 15 and, therefore, this study focuses more on their perceptions and beliefs rather than their actual experience in the field. Therefore, these limitations may affect the quality of the data. 16 Chapter 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE Introduction/Overview The importance of cultural competency practice in child welfare appears well established (Hosley, Gensheimer, & Yang, 2003; Lu, Landsverk, Ellis-Macleod, Newton, Ganger, &Johnson, 2004; Lu, Organista, Manzo, Wong, & Phung, 2001). The association between cultural competency practice and treatment outcomes among Southeast Asians has become recognized in the field of social work as well. Little research, however, has distinctly focused on culturally competent child welfare practice within the Asian American community. Those who have attempted are Anh (1994); Fong (1994); Humphreys, Atkart, and Baidwin (1999); Pelczarski and Kemp (2006); and Perry and Limb (2004). Culturally competent child welfare practice in social work is an essential component to the quality of services social workers can provide to their clients. It is not until social workers identify the unique cultural considerations of Southeast Asians in child welfare practice that they can better meet the needs of this group. The review of past and current literature, as well as reports from the Sacramento County’s Department of Health and Human Services, Child Protective Services’ (DHHS, CPS) will lead to significant findings regarding cultural competency practice and Southeast-Asian Americans. In addition, understanding of the pre- and post-immigration difficulties that Southeast Asian Americans have experienced will help promote a better understanding of various cultural issues, including maltreatment, among this group. Awareness of these issues, taken together, will assist social workers and other human service providers to 17 provide culturally competent services catered to the needs of the Southeast Asian communities. Cultural Competence Cultural competence in social work practice should be integrated in every aspect of work with clients. Understanding clients’ cultures – their customs, norms, beliefs, and values – not only shows respect to the client, but also is central to positive outcomes, including building good rapport and engaging clients in services. Cultural competency reflects the agency’s goals to deliver effective services that are respectful and consistent with one’s culture. It is a key factor that enables social workers to understand families’ experiences and engage them in a meaningful way (Williams, 1997). The consequence of cultural incompetence of social workers may incline them to make harmful decisions, fail to build on the strengths of families and communities, and blame families for their failure (Williams, 1997), ultimately bringing harm to children, families, communities, and the child welfare system as a whole. Although the concept of cultural competency is defined and measured in several different contexts, many scholars have agreed that cultural competency is integral in providing culturally relevant, appropriate, and consistent services that enhance one’s well-being. For example, the Child Welfare League of America (2002) defines cultural competence as the ability to respond effectively and respectfully to all cultures, races, ethnic backgrounds, sexual orientation, and religions, and in such a manner that recognizes and values the worth of individuals, families, tribes, and community, as well as protecting the dignity of each. Lum (2003) discusses cultural competency in term of 18 cultural awareness, knowledge acquisition, skill development, and inductive learning. Lum (2003) contends that culturally competent practice should include certain skills, behavior, attitudes, and policies in a system that enables professionals to provide effective service deliveries in cross-cultural situations. Fong (2003) posits that cultural competence should involve the four dimensions that Lum (2003) suggested, all of which needs to be included at micro, meso, and macro levels. Along with race, culture, and ethnic background, the power and acculturation levels of the individuals were also considered as part of being culturally competent by Green (1999), Pinderhughes (1995), and Williams (1997). Cultural awareness is a critical component in cultural competence practice. Cultural competence involves self-awareness of one’s culture and how it may influence the interaction practitioners have with their clients (Christensen, 1988; Fong, 2003; Lum, 2003; Pinderhughes, 1995). In social work practice, practitioners may bring with them their own sets of value, cognition, attitude, and behavior, including racism and prejudice, to their work with clients. However, being unaware of this may not only increase the disparities in services but can place clients in danger (Lum, 2003). Pinderhughes (1995) argues that the confusion and negativity about one’s own cultural background can seriously undermine the practice of practitioners as this may lead to their own discomfort in interacting with clients. It is, therefore, crucial that social workers be aware of their own cultural background and identity and be able to confront their own racism and prejudice. 19 In social work practice, considering families’ cultural backgrounds is essential when determining risk and safety assessments (Pinderhughes, 1991). Considering a family’s cultural background means understanding the family’s cultural viewpoints (Horejsi, Craig, & Pablo, 1992, 1992; Yueng & Kam, 2009), the family’s perspectives of the problem, as well as their inputs on how to solve the problem (Green, 1999). Differences in language, culture, and experience of the Southeast Asian population prior to moving to the United States are important to recognize and must be respected. Yueng and Kam (2009) note that understanding how Southeast Asian families view child abuse and other family violence can better prepare social workers to plan culturally competent programs and deliver services that meet the needs of these communities. Along with this, knowledge acquisition can enhance social workers’ understanding and effectiveness in providing culturally competent services to multicultural clients (Fong, 2003; Lum, 2003). The knowledge that social workers have of their clients should include the following: the demographic profiles; the history of oppression of the cultural group, including immigration history; the social, political, and economical environments of the family's country of origin as well as the host country; traditional cultural values of the country (especially in regard to the family unit); helpseeking behaviors of the people in that country; coping behavior of the people in that country; and assimilation and acculturation (Fong, 1994; Lum, 2003; William, 1997). Obtaining this information can be quite difficult due to the diversity even within a cultural group. Thus, Green (1999) suggests the use of an ethnographic approach with social workers’ willingness to discover and accept new information from clients. The use 20 of critical thinking as a means to analyze obtained knowledge is also critical in the understanding of one’s culture (Lum 2003), as well as forming hypotheses regarding cultural differences, creating ways to test hypotheses, and acting on the basis of the acquired data (Sue, 1998). In addition, scholars have pointed out that having the flexibility to change false beliefs and to recognize that one’s way of thinking is not the only way (Pinderhughes, 1995), having the ability to be flexible in generalizing, and knowing when to be inclusive and be exclusive can help social workers avoid stereotypical overgeneralization and appreciate the importance of culture (Sue, 1998). Skill development is another component of cultural competence practice. Cultural competency skill is the ability to apply cultural awareness and knowledge to interact effectively with clients, and requires the use of culturally based interventions and translating interventions into culturally consistent strategies (Lum, 2003; Sue 1998). Cultural competency skills are involved in each of the four stages of the changing process: engagement, assessment, intervention, and termination. The building of crosscultural relationships is critical in effective service delivery and it requires professional self-disclosure, effective communication styles relevant to the culture, and understanding the ethnic community and relationship protocols of the culture (Lum, 2003). Assessment skills involve a biopsychosocial perspective that analyzes individuals and their environment and is essential to understand, respect, and appreciate the role of cultural values in the biopsychosocial functioning of the clients (Lum, 2003; Pinderhughes, 1995). This means that the clients’ experiences should be perceived through their own cultural lens rather than that of the practitioner (Green, 1999; 21 Pinderhughes, 1995), which also can be achieved through ethnographic interviewing (Green, 1999). Traditional values of ethnic groups should be viewed as strengths in the assessment process (Fong, 2003). It is also important for social workers to understand that cultural values play major roles in micro, macro, and meso levels of the client system. For many ethnic groups, macro-societal values dominate the meso and micro levels of the functioning of family and individuals, which is especially true for Asian groups (Fong, 1994). The community is the key player in offering support, and the family is the basic unit of functioning, which has an impact on the individual’s biological, psychological, and social functioning in the population. This is because a core value among Asian families is the appreciation of the both the immediate and the extended family members. In the intervention and termination process, social workers should strengthen cultural identity, use the client’s support systems, serve as a “cultural broker”, and select relevant strategies based on problem identification and assessment (Green, 1999; Lum, 2003). To improve services provided to Asian clients, social workers need to evaluate whether the traditional Western interventions foster the Asian cultural values and whether programs are accessible, available, and accountable to the community, and then modify the traditional Western interventions to meet the needs of the clients as necessary (Fong, 2003; Russell & White, 2001). For social workers to be truly culturally competent, they also should be able to code switch, not only linguistically but also culturally, between the boundaries of cultural communities (William, 1997). 22 Cultural competency needs to be included at not only the macro (practitioner) level but also at meso and macro levels in order to provide effective service delivery in cross-cultural situations. Meso cultural competence addresses the agency or program level to integrate a set of policies, practices, and procedures that allow them to respond to different groups and to deal with a number of dimensions in diversity (Williams, 1997). Thus, the child welfare system must promote cultural sensitivity in practice and create policies that promote diversity consistent with ethnic/racial diversity of clients so that systems can reduce cultural and linguistic barriers as well as to adapt to diversity and effectively serve clients (Cox & Ephross,1998; Pinderhughes,1991). It is also important to create a culture within an agency that supports multicultural issues involving client to worker relationships to build collaborative relationships between the agency and communities (William, 1997). Moreover, training diversified staff members and collaborating with communities are essential to ensure a competent organization. Cultural competency at meso level is necessary for social workers to be culturally competent in micro level. Macro cultural competence refers to large systemic efforts to address cultural competence issues and it intends to replace the context of discrimination, segregation, and distinct boundaries with a context of multiculturalism, celebration of diversity, promotion of cross-cultural interaction, and social justice (Lum, 2003). In summary, cultural competency is an ongoing process that occurs when practitioners continue to learn new patterns of behaviors, values, and attitudes of a particular culture and apply them to practice. Cultural awareness, knowledge acquisition, and skills development are some of the essential elements that can contribute to a higher 23 degree of culturally appropriate services and interventions. The practice of cultural competency emerged, particularly in social work practice, as evidence of the disparity in services among minority groups became known. The Southeast Asian population is a special case, as it is one of the slower acculturating groups with various cultural and linguistic barriers. It is, therefore, critical that social workers, who work with Southeast Asian clients, have cultural competence. Social workers should be culturally aware of, and have knowledge of, the immigration experience, adjustment difficulties, and other acculturation issues that they are facing, and should have the ability to apply the awareness and the knowledge to interact with the client at multiple levels. History of the Southeast Asian Population While Asian Americans, such as the Japanese and Chinese, have been represented in the United State for several generations, the majority of Southeast Asians are relatively recent immigrants. Many Southeast Asians came to the United States as refugees after the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War in the 1960s and 1970s. Since the evacuation of American soldiers from Vietnam in 1975 that ultimately resulted in the collapse of the Cambodian and Laotian government, over two million refugees had little choice but to leave their homeland if they wanted to survive (Green, 1999; Tenhula, 1991). Because of the collaboration between the United States and the non-communist regions, many Southeast-Asians refugees were able to flee to the United States (Tenhula, 1991). The Southeast Asian refugees were of various distinct ethnic, cultural, and linguistic groups of people in Southeast Asia. By 1975, 128,000 people from South Vietnam, 5,000 from Cambodia, and 2,000 from Laos entered the United States with 24 refugee status (Tenhula, 1991). These refugees were the “initial wave”, which lasted until early 1978. After the fall of South Vietnam, the Vietnamese communist regime attempted to restructure the country by sending hundreds of thousands of people to re-education camps. The severe conditions that many Vietnamese people faced forced them to escape in small, overcrowded boats even though they knew of the potential risks (Tenhula, 1991). In contrast to the “first wave” of immigrants, which included a higher proportion of the middle-class and well educated, the “second wave” of immigrants arrived in the late 1970s (Green, 1999; Tenhula, 1991). This group of refugees, mainly farmers and merchants, were those who stayed back and were forced into the refugee camps for several years. The second wave were off a more diverse background of minority ethnic groups, such as Cham, Hmong, Khmer, and Chinese refugees, and were generally uneducated, unskilled, had a rural background, and were illiterate (Green, 1999; Rhee & Chang, 2006, Tenhula, 1991). Different from the prior Southeast Asian immigrants, “second wave” refugees risked their lives and their families’ lives to escape the severe social circumstances they faced under the new communist governments. Many Cambodians arrived in the mid-1970s as political refugees. The United States and South Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia to gain control of the country with the intention of destroying the Cambodian communist party. Beginning with the massive U.S. bombing attacks and continuing through the rise of the Cambodian communist party, the Khmer Rouge from 1975 through 1979, 1 to 3 million people were 25 estimated to be tortured, raped, forced to kill their own family members, and to witness loved ones killed (Tenhula, 1991; Rhee & Chang, 2006). In addition to the Vietnamese and Cambodian populations, the Laotian and Hmong populations were uprooted by the same war. The United States recruited thousands of Laotian and, particularly, Hmong men as allies during the war. The military action of the United States government ultimately left one-third of the Laos and Hmong populations dislocated during the war (Tenhula, 1991). After being persecuted under the new communist regime and relocated to the reeducation camps in Laos, thousands of Hmong, Cambodians, and Laotians escaped and fled across the Mekong River, where the majority of them made it to Thailand, and eventually to the United States. Since then, the United States has experienced a rapid increase in the number of immigrants from various Southeast Asian countries. The passage of the Family Reunification Act of 1965 and the influx of Southeast Asian since the 1970s have contributed to time in case. Among the states, California is one of the six major immigrant destination states (Lincroft, Resner, Leung, & Bussiere, 2006). In 2007, 12.4 % of 36.5 million Californians were estimated to be Asian, compared to 4.4% nationwide (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008a). Theoretical Foundation Scholars have espoused various theoretical perspectives, particularly the acculturation theory, to understand the Southeast-Asian population. Acculturation is the process of individuals adapting to cultural environmental changes that require the contact of at least two cultural groups (Berry, 1980, 2003; Valencia & Johnson, 2008), which can 26 occur at either the cultural level – as an aspect of the broader cultural change, and/or at the psychological level – the changes in individuals who participate in cross cultural contact (Berry, 1980, 1997, 2003). When individuals adapt to a new society, the changes in their sense of cultural identity can include attitudes, behaviors, and values, as they are learning the new language, customs, laws, and social norms and behavior. It has also been known that the level of acculturation has contributed to disparities in socioeconomic status, educational level, and access to resources among immigrants. Measuring one’s level of acculturation, therefore, has been of great interests to theorists throughout acculturation studies. Various measurements of acculturations have included one’s language and cultural behaviors (Cuéllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995), one’s length of exposure to the host culture (Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000), the status, prestige, and one’s strength of cultural network (Cheung-Blunden & Juang, 2008), and even one’s sense of psychological attachment and belonging within the dominant culture (Tropp, Erkut, Coll, & Alarcon, 1999). Understanding how individuals acculturate has been the subject of much study. Several distinct theoretical models have been used to guide the acculturation process. The unidemensional model proposes that changes in cultural identity take place along a single continuum over the course of time (Laroche, Kim, Hui, & Tomiuk, 1997). Theorists who hold the unidemensional perspective assume that in order for acculturation to occur, one must give up traits of the original culture while gaining the traits of the new culture. Thereby, the process of adapting a new culture must happen simultaneously while abandoning the attitudes and customs of another culture (Berry, 2003). This 27 framework posits that one cannot maintain a strong ethnic identity once he or she has become assimilated into the mainstream society. On the contrary, it has also been hypothesized that acculturation occurs at the bidimensional level, where the acculturating individuals are still able to maintain their original cultural values, attitudes, and behavior, despite adapting to another culture (Valencia & Johnson, 2008; Berry, 2003; Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000). Theorists supporting this model presume that there is a distinct relationship between the minority and dominant cultures along the acculturation process. Each group or individual takes a different path to acculturation outcomes depending on various factors including the nature of cultural contact, the attitude of the host culture, the governmental policies, social ecology, vitality, and individual psychological state (Berry, 2003). Bicultural models suggest that an individual is able to maintain contact with one culture while adapting to another, forming a bicultural identity and skills (Berry, 2003; Oetting, 1993). Meanwhile, orthogonal models further suggest that identification with one culture is independent of identification with any other culture (Oetting, 1993; Valencia & Johnson, 2008). This model explains that an individual can have any combination of cultural identifications; he or she may exhibit a single cultural identity, a bicultural identity, a strong identification with one culture and a modest one with another, or a weak identification with any culture (Oetting, 1993). The discussion of which model effectively captures the acculturation process has been commonly debated in past and current literature (Ryder et al., 2000; Valencia & Johnson, 2008). Despite the different views, the effectiveness of the bidimensional 28 model seems more supported by the literature. However, there are scholars who agree that acculturation dimensionality may differ across contexts. These theorists speculate that the data of the study should determine which acculturation model would be more appropriate (Cheung-Blunen & Juang, 2008). Overall, a review of the literature indicates that acculturation is a complex process as it is dependent upon an individual’s values, experiences, and opportunities. Acculturation has been established as playing an important role in the development of cultural identity and adaptation in a social environment. The literature has indicated there is an association between the degree of acculturation and psychological adaptation of individuals. Berry (2003) contends that individuals who pursue and accomplish this acculturation strategy appear to be better adapted psychologically and socio-culturally than those who have not. Oetting (1993) found that children with a high cultural identity have a higher sense of competency, capability, and confident. Another study has concurred with this finding as well. Leong and Chou (1994) illustrated the role of acculturation in the lives of Asian Americans and found that there was a significant relationship between Asian Americans’ cultural identities and career choices. The authors speculate that Asian Americans with a separationist identity are more likely to experience discrimination, which can lead to lower levels of job satisfaction, decreased upward mobility, and higher levels of job stress (Leong & Chou, 1994). It is important to note that there are different rates of acculturation, depending on one’s distinct experiences. In a study evaluating two groups of Asian Americans 29 (Vietnamese and East-Indians), Kwak and Berry (2001) show that the East-Indian group had reached a more stable adaptation, while the Vietnamese group was still in a crisis phase. Kwat and Berry (2001) posit that the different adaptations were attributed to their immigration processes. In another study, Bemak, Chung, and Wong (2000) compare two groups of Vietnamese refugees who came to the United States at different times, and their study results indicate that the more recent immigrant group experiences higher psychological distress and acculturation difficulties. Therefore, one cannot generalize about the acculturation process since sub-groups are different from one another, share different experiences, and have different perspectives. Cultural Concerns Arriving relatively recently in the United States, the Southeast Asian population’s resettlement process was disrupted in several aspects. Whether having immigrated 30 years ago or within the last five or 10 years, the pre- and post- immigration experiences of Southeast Asian immigrant families included multiple stresses (Hosley et al., 2003; Lincroft et al., 2006; Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006; Carson & Rosser-Hogan, 1993, Chang, Rhee, & Berthold, 2008). Unlike many migrants, these refugees were often unprepared to leave their country of origin, and suffered the traumatic exodus experiences. Language unfamiliarity, lack of a social system (Coll et al., 2002) poverty, emotional stress, family violence (Yeh, 2003; Leong & Lee) and lack of financial means (Stewart, Anderson, Beiser, Mwakarimba, Neufeld, Simich, & Spitzer, 2008) have all been prevalent among this group. The U.S Census Bureau (2004a) shows that Southeast Asians particularly among the Hmong population have much higher poverty rates than other Asian groups. 30 This is important to note since studies have documented high rates of poverty among child maltreatment cases (Brown, Cohen, Johnson, & Salzinger, 1998). The reason for high rates of poverty can be attributed to language and cultural barriers, inadequate formal education in their home country, and unfamiliarity with American systems, which have limited the opportunities for Southeast Asian adults to gain meaningful employment and upward mobility. Studies have also documented that these social barriers among Southeast Asian adults not only result in unstable employment but also in high rate of welfare dependency, high stress level, and low self-esteem (Chang et al., 2008; Rhee & Chang, 2006). Other studies contend that Southeast Asian families are highly exposed to violence in the United States, which also creates more traumas in addition to the trauma experienced in their home country (Ho, 2008; Marshall, Schell, Elliott, Berthold, & Chun, 2005). A high proportion of this Asian group suffers from psychological distress, family conflict, and violence, resulting from not only the hardships endured in the late 1970s, but also the discrimination experienced since. Researches have asserted that the level of acculturation is associated with health behaviors among immigrants (Yeh, 2003; Leong & Lee, 2006). For example, in Yeh’s (2003) findings, acculturation stress was the most significant factor in general mental health of Asian immigrants. The manifestations of various psychological problems are generally caused by experiences of cultural conflicts, which include acculturation stress and interpersonal conflicts (Leong & Lee, 2006). A preliminary study found that mental illnesses, such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), are prevalent among Cambodian adults, and are the likely result 31 of the trauma experienced under the Khmer Rouge regime. These experiences include violence, sexual abuse, and loss of family members (Blair, 2000; Carlson & RosserHogan, 1993; Marshall et al., 2005). Post-immigration stresses such as poverty, illiteracy, prolonged welfare dependency, cultural differences, social isolation, the language barrier, and loss of status also contribute to the occurrence of psychological problems among Southeast Asian refugees (Blair, 2000; Carson & Rosser-Hogan, 1993), and alcohol and drugs were common coping mechanisms utilized to alleviate depression and feelings of inadequacy (Chang et al., 2008; O’Hare & Tran, 1999). Furthermore, other acculturation stresses such as dealing with a new role, new language, and new social environment (O’Hare & Tran, 1999) also contribute to child maltreatment occurrence (Brown et al., 1998; Lincroft et al., 2006; Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006; Ima & Hohm, 1999). Forming a social support system is even more difficult when immigrants have limited information about the new society, language difficulties, and no help from the community (Stewart et al., 2008). The level of acculturation is also associated with patterns of help-seeking behavior among immigrants. Yeh (2003)’s findings explain that Asian Americans who are more acculturated into the society, such as through language proficiency, can achieve higher academic skills, and, therefore, may be more comfortable communicating and seeking professional services. Asian Americans who have lived in the United States for a longer period and are well adjusted, generally Chinese-, Japanese-, and Korean-Americans, are more likely to seek services when needed than do the more recent Southeast Asian Americans, such as Vietnamese-, Cambodian-, or Hmong- 32 Americans. It is evidenced by the continuous reliance on traditional medicine and spiritual healing methods, which are highly valued among Southeast Asian communities (Chung & Lin, 1994). Along with limited acculturation, the underutilization of mental health services among Southeast Asian immigrants can also be attributed to the stigma associated with mental illness, unfamiliarity with community services, and the individuals’ distrust in mental health professionals, particularly among those who are ethnically and culturally different from them. Although psychological distress can contribute to complex family dynamics, studies have clearly documented the relationship between cultural change and family conflicts (Kwat & Berry, 2001); Lee, Jung, Su, Tran, & Bahrassa, 2009; Ying & Han, 2007-b, 2008). A study posits that unless their own community and social network support the culture of one’s family, the acculturation stress can be detrimental to the harmony of family relationships (Kwat & Berry, 2001). Several studies have documented the pervasive intergenerational conflicts among Southeast Asian families (Hosley et al., 2003; Ying & Han, 2008; Ying & Han, 2007, Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006; Chang et al. 2008). The reason for significant intergenerational conflicts can be explained by either the gap or differences in the rate of acculturation between parents and their children. Immigrant parents generally retain the lifestyle and traditions of their homeland while their children are quicker to adopt the American culture and develop different attitudes on various issues such as academics, ethnic identity, values, and lifestyles. This is due in part to the children’s developmental stage and increased opportunities to interact with the mainstream society (Xiong et al., 2005), as well as 33 influences by peers, school, media, and the larger society as a whole (Lee, Jung, Su, Tran, & Bahrassa, 2009;Ying & Han, 2007-a & b). As children gradually reject their families’ values and begin to challenge parental authority, parents are inclined to exercise higher authority over their children. For example, the concern that Hmong children’s rejection of the traditional customs and values will jeopardize the Hmong community has led parents to exert greater control over their children (Lee et al., 2009). While the traditional authoritarian parenting style is prevalent among Southeast Asian families (Nguyen, 2008), Southeast Asian adolescents prefer a parenting style that reflects the U.S. cultural norms (Nguyen, 2008; Ying and Han, 2007a). Additionally, the role reversal between parents and their children due to English skills may have contributed to the unstable parent-child relationships, making family dynamics increasingly complex (Chang et al., 2008). The risk for intergenerational conflicts among Southeast Asian families is increased by the significant difference between Southeast Asian culture and mainstream American culture (Ying & Han, 2008). While the mainstream American culture emphasizes individuals, youth, and the family formed after marriage, Southeast Asian cultures value the elderly, the family of origin, and the family unit above the individual (Ying & Han, 2007b). A study shows that when compared to their Anglo-American counterparts, the Asian groups (East-Indians, Korean, and Vietnamese) agreed on greater parental authority, greater children’s obligation, and little emphasis on children’s rights (Kwak & Berry, 2001). The risk for intergenerational conflict is also likely to be prominent during adolescence, a period during which American youths are expected to 34 forge individualism and independent identity whereas Southeast Asian adolescents are expected to bear more responsibility and to contribute to their family’s well-being (Xiong et al., 2005; Ying & Chao, 1996). As a result, Southeast Asian youths feel confused and trapped by the conflicting home and school cultures, and the inconsistent values and expectations of their parents and peers (Rhee & Change, 2003), while their parents feel betrayed and dismayed by this unexpected problem (Kibria, 1993; Ying & Chao, 1996 cited in Ying & Han, 2007-b). The difference in values between the two cultures often becomes intertwined, causing not only acculturation stress but also interpersonal conflicts. It often leads to the collapse of parent-child communication, the weakening of the parent-child bond (Han, 2006) and increasing further intergenerational conflict (Ying & Han, 2007a), and, ultimately, to the loss of important familial resources and support (Lee et al., 2009). These predicaments also result in adjustment problems, psychological distress, and poor academic performance among the children (Lee, et al., 2009). Parental acculturation, intergenerational relations, and child outcomes are significantly associated (Ying & Han, 2008). Studies have documented the relationship between intergenerational conflicts and mental health among Southeast Asian immigrant adolescents, such as low self-esteem and depression (Han, 2006; Nguyen, 2008; Ying & Han, 2007a&b) and a low sense of coherence (Han, 2006). It was found that those adolescents who perceived their fathers as not being acculturated, and using the traditional authoritarian parenting style, reported lower self-esteem and higher depression scores (Nguyen, 2008) as well as a lower sense of coherence (Han, 2006). Acculturation facilitates parental involvement across home-education, school, and social contexts, 35 which help to enhance the quality of the intergenerational relationship, which in turn promotes the adolescents’ well-being (Ying & Han, 2008). For example, a study found that parents with limited English skills are less engaged with their children in areas of their attitudes, school involvement and study, and control over children’s behaviors (Coll et al., 2002). Unfortunately, among the Southeast Asian families, parental involvement in the children’s lives is often negatively affected by the post-migration challenges (Ying & Han, 2008). Taken together, these studies suggest that several cultural issues are significantly relevant to the acculturation experiences of Southeast Asians. The reason is that significant life changes that come with facing the challenges in a new society bring a certain amount of stress. Mental health disorders and intergenerational conflict are two of the most common problems documented among Southeast Asian families and dealing with these issues will often delay the acculturation process in the United States. It should be noted that these two problems are in tandem to one another. For example, intergenerational conflict can intensify previous stress experienced by the immigration process and contribute to the increase in mental health problems. Cultural factors such as immigration experiences, psychological distress, and family conflicts can significantly increase the odds of serious violence, mental health disorders, substance abuse, poverty, and child maltreatment among this group of immigrants. Factors Contributing to Child Maltreatment Although Asian and Pacific Islander Americans are relatively underrepresented among reported cases of child maltreatment, Southeast Asian families have higher child 36 maltreatment rates than other Asian families (Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006). Studies have speculated that pre- and post-immigration stresses have considerably contributed to child maltreatment among this group (Chang et al., 2008; Chang & Rhee, 2006; Hosley et al., 2003; Ima & Hohm, 1991; Lincroft et al., 2006; Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006). One study concurs that stresses from political persecution and war-related trauma can severely affect parents’ ability to effectively care for their children (Coll et al., 2002). This phenomenon was documented among Cambodian refugees who were considerably less likely than the general population to be involved in their children’s lives (Coll et al., 2002). High cases of child maltreatment among Southeast Asian families can also be attributed to the lack of knowledge of American child abuse reporting laws and/or the difficulty in adjusting to mainstream American child rearing and disciplinary practices due to the cultural sanctioning of corporal punishment towards Southeast Asian children (Chang et al., 2008; Lincroft et al., 2006; Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006). In view of the fact that child rearing practices and disciplines differ across cultures and societies, Southeast Asians even today are challenged with different philosophies and adjusting to different child-rearing and disciplinary practices of the new society (Ima & Hohm, 1991). Poverty, social isolation, lack of social support, and inadequate housing such as overcrowding and visible hazards, add further stress to this population in their struggle to resettle in this new country. Intergenerational conflicts, as well as the role reversal between parents and their children due to English skills, also augment the risk for maltreatment (Xiong, Eliason, Betzner, & Cleveland, 2005; Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006; Chang et al., 2008). Such multiple stressors, as well as alcohol and drug use as a coping 37 mechanism, have been documented in relation to the increased risks for child maltreatment (Brown et al., 1998; Chang et al. 2008; Lincroft et al., 2006; Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006; Ima & Hohm, 1991). Asian Americans in the Child Welfare System Despite the large body of literature regarding the experiences of ethnic minority families in the pubic child welfare system (Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006), relatively little is known about Asian families in this setting. This might be due to the fact Asian families are relatively underrepresented in reported cases of child maltreatment. It has also been suggested that resistance towards disclosure likely results from the Asian family value of filial piety, and leads to underreporting of any forms of family violence by Asian Americans (Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006). Furthermore, the available data on Asian families are undifferentiated and often put into a global ethnic category (Asian/Pacific Islander) which contains more than 20 ethnic groups differing in multiple dimensions (Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006). Consequently, the stereotype that Asian Americans are the “model minority” has overlooked many problems within the Asian community as previously mentioned. Although the maltreatment rates of Asian American children may be small when compared as a whole, the rates for some sub-Asian group are larger. In Pelczarski’s and Kemp’s (2006) study, Cambodian, Thai, Laotian, and Vietnamese families were overrepresented in CPS reports when compared with their representation in Washington state’s Asian/Pacific Islander population. The reason for the overrepresentation was attributed to their migration experience, which, Pelczarski & Kemp (2006) speculated, is likely to intersect with other factors such as devastating war 38 experiences, a minimal level of education, low socioeconomic status, and high rates of poverty, from which they continue to suffer. Although limited, literature shows that no current system counters the rising number of Southeast Asian children in the child welfare system. This is because the current model of child welfare service has emerged from the dominant Anglo culture and is not geared to meet the needs of various minorities (Lu et al., 2004). However, this is not as a significant factor as socioeconomic status, education, employment, and mental health issues. Social workers, therefore, provide the families with what the agency has, not necessarily what they need (Williams, 1997). Research has also shown that minority children, including Asian American children, are more likely to stay in foster care and have less access to expensive services (Hines, Lee, Osterling, & Drabble, 2007; Lu et al., 2004). Hines et al. (2007) suggest that families who fail to reunify often have serious social and economic risk factors unaddressed in family reunification services. Humphreys et al. (1999) concur that the foster care system often fails to provide adequate resources to help the reunification process. Another study of Asian children and families in the child welfare system found that Asian children were less likely than Whites and Latinos to be reunified with their birth families (Hines, et al., 2007). This study suggests that Asians in the child welfare system may possess numerous barriers and difficulties in reunification, such as the experience of being a refugee, language barriers, and low educational attainment (Hines et al., 2007). Another study indicated that Asian children had a 67.2% rate of unsuccessful reunification (Lu et al., 2004). Literature, therefore, shows that the current system does not always match the needs with adequate services, 39 hindering social workers from providing culturally appropriate services to ensure the well-being of clients and successful outcomes. The need for services catered to minority children is critical given the rapid growth of the minority population in the child welfare system (Rosenthal & Curiel, 1990). Research has indicated that the implementation of culturally competent services when working with Asian Americans generates better outcomes (Lu et al., 2004; Lu et al., 2001). This is because Asian families have different problems, resources, and needs than the general population (Lu et al., 2004; Tharp, 1991). Researchers have argued that social workers and other helping professionals need to set aside the assumption that Asian families are the “model minority” in order to see the reality that many Asian groups experience the high stress and anxiety of relocation, material deprivation, and social immobility (Pelczarski & Kemp, 2006). The term “model minority” may be suitable for some Asian Americans in the United States; however, it is misleading to generalize this image across all Asian Americans. For example, Pelczarski’s and Kemp’s (2006) study found that some Asian/Pacific Islander groups experience higher levels of socio-economic stress and are at higher risk of child welfare involvement than other groups. As a group, Asian Americans are too diverse to stereotype. Some Asian ethnic groups, which include various Southeast Asian groups, experience higher levels of socioeconomic stress and are more at risk of child welfare involvement. For example, in Hines et al. (2007), the county in which their study of Asian children in the child welfare system took place has a large Southeast Asian immigrant population and the sub-sample of Asians in this study contained two-thirds Southeast Asians. 40 Cultural and language barriers are some of the biggest issues that have to be overcome in order to better serve Southeast Asian families. Although Southeast Asian refugees have been in this country for almost 30 years, the language barrier is still a great concern. Over 90% of Cambodians, Hmong, Laotians, and Vietnamese speak a language other than English at home, and over 50 % of them spoke English less than “very well” (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004a). Humphreys et al. (1999) found that the majority of Southeast Asian families needed an interpreter when seeking services, and even then, many experienced discriminatory services. A more recent case study of a Vietnamese Head Start interpreter provides an anecdotal update. Nine out of the ten Southeast Asian families described in the case study depended on this interpreter for services such as phone calls from English-speaking agencies, doctor conferences, and/or parent-teacher conferences (Hwa-Froelich & Westby, 2003). Another study also found that hiring bilingual and bicultural staffs was associated with greater access of mental health treatment among Asian Americans (Snowden, Masland, Ma, & Ciemens, 2006). In spite of this finding, there continues to be an inadequate number of bicultural/bilingual workers and interpretation services in the child welfare system (Lincroft et al., 2006). Considering the cultural, social, and linguistic barriers that Southeast Asian families face, much of the literature recommends increasing the number of child welfare workers that reflect the Asian community, making interpretation services readily available and expanding culturally and linguistically relevant outreach programs. 41 Current Practice There has been a consensus that cultural competency in social work organizations requires staffing, management, and leadership reflecting the diversity of the client population (Nybell & Gray, 2004). In recent years, child welfare agencies have been under public criticism for being negligent with high staff turnover, insufficient trainings, and inadequate response to the families and children entering the system. For example, in the most recent review of the Sacramento County Child Protective Services Division, the overall finding concluded that the majority of children and families in the Sacramento child welfare system are underserved (MGT of America, Inc., 2009). The review noted that although there are a large number of referrals being investigated every year, performance issues continue to hinder the county division’s ability to provide effective and efficient services, therefore, contributing to the lack of opportunities that child welfare workers have to protect children from abuse and neglect as well as to preserve their safety and well-being. It was also contended that the current structure and requirements within the system are set up in a way that social workers cannot perform their duties; for example, social workers and supervisors struggle to work in a system that exceedingly places stress on documentation, paper work, and deskwork rather than on children and fieldwork (MGT of America, Inc., 2009). In addition, it was found that CPS workers are carrying twice as many caseloads as was recommended by the Child Welfare League to ensure best practices. Given the increase in caseloads, and the demands on documentation and procedures, social workers are continuously failing to provide appropriate services to meet the needs of families and children. These problems 42 ultimately prevent successful reunification of families and preservation of children’s well-being and safety. To better serve the growing Southeast Asian population, it has been suggested that child welfare agencies should create various distinct units to carry out different responsibilities. The Los Angeles County Department of Children and Families Services, for instance, have established various specialized units in an attempt to meet the specific needs of diverse population. The units include Asian Pacific Project, Black Family Investment Project, American Indian Unit, Latino Family Preservation Project, Deaf Services Project, Sexual Abuse Treatment Team, Special Immigrant Status Unit, and Medically Fragile Children. These units are specialized to handle sensitive issues related to the population (Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services, 2008). The Asian Pacific Program was established in 1989 in Los Angeles County, which provides countywide services exclusive to Asian and Pacific Islander families. This program has a capacity to provide services in approximately 12 languages and dialects, including Cambodian, Cantonese, Mandarin, Hmong, Thai, Japanese, Korean, Laotian, Tagalog, Tongan, and Vietnamese. The purpose of the program is to immediately provide culturally and linguistically appropriate child welfare services to protect children and preserve families (The Coalition of Asian American Children and Families, 2001). In the program, a social worker is assigned to a case based on a client’s particular needs, such as language and cultural match, and is responsible for all aspects of the case from the initial referral until the service termination. The reason for this is to 43 prevent clients from facing multiple social workers. In addition, the role of social workers’ from this unit includes educating, in the appropriate languages, the Asian community on child abuse laws and parenting practices. Social workers also provide education and consultations on staff training, foster care family recruitment, and related services, both inside and outside of the Department (The Coalition of Asian American Children and Families, 2001). An increase in Bi-cultural child welfare workers Whether ethnic/racial compatibility between professionals and clients helps achieve cultural competency practice and reduces cross-cultural barriers has been an ongoing discussion throughout literature. Despite this, there seem to be a broad consensus that bilingual professionals are increasingly needed as part of the child welfare workforce. Ethnic/racial matching has been a priority in child welfare agencies. This was particularly true among Asian American child-welfare workers who carried the highest caseloads of clients with the same ethnic and racial background (Perry & Limb, 2004). Whether ethnic/racial compatibility actually improves the delivery of services remains unclear. However, a study contends that higher numbers of ethnic practitioners increases access among ethnic minorities (Snowden, Masland, Ma, & Ciemens, 2006). In addition, a burgeoning number of studies provide evidence that the ethnic and/or racial matching of professionals and clients can not only alleviate cultural differences and reduce language barriers, but also enable higher rapport, creating more positive working relationships and effective interventions (Cox & Ephross, 1998; Lu et al. 2001). In addition, several studies of mental health practices found that ethnic clients who 44 participated in ethnic-specific programs had lower dropout rates and better results than those who used mainstream services (Sue, 1998; Lu et al. 2001). Contrarily, Shin, Chow, Camacho-Gonsalves, Levy, Allen, and Leff ‘s ( 2005) findings showed no significant differences in overall functioning, service retention, and the total number of sessions attended between ethnically/racially matched clientsclinicians and non matched clients-clinicians. Thus, they suggested that ethnic/racial matching of clients and workers might be more relevant if language is a barrier to service delivery. Particularly given their limited English skills and lesser degree of acculturation, the linguistic and cultural competence of child protective workers is critical in working with Southeast Asian families (Cox & Ephross, 1998; Lu et al., 2001; Sue, 1998). This can be evident in the findings that Asian Americans, particularly, stayed in treatment longer and had better treatment outcomes when their clinicians had similar ethnic and linguistic backgrounds (Sue, 1998; Lu et al. 2001). Because of the special linguistic needs and acculturation issues, the presence of bilingual and bicultural professionals is needed to ensure the delivery of cultural competency practice to Southeast Asian clients. As a response, the child welfare agencies, including Sacramento County’s, have been encouraged to diversify their workforces to meet the needs of these families, and employ special skills workers who are bilingual and bicultural in various Southeast Asian cultures including Vietnamese, Cambodian, Hmong, and Mien. Interpretation Services The number of special skills workers, however, is still in short supply in many child welfare agencies. The reason is that it is too difficult to locate social workers who 45 speak each language needed in our increasingly diversified society within each bureau of CPS. It is, therefore, critical that child welfare agencies make interpretation services available. Although it is ideal to have language-concordant providers, recent studies in the health care arena have found the use of interpreters enhanced the satisfaction of Asian patients with the health care system (Green, Ngo-Mefzger, Legedza, Massagli, Phillips, & Iezzoni, 2005; Morales, Elliott, Weech-Maldonado, & Hays, 2006; Ngo-Metzger et al., 2007). Because interpreters are highly important in child welfare agencies, it is critical that they receive adequate training. Studies have documented the limitations and difficulties of using interpreters. For example, different expressions that are not easily translatable can put clients at a disadvantage. Trying to communicate through untrained interpreters is also unreliable and may even be detrimental to the needs of clients, as well as to the professionals involved (Chand, 2005; Green et al., 2005; Ngo-Metzger, Sorkin, Phillips, Greenfield, Massagii, Ciarridge, & Kaplan, 2007). These untrained interpreters may lack the linguistic skills to accurately translate from one language into the other, the technical knowledge that might be needed to provide an accurate interpretation, and the cultural knowledge about the family’s background. Not to mention, there is also the risk of interpreters including their own opinions and quoting inaccurate translations or information. Studies have documented that interpreters often are held to different expectations by the client and the agency, and it is difficult for them to remain neutral during cultural conflicts between the client and the agency if they are embedded with the client’s culture (Chand, 2005; Hwa-Froelich & Westby, 2003). Thus, the quality of interpreter services is important, and the training for the interpreter is critical. 46 Hwa-Froelich and Westby (2003) suggest that trainings for interpreters should include information on different communication styles. Interpreters must be aware of their cultural communication style as well as that of providers, and understand how their style will be interpreted. In addition, it is crucial for them to understand their role as interpreters, and so it is recommended that they be trained in procedures of assessment if they are to assist with assessments or intervention. Equally important is training for providers on working with interpreters (Chand, 2005; Hwa-Froelich & Westby, 2003; Green et al., 2005; Ngo-Metzger et. al., 2007). The recommended training includes the continuum of interpreter roles, appropriate roles for interpreters, culturally diverse communication styles, and intercultural conflict (Hwa-Froelich & Westby, 2003). By making interpretation services available, appropriately trained interpreters can be a valuable asset in helping provide child welfare workers cultural information about their clients and accurate language interpretation. Increase the Quality of Trainings While the above findings suggest racial and linguistic matching is important in cross-cultural practice, professional competency is more important. Although workerclient racial/ethnic correspondence was preferred among ethnic families, professional competency was found to be their top preference (Cox & Ephross, 1998). A study concurs that building rapport is difficult if workers display no understanding of the clients’ situation even when the social workers are racially and linguistically compatible with their clients, (Yueng & Kam, 2008). The reason for this is that clients who feel the worker understands their problems will be more likely to share and seek help (Yueng & 47 Kam, 2008). It has also been indicated that even when the worker shares similar ethnic/racial backgrounds with their clients, the quality of services they provide depends on their cultural competency and experiences (Shin et al., 2005; Cox & Ephross, 1998). Client-worker racial/ethnic matching should be one factor to consider, but even more important are issues of acculturation, gender, and/ or education, as well as cultural competency (Shin et al. 2005). Child welfare workers who not only lack the language skills of the families, but also lack the cultural knowledge, limit their capacity to conduct child protective investigations, build effective rapport, and engage families in services. A study indicated that Asian Americans had very low interaction with their workers but this may be due to the practitioners’ cultural insensitivity and language differences, not necessarily the racial/ethnic disparity between the social workers and their clients (Saha et al. 2003). In an effort to build a bridge of understanding between child welfare workers and their Southeast Asian clients, it is important that cultural competency trainings specific to the culture, values, and problems within this particular community be required and available for all child welfare workers. Within several California child welfare agencies, including Sacramento County’s, cultural competency trainings are unspecific to Southeast Asian Americans, as they are generalized to all “ethnic minorities.” Specific trainings exist for some ethnicities. For example, current grants have been awarded to assist State child welfare agencies to provide training projects for Hispanic- and Native American children and families, but not for Southeast Asians (Child Welfare League of America, 2002). 48 Outreach Programs A review of past literature on the topic of Southeast Asian families reveals the prevalence of poor economic status, family violence, and mental health disorders within the Southeast Asian community. Considering the multiple needs of Southeast Asian families, combined with the lack of available resources in the community, it is essential to effectively link Southeast Asian families to various community and government resources. Southeast Asian families’ needs include mental health services, English classes, parenting classes, child care, public housing assistance, and job training initiatives, among others. These salient needs, if left unaddressed, can lead to more psychological distress and family violence. These interventions, therefore, can empower families as they provide support, build on family members' competencies, and enhance their cultural strengths rather than focusing on families' deficits (Green, McAllister, & Tarte, 2004). Johnson, Takesue, and Chen (2007) explain that early resolution to these problems not only support the individual’s cultural needs, but may prevent the need for treatment for some individuals or increase those individuals’ help-seeking behavior. Expanding community programs can also create a better system to connect Southeast Asian families to resources that will increase fundamental knowledge, enhance help seeking skills, and raise communication skills, which altogether will increase resources that are culturally and linguistically appropriate to this population. Outreach programs for this at-risk population should include education regarding child protective services and child welfare legislation, which will expand awareness of alternative noncorporal punishment techniques and promote a healthier child rearing practice. 49 Expanding outreach programs within Southeast Asian community can help bridge cultural gaps between this community and child welfare agencies. In a case example of a strength-based community outreach program for a Cambodian community, it was found that more than 50% of the participants from the educational workshops and peer support group reported positive behavioral changes as a result of what they have learned in the programs, and 100% report telling others about what they have learned (Grigg-Saito et al., 2008). In another study of the benefit of discussion groups, Johnson, Takesue, and Chen (2007) argue that discussion groups are valuable for ethnic minorities because they provide support and help decrease the psychological distress caused by cultural conflict. Reaching and engaging Southeast Asian families, particularly those involved in CPS, can be quite difficult. A study of Asian American refugees found that ignorance of services, language difficulties, social isolation, inadequate information, perceived racism, and staff attitudes were all obstacles in accessing formal support services (Stewart et al., 2008). Chui & Ho (2006) found in their study that resistance is also common in social work outreach programs. The authors also contend that social workers’ patience and sensitivity, however, can alleviate resistance and build rapport with clients. Programs utilizing a strengths-based foundation also led to families feeling more respected and valued and therefore possibly increasing their participation (Green, McAllister, & Tarte, 2004). The key aspects of strengths-based practice, as described by Green, McAllister, and Tarte (2004) are the extent to which staff build on the family's strengths and skills, are culturally sensitive and responsive to the family, are knowledgeable and sensitive to the family needs, and can facilitate parents’ relationships with other parents and 50 community members. Grigg-Saito, Och, Liang, Toof, and Silka (2008) also argue that intervention approaches must include the Southeast Asian and the mainstream community norms, as well as the Southeast Asian community’s perception of their situation and how it will be improved. Outreach strategies and activities are also integral to the engaging of community participants who may be socially isolated from their community due to a language barrier or ignorance of available services. Some of the successful approaches that Grigg-Saito et al. (2008) identify in one Cambodian community include going door to door to explain the outreach programs, collaborating with the community’s local businesses (such as the Cambodian markets), churches, temples, and leaders in charge of cultural events, as well as the community’s local providers such as nurses and physicians. Sacramento County has been making an effort to improve its cultural competency practice by increasing the number of Special Skills workers, offering a training for cultural competency practice, providing interpreters, and contracting culturally and linguistically relevant services. Sacramento County has encouraged diversification within its workforce to meet the needs of minority families, and has employed special skills workers who are bilingual and bicultural. Sacramento County currently employs child welfare workers who are of Southeast Asian background including Vietnamese, Cambodian, Hmong, and Mien, and some of them are employed as Special Skills workers. However, the numbers of skilled workers are still in short supply; thus, nonSoutheast Asian workers often serve Southeast Asian clients with the use of interpreters. Currently, Sacramento County utilizes interpreters from four different contracted 51 vendors. Cultural competency training, called Cultural Humility, is offered through the Northern California Children & Family Services Training Academy on the University of California, Davis campus, but this training mandatory for new child welfare worker and it is unspecific to Southeast Asian clients. Sacramento County developed collaborative relationships with Southeast Asian community service providers such as My Sister’s House, Asian Pacific Community Counseling, Southeast Asian Assistance Center, and offer a few culturally and linguistically relevant services, including mental health treatment services, counseling, and an alcohol and other drug (AOD) prevention program for its Southeast Asian clients. The review of literature indicates that Southeast Asian families face multiple stresses and barriers that hinder their adjustment to their new society, and increase family conflicts. Thus, it is critical that social workers conduct culturally competent practice with cultural awareness, knowledge, and skills to effectively serve this special population. It is equally critical that child welfare agencies provide appropriate support for the social workers to develop and practice the culturally competency skills. Another critical component is empowering Southeast Asian families through culturally and linguistically appropriate social services and outreach programs. As Sacramento County still has room for further improvement in its cultural competency work with Southeast Asian families, this study examined the perception of social workers on how to further improve cultural competency at individual and agency levels. The study intended to find: 1) what supports and resources are needed to further improve the cultural competency among social workers; 2) what institutional factors would further improve service 52 delivery to Southeast Asian families in the child welfare system; and 3), what services and outreach programs are needed to empower Southeast Asian families and increase their coping skills. 53 Chapter 3 METHODOLOGY Introductions The study investigates what the relevant cultural considerations are when working with Southeast Asian families in child welfare practice by exploring the current child welfare practice with Southeast Asian clients from Sacramento County Child Protective Services (CPS) workers’ perspective. The purpose of the study is to present various cultural competency practices, with the objective of providing recommendations to the agency as to how to improve their practice with Southeast Asian clients. These recommendations will include whether education and trainings in CPS should be added or altered, whether the agency’s institutional system should be altered, and what services and outreach program should be expanded. Study Design To study the cultural considerations of Southeast Asian Americans, this study utilized a descriptive research design gain in-depth information about those practice and how they can be improve. The study was conducted through the administration of a survey questionnaire designed to measure understanding of Southeast Asian cultures, challenges in working with this population, and workers’ recommendations in how to solve this problem and/or work more effective. Multiple-choice questions and Likerttype statements were used to meet the objectives. Once the survey results are obtained, the information was incorporated into the study. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were pursued, with the use of both open- and closed-ended questions, as 54 researchers have recognized the benefits of using these combined approaches. The use of quantitative and qualitative approaches enhanced the research’s hypothesis by allowing subjects to elaborate on their thoughts and allowing us to analyze the data with the same frame of references. Sampling Procedures A sample of frontline social workers from Family Maintenance (FM), Informal Supervision (IS), Family Reunification (FR), and Emergency Response (ER) were asked to participate. The researchers continued this sampling of social workers until they yielded enough participants (36) from which meaningful comparisons can be made. The criteria for the inclusion of this sample were these frontline social workers currently employed at Sacramento County CPS who hold a BSW, MSW, or other degrees that qualified them to be a Human Service Social Workers in the County of Sacramento CPS The researchers identified the 36 participants among the three bureaus using purposive, convenience, and snowball sampling methods to fulfill the sampling objectives. The selection of the subjects was completed through purposive sampling due to the specific predefined group the study sought. Convenience sampling was used, as the populations surveyed were more accessible to us. In addition, snowball sampling was used because researchers did not have sufficient access to enough people with the characteristics the study sought. Royse (2008) warned that these non-probability sampling methods decreased the likelihood of the samples resembling the “true” population. Using these methods may yield samples that are unrepresentative of the general population and, therefore, reduced the reliability of the study. The advantages of 55 using these methods, however, were that it was affordable, fast, and easy. Data Collection Procedures Procedures for this study were conducted in full compliance with the Sacramento County Division of CPS’s protocol, and the Human Subject Review Committee at California State University, Sacramento (CSUS). The study’s data collection occurred in the months of October and November 2009, shortly after consent was obtained. Workers among the various CPS bureaus were administered the Cultural Competency with Southeast Asians Survey (CCSAS) questionnaire and were asked to return the questionnaire within three weeks. The study was administered in the four CPS units: IS, FR, and ER for convenience purposes. The candidates who agreed to participate in the study completed the survey and returned it to the researchers. All candidates were screened by the researchers to ensure that the criteria for the study were met. Instruments This study employed a survey instrument. Relevant information, including the CalSWEC cultural competency as suggested in Child abuse: Characteristics and patterns among Cambodian, Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese American families (2006), and Culturally Competent Practice: A framework for understanding diverse groups and justice issues by Lum (2003) were implemented as guidance to create the instrument. The survey consisted of 24 questions divided into five parts. Those four parts are made of the following: 1) workers’ demographics, 2) workers’ successful comprehension, 3) worker’s perspectives on how the agency helps them practice with Southeast Asian clients, and 4) workers’ familiarity with programs and community services that would be 56 helpful to these clients. The final section of the questionnaire assessed workers’ recommendations as to how to improve their own cultural competency practices as well as that of the agency (see Appendix). Past research has provided evidence of the importance of ethnic and cultural compatibility between practitioners and their clients. Thus, analyzing ethnic backgrounds of social workers was important in this study. Independent variables including ethnic background, level of experience and level of education were used to uncover whether they make a difference in subjects’ survey responses (eg. professional choices and decisions). For instance, differences in understanding of Southeast Asian cultures, challenges in working with this population, and workers’ recommendations in how to solve this problem and/or work more effective were compared between social workers with a Southeast Asian background and Social workers with a non-Southeast Asian background, social workers who are “special-skilled workers” and social workers who are not, social workers who received cultural competency training and social workers who did not, as well as social workers with limited agency work experience versus agency veterans. For each of the items, participants were asked to rate the statements that best reflected their opinion (for example: very important, important, somewhat important, or not important) Pilot testing the instrument with five Title IV-E social work students at CSUS has assured content, and face, validity of the instrument. The researchers modified the survey questionnaire according to the pilot results to increase the degree of validity of the instrument. 57 Data Analysis Approaches The screened data was processed and manipulated through the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Descriptive statistics, inferential statistic, content analysis, and statistical analysis were all employed to analyze the data. Descriptive statistics were used to capture the demographic characteristics of the study population (e.g. years of experience at CPS). Tables and charts were utilized to provide a graphical summary of this quantitative analysis. Protection of Human Subjects All participants were treated in accordance with the Sacramento County Institutional Review Board (IRB) agency’s protocol, and the Human Subject Review Committee at California State University, Sacramento (CSUS). The protocol for the human subjects research was submitted and approved by both the CSUS Human Subject Review Committee, dated September 29, 2009, approval number 0910004, and the Sacramento County IRB, dated September 11, 2009 as a minimal risk project prior to undertaking the study. Along with the survey questionnaire, each participant was supplied an informed consent form describing their rights as a participant, as well as the survey’s purpose, procedures, risks, benefits, and confidentiality concerns (See Appendix). The letter explicitly informs the candidates that participation in the study is voluntary, and can be terminated at anytime during the study without explanation or consequences. The form also indicates that willing CPS workers will be confidential and anonymous. Confidentiality was ensured by prohibiting subjects to identify themselves on the survey. 58 The participants were also informed that survey data will be kept in a secure location, and will be destroyed shortly after the research’s completion. Participants were informed that responses collected from them would be used for the master’s thesis and possibly used as a resource for child welfare agencies. In addition, the letter informed participants that the study is anticipated to carry minimum risk of causing subjects emotional discomfort. Participants were, however, encouraged to stop the survey if they develop fatigue or any emotional distress. Upon acknowledging all the terms of the study, the candidates who agreed to participate in this study were asked to complete the survey and return it to the appropriate boxes provided to reduce inconveniences. Summary This chapter detailed the design and methodology used in the research study. Using both qualitative and quantitative data generated, the research study investigated Sacramento County CPS workers’ understanding of Southeast Asian cultures, challenges in working with this population, and workers’ recommendations as to improve practice. In sum, the methods and measures of the research yielded rich quantitative and qualitative data that can inform future studies of cultural practice with Southeast Asian families. 59 Chapter 4 FINDINGS Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to present the data generated by the questionnaire in order to identify and analyze the Sacramento County Child Protective Services (CPS) workers’ perceptions of current child welfare practices with Southeast Asian clients. Several common themes, as well as differences, were examined between Southeast Asian and non-Southeast Asian workers, as well as Special-Skilled and non-Special Skilled workers. Descriptive statistics were used to examine other relevant variables, including level of education, years of experience, and level of training. This chapter explores the following components: participants’ demographics; cultural competency of child welfare workers including familiarity, cultural awareness, and challenges in working with the Southeast Asian population; community resources and support by the agency including training and interpretation services; and recommendations on effective practice with Southeast Asian clients. Thirty-seven of fifty questionnaires were returned to the researchers, of which one was excluded from the study because of the respondent’s status as an intern. Thus, a total of 36 questionnaires were included in this study. Demographics The 36 participants in the study represented approximately 10% of all Sacramento County CPS workers (MGT of America, Inc., 2009). The majority of the respondents are either Caucasian (n=11), African American (n=10), or Southeast Asian (n=8) (see Table 4.1). Most had either a MSW (75%, n=27) or MA/MS (16.7%, n=6), while just three of 60 them (8.3%) had attained only a bachelor’s degree. Close to half of them (47.2%, n=17) were multilingual, and their language abilities included Thai, Laotian, Hmong, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Chinese, Spanish, Russian, and French. A total of 15 respondents (41.7%) were Special Skilled workers for the Sacramento County Child CPS, and four of them were certified for Southeast Asian languages (see Table 4.2). Their experience as a Human Service Social Worker ranged from one to 20 years, with an average of 7.8 years. Six out of the eight Southeast Asian study participants reported as having more than seven years of experience. Table 4. 1 Ethnicity of the Study Participants Ethnicity Frequency Percent Caucasian (non-Hispanic) 11 30.6 African American 10 27.8 Southeast Asian 8 22.2 Other Asians 1 2.8 Hispanic 4 11.1 Other 1 2.8 Multi-racial 1 2.8 Total 36 61 Table 4. 2 Special Skilled and Non-Special Skilled Workers Frequency Frequency Frequency Southeast Asian 4 11.1 Other 11 30.6 Non-special skilled 21 58.3 Total 36 The study participants were asked about the frequency of their direct work with the Southeast Asian population. Half of the respondents (n=18) indicated that they “rarely” work with the population, and 33% (n=12) of them indicated that they work with them “occasionally”. Only 14% (n=5) of the participants indicated that they work with this population “frequently”, and three of these five participants were Southeast Asian. This data shows that the respondents in this study do not have much experience in direct child welfare practices with the Southeast Asian population. It is suggestive that many of their perceptions and opinions regarding the Southeast Asian client population and the current practice with this population might not be based on their own experience but on second-hand knowledge through education and training. Cultural Competency of Child Welfare Workers Cultural Competency Components. The study survey asked the respondents to rank factors of cultural competency in the order of most importance. The findings revealed that “awareness of one’s own cultural background and possible biases” was 62 ranked the highest in importance, followed by “the knowledge of Southeast Asian culture and their cultural issues” and “awareness of clients’ cultural background”. The data also shows that a greater number of the Southeast Asian workers rated “awareness of possible biases”, “awareness of clients’ cultural background”, “knowledge”, and “sensitive assessment” as “very important.” “Ethnographic interviews” and “flexibility” were ranked lower as more of the respondents gave them a score of five or six. The nonSoutheast Asian respondents also ranked “awareness of possible biases” as the most important component, followed by “awareness of clients’ cultural background”, “sensitive assessment”, and “knowledge”. Within this group, “ethnographic interviews” and “flexibility” were at the bottom. The comparisons between Special Skilled and NonSpecial Skilled workers showed similar patterns to those between Southeast Asian and non-Southeast Asian. This finding suggests that awareness of one’s own cultural background and possible biases is universally considered as the most important factor, while ethnographic interviews and flexibility are commonly considered as less important. Southeast Asian and Special Skilled respondents perceive awareness of clients’ cultural background, knowledge of cultural issues, and sensitive assessment to be as important as awareness of their own cultural background and possible biases while non-Southeast Asian and non-Special Skilled respondents perceive these factors to have varying degrees of importance. Familiarity. When assessing familiarity with Southeast Asian culture, close to half of all respondents (44.5%) reported limited familiarity levels. Four respondents (11.8%) reported that they are not familiar at all while fourteen respondents (41.2%) 63 reported to be either “very familiar” or “familiar” with the culture. The majority of nonSoutheast Asian respondents reported that they are “somewhat familiar” or “not familiar” while all of the Southeast Asian respondents indicated they are either “very familiar” or “familiar” with the Southeast Asian culture (see Table 4.3). As the researchers have expected, cultural backgrounds appeared to make some difference in levels of familiarity. A burgeoning number of studies have documented the benefits of ethnic and/or racial matching of professionals and clients – benefits include a reduction of language barriers and higher rapport (Cox & Ephross, 1998; Lu et al. 2001). This may be related to the fact that professionals generally have a higher knowledge of their own culture, and, therefore, can create a more positive relationship with the clients with the same or similar cultural background. Table 4. 3 Familiarity: Southeast Asian v. Non-Southeast Asian Workers Familiarity Southeast Asian workers Non-Southeast Asian workers Very familiar 6 (75%) 1 (3.8%) Familiar 2 (25%) 5 (19.2%) Somewhat familiar 16 (61.5%) Not familiar at all 4 (15.4%) The years of experience, initially, seemed to make a difference in the familiarity with Southeast Asian culture as 62.5% (n=10) of these respondents with more than seven years of experience reported to have cultural familiarity compared to only four out of 18 64 workers with less experience who reported to have familiarity. However, it was found later that among the ten experienced respondents who reported to be familiar with Southeast Asian culture, six were Southeast Asian. This may explain the higher familiarity found among the respondents with more experience. This overlap also could explain the similarity in responses between Southeast Asian participants and the participants with more than seven years of experience. Awareness of Cultural Factors. Cultural factors that participants felt were important to be aware of in their practice with Southeast Asian clients were also examined in the current study. Participants were asked to rate each factor as “very important,” “important,” “somewhat important,” or “not important”. The cultural factors listed in the questioners were following: cultural and linguistic barriers, migration experience, discrimination, familiarity with American social system, adherence to traditional values, traditional parenting practice, acculturation levels within the family, intergenerational conflicts, help seeking behavior, traditional healing practice, the impact of extended family, and involvement in ethnic community. The majority of the factors listed, including different acculturation levels within the family, intergenerational conflict, the impact of extended family members, and parenting practices, were indicated as “very important” or “important” by a large number of the general respondents. “Culture and linguistic barriers” was rated as “very important” in the majority of participants’ response (75%). A comparison between the Southeast Asian and nonSoutheast Asian respondents found that a larger percentage of non-Southeast Asian rated cultural and linguistic barriers as very important (see Table 4.4). This data indicates 65 cultural and linguistic barriers are critical factors to be aware of in practice with Southeast Asian clients, and that the cultural and language barriers might be experienced by the non-Southeast Asian respondents themselves when working with Southeast Asian clients “The use of traditional healing practices” and “client’s migration experience” were rated as slightly less important compared to the other factors. Although the reliance on traditional medicine is highly valued among Southeast Asian families, only 33% of respondents indicated that the use of traditional healing practices is very important to take into consideration in practice with Southeast Asian families. Part of this reason may be because Southeast Asian folk healing medicines, such as coining and cupping, have been established as alternative medicine in mainstream American culture. Contrary to the literature, the current data suggests that clients’ migration experience is perceived to be less important. This could be due to the majority of the Southeast Asian population in Sacramento County having been here for more than 20 years, or it could merely be due to lack of awareness of this issue among the participants. The latter is suggested by the fact that ten of the respondents who had more than seven years of experience, compared to only four of the respondents with less than eight years of experience, reported clients’ migration experience as not an important issue. The importance of cultural factors was perceived quite differently between the Southeast Asian and non-Southeast Asian groups. The results revealed that a larger percentage of the Southeast Asian respondents indicated “intergenerational conflict” and “traditional SEA parenting practice” as important factors (see Table 4.4). This finding 66 suggests that the Southeast Asian respondents may be more aware of the significance of intergenerational conflict and traditional cultural parenting practices among this community through their direct experience with their own parents and families. Table 4. 4 Important Factors in Practice: SEA v. Non-SEA Factor perceived as “Very Important Intergenerational conflicts Southeast Asian Non-Southeast Asian 6 (75.0%) 11 (39.3%) 5 (62.5%) 10 (35.7%) 2 (25.0%) 10 (35.7%) 5 (62.5%) 22 (78.6%) Traditional SEA parenting practice Discrimination in American society Cultural and linguistic barriers The study assessed which cultural practice and beliefs respondents felt were difficult to understand and accept. The majority (80%) of the general participants indicated some cultural practices that are difficult to understand and accept. However, the differences between those who indicated they have difficulty and those who did not for each practice were not significant. For example, 45.7% of the general respondents indicated “family obligation and sacrifice,” as well as “saving face”, as cultural practices that are difficult to understand, while 54.3% indicated these practices are not difficult to understand (see table 4.5) 67 “Tolerance of corporal punishment” was indicated by more than half of the general respondents as a cultural practice that is difficult to understand and accept (see table 4.5). This might be because discipline methods in Southeast Asian families are generally perceived to be more severe by western families, and differences in childrearing practice and corporal punishment are suggested in the literature to contribute to high cases of child maltreatment among Southeast Asian (Ima & Hohm, 1991). Thus, most child welfare workers might be less inclined to accept these discipline procedures. Table 4. 5 The Cultural Practice Hard to Accept Cultural Practice Yes No Tolerance of corporal punishment 20 (57.1%) 15 (42.9%) Family obligation and sacrifice 16 (45.7%) 19 (54.3%) Saving face 16 (45.7%) 19 (54.3%) The use of cultural healing practices 12 (34.3%) 23 (65.7%) When comparing Southeast Asian to non-Southeast Asian participants, a higher percentage of the Southeast Asian participants indicated having a hard time accepting all the listed cultural practices. It is especially so for “family obligation” and “saving face” (see Table 4.6), which are documented to be associated with family violence and mental health issues among this population. The literature discusses “saving face” as a concept that discourages outside intervention against family violence for fear of bringing shame to the family. Differences in family values held by immigrants and their adolescent 68 children are associated with high rates of depression and low self-esteem among the adolescents. However, these two factors are subtle cultural practices that are difficult to judge, unlike corporal punishment, which is an easily observable behavior. Thus, the non-Southeast Asians (51.9%) respondents may not have a clear understanding of these issues, and, therefore, may indicate them as controversial practices. The Southeast Asian workers might be more aware of these issues through their personal experiences; yet, they might not be willing to accept these as an excuse for family violence and mental health issues among this population. Table 4. 6 The Cultural Practice Hard to Accept: SEA v. Non-SEA Cultural Practice Southeast Asian Non-Southeast Asian Family obligation and sacrifice 7 (87.5%) 9 (33.3%) Saving face 6 (75.0%) 10 (37.0%) Tolerance of corporal punishment 6 (75.0%) 14 (51.9%) Challenges in the Practice. The challenges of participants faced in their work with Southeast Asian clients were examined. “Miscommunication because of language barrier” was the most common challenge that the general respondents indicated experiencing in direct practice with Southeast Asian clients, followed by the “use of translators” and “miscommunication because of cultural barriers” (see Table 4.7). However, differences emerged when examining the data between the Southeast Asians and the non-Southeast Asians. Among the non-Southeast Asian respondents, “use of 69 translator’ was indicated as the most common challenges, followed by ‘language barrier” and “engaging”. While “use of translator” was the second cited challenge among all participants, it was found to be an issue only for the non-Southeast Asians. . These study findings suggest that communication with Southeast Asian clients is a significant challenge that child welfare workers face, and language barriers and difficulty in using translators may be contributing factors for the communication issues. The study data implies that Southeast Asian workers may have fewer obstacles in delivering services to the Southeast Asian families as they already possess the language ability to communicate with the families without using a translator. A lack of sufficient numbers of bilingual workers would result in non-Southeast Asian workers serving the Southeast Asian population with the use of interpreters. Yet this study indicates many non-Southeast Asian workers experience challenges when using interpreters. Thus, the lack of bilingual workers becomes problematic to meet the needs of the Southeast Asian families entering the child welfare system. Table 4.7 The Challenges in Working with SEA Clients Factor Strongly Agree Language barrier 20 (58.8%) Using translator 16 (48.5%) Cultural barrier 13 (38.2%) Engaging the family in services 11 (32.4%) 70 Furthermore, the challenges were also recognized quite differently between Special Skilled respondents and non-Special Skilled respondents. A relatively larger percentage of the non-Special Skilled respondents indicated that using translators, making assessments, and building rapport with clients as challenges in their practice compared to Special Skilled workers (see Table 4.8). The data suggests that the child welfare workers with Special Skilled status may have a different skill set that allows for better delivery of services to cross-cultural clients than non-Special Skilled workers do. Table 4.8 The Challenges: Special Skilled v. Non-Special Skilled Factors Special Skilled Non-Special Skilled Using translator 28.6% 63.2% Making assessments 18.2% 41.2% Building rapport 14.3% 20% Community Resources and Support by the Agency Exploration of resources was also included in the current study. Specifically the resources and support provided by the Sacramento County CPS and the community resources currently available to the Southeast Asian client population. You can simplify and say this (or put it in your executive summary) – As a whole respondents felt that Sacramento County provides translation (97%) and community resources (75%) but is lacking in consultation (78%), flexibility in practice (72%), and information on Southeast Asian client concerns (75%).When the Southeast Asian group and the non-Southeast Asian group are compared, the data shows that a larger percentage of non-Southeast 71 Asians (75.0%) indicated this lack of provided information than the Southeast Asian respondents. Trainings. Studies have shown that adequately trained workers are critical in providing effective and efficient services to cross-cultural client. As such Sacramento County offers cultural competency training to its child welfare workers through the Northern California Children & Family Services Training Academy. This study explored the current cultural competency training at Sacramento County CPS by asking the participants about their experience and opinion regarding the training. A total of 25 (69.4%) respondents reported having in-service cultural competency training while 11 (30.6%) of the respondents reported never receiving cultural competency training. Ten of the respondents who attended training received the training within the last year, and six of them received the training more than five years ago. These numbers show that a portion of the respondents are not trained for cultural competency at all, and among those trained, training was not recent. These findings are rather disappointing, considering the importance of cultural competency training in child welfare practice has been strongly argued for in the literature and cultural competency training is supposed to be mandatory for new child welfare workers in Sacramento County. The majority of the training participants reported that the cultural competency training had some benefit to their practice with Southeast Asian clients: 30.8% of them reported the training was “very beneficial”, 26.9% indicated “beneficial”, and 38.5% answered “somewhat beneficial”. Additionally, the majority (85%) of the training participants reported the training helped improve their practice with Southeast Asian 72 clients. However, more than half of the participants reported no changes in the areas of “accessing resources for myself” (81.5%), “accessing resources for SEA clients” (55.6%), “engaging the family in services” (77.8%), and “building higher rapport” (77.8%). “Higher understanding of the culture” was the only area in which the respondents reported to have improved their practice (70.4%). Respondents who received cultural competency training and those who did not were compared in terms of familiarity with Southeast Asian culture, perceptions of the importance of cultural issues. Many of the trained participants indicated that they have acquired a higher understanding of Southeast Asian culture. However, the data did not show significant difference in familiarity with Southeast Asian culture between those who have received training and those who have not. More than half of those who received training (58%) as well as those who did not receive training (60%) reported that their familiarity is limited. This finding can be explained by the fact that the cultural competency training offered by the agency may not be specific to Southeast Asian clients. However, there was a difference in frequency of working with Southeast Asian clients between those who received the training and those who did not. The frequency was higher among those who received training than among those who did not. More than a half (60%) of the training participants reported that they work with Southeast Asian clients either occasionally or frequently whereas the majority of those who have not received training (81.8%) reported to have rarely or never worked with Southeast Asian clients. This might be because those who have worked with or have interest in working with Southeast Asian clients have higher motivation to attend training than those who 73 have not worked with Southeast Asian clients. However, the training may be too general in promoting cultural diversity but not providing specific contents on working with Southeast Asian clients. As a result, they would have better understanding but not familiarity. When comparing awareness of cultural factors among respondents who have received cultural competency training and those who have not, the data revealed that a larger number of respondents with the training indicated all the cultural factors listed are very important to be aware of while working with Southeast Asian clients compared to those without the training (see Table 4.9), This suggests that those who have received cultural competency training might have higher cultural awareness. In other words, cultural competency training might help increase cultural awareness among child welfare workers. Table 4.9 Important Factors: Trained v. Untrained Factors Trained Untrained Traditional parenting practice 14 (56.0%) 1 (9.1%) Different acculturation levels within the family 11 (44.0%) 1 (9.1%) Help seeking behavior 13 (52.0%) 2 (18.2%) In comparing challenges in practice with Southeast Asian, the data revealed that both groups, trained and untrained, have similar challenges (see Table 4.10). In fact, a higher percentages of respondents with training reported almost all the factors listed, 74 including “language barriers”, “use of translator”, “engaging”, and “cultural barriers” to be challenges in their practice with Southeast Asian clients, compared to those without the training (see Table 4.10). Table 4.10 Challenges: Trained v. Untrained Challenges Trained Untrained Language Barriers 16 (66.7%) 4 (40.0%) Using Translator 12 (50.0%) 4 (44.4%) Engaging 10 (41.7%) 1 (10.0%) Cultural Barriers 10 (41.7%) 3 (30.0%) Assessment 8 (38.1%) 1 (14.3%) Building Rapport 6 (25.0%) The study findings suggest that the current cultural competency trainings offered in Sacramento County CPS has some areas for improvement. Even though the training might increase cultural awareness and ideology of cultural competency practice among workers, it does not seem to improve workers’ skills to communicate with Southeast Asian clients, engage them into services, and make an assessment. Moreover, the current cultural training is not specific to this population; the study participants indicated that they do not acquire information regarding this particular population or resources available for them from the training. This lack of positive impact on knowledge and skill levels is a concern as skills to serve cross-cultural clients, as well as knowledge regarding 75 specific cultures and their issues, are also critical in meeting the needs of the Southeast Asian clients. The study participants were asked areas of interest that they would like to further explore in cultural competency training. A large number of the respondents indicated an interest in exploring “communication style” (72.2%) and “culturally sensitive assessment” (69.4%) in training for their practice with Southeast Asian clients. A strong interest in learning a better communication style by the participants reflects their report of communication with Southeast Asian clients as the biggest barrier. This data may also indicate that the workers recognize that, as the literature documents, it is important to understand communication style relevant to the culture in order to build a cross-cultural relationship. The majority of the respondents indicated that they wish to further learn about “traditional Southeast Asian parenting practice” (75%), “traditional Southeast Asian values” (66%), “intergenerational conflicts” (63%), and “acculturation difficulties” (61%). A large number of the respondents indicated they were not interested in further exploring “traditional healing practice” (72.2%) and “pre-immigration experience” (69.4%). This data suggests, again, that traditional healing practices as well as migration experiences are not considered as important as other issues and this may be because these subjects are already well understood in the mainstream society. Translator. As the Sacramento County CPS was reported to provide translating services, only 26% of respondents indicated that increasing the number of translators is very significant in improving service delivery to the Southeast Asian population. This 76 finding implies that relatively sufficient numbers of translators are available for the workers to access. When comparing Southeast Asian to non-Southeast Asian participants, increasing the translators was rated slightly higher among the non-Southeast Asian. While 31% of the non- Southeast Asians felt that increasing the number of translators is important to improve service delivery, only 12% of the Southeast Asian respondents indicated this is important. The comparisons between Special Skilled and non-Special Skilled workers show outcomes similar to those between Southeast Asians and non-Southeast Asians. While 37% of the non- Special Skilled workers reported that increasing the number of translators is important to improve service delivery, only 13% of the Special Skilled workers indicated this is important This can be explained by the fact that non-Southeast Asian and non-Special Skilled workers need translation services due to language and cultural barriers, while Southeast Asian and Special Skilled workers have language ability and other communication skills to deliver services to meet the families’ needs. Although availability of interpreter services appears to be relatively sufficient, large numbers of participants indicated the use of translators as a challenge. This suggests that the concern is not on availability but the effectiveness and quality of the translation services. Moreover, while large number of the participants indicated difficulty in using translators (strongly agree, n=16; agree, n=8), only 13 respondents showed an interest in being trained in “use of translator”. This suggests that child welfare workers might perceive the reason for their difficulty in using translators is not with them, but the problems are with the translators. Similarly, more than half of non-Special Skilled 77 respondents (53%), who have more opportunities to use translators compared to Special Skilled workers, indicated that training translators is very significant in improving the service delivery even though less Special Skilled workers (23%) indicated this. This study finding suggests that Sacramento County offers sufficient numbers of translators for child welfare workers to deliver services to their Southeast Asian clients, yet the competency of the translators to support service delivery to the Southeast Asian clients in the field of child welfare might be limited. Community Resources. Although the participants reported that Sacramento County CPS provides general community resources, when they were asked about their knowledge of the availability of culturally and linguistically appropriate resources for Southeast Asian clients, only a small percentage of participants reported that mental health, parent support group, family counseling, and alcohol and other drug (AOD) counseling are available most of time (see Table 4.11). It was only anger management class that at least half of the respondents indicated to be available most of the time. The literature has noted the general lack of adequate resources that are made available to Southeast Asian families involved in the child welfare system, even though they are far more disadvantaged than the general population, as they offer numerous barriers and difficulties. The data from this study supports the literature. The results suggest that linguistically and culturally relevant resources available and accessible to Southeast Asian clients are still insufficient in Sacramento County. One respondent clearly commented that child welfare workers are struggling to locate appropriate resources, and due to Sacramento County’s recent budget constraint, the already limited resources for 78 Southeast Asian families, as well as the opportunity to receive these services, are expected to be further reduced. Table 4.11 Resources Available in the Community Resources Most of the time Sometimes Rarely Unsure Anger Management class 17 (51.5%) 5 (5.2%) 11 (33.3%) Parenting classes 14 (40.0%) 8 (22.9%) 10 (17.2%) 7 (20.0%) Mental health services 10 (28.6%) 10 (28.6%) 6 (28.6%) 5 (14.3%) Parent support group 10 (28.6%) 9 (25.7%) 8 (22.9%) 8 (22.9%) Family counseling 8 (22.9%) 13 (37.1%) 8 (22.9%) 6 (17.1%) AOD counseling 6 (17.1%) 12 (34.3%) 9 (25.7%) 8 (22.9%) This study also indicates the limited knowledge of community resources for Southeast Asian clients among the respondents. The survey question regarding the availability of community resources included “unsure” as a response option, and about 17% to 23% of respondents reported marked this option when asked about the availability of resources within the community, depending upon the resource. Unsurprisingly, the data also indicates an association between the knowledge of availability of community resources for Southeast Asian clients and respondents’ ethnicity and familiarity. About 30% of the non-Southeast Asian participants, and participants who reported to be not familiar with Southeast Asian culture, indicated that they are “unsure” of the availability for each of the resources listed, while none of the 79 participants of Southeast Asian background, or with familiarity with the culture, reported “unsure” for any of the resources. This finding suggests that the struggle among the non-Southeast Asians and workers unfamiliar with Southeast Asian to locate appropriate resources for Southeast Asian clients might be due to their limited knowledge of available resources. The failure to provide information regarding resources for Southeast Asian clients in cultural competency training, discussed earlier, might be contributing to the limited knowledge of available resources. Recommendations for Effective Practice with Southeast Asian clients Respondents were asked for their recommendations on how to improve services for Southeast Asian clients. The data revealed that “increasing community resources” was the most common component the respondents indicated to be very significant in improving service delivery to the Southeast Asian clients. Increasing bilingual and bicultural workers and training translators were the next two recommendations from respondents. (see Table 4.12). Interestingly, all Southeast Asian workers indicated that increasing community resources will be “very significant” to improve service delivery to Southeast Asian clients. Increasing the number of translators, and training for translators, were rated slightly higher among non-Southeast Asian and non-Special Skilled participants. These findings might reflect that there is a greater need of non-Southeast Asian and non-Special Skilled workers to overcome the language barriers. Until this need is met, they cannot be as concerned of what else is needed to help Southeast Asian clients. 80 Researchers have noted the lack of adequate resources that are made available to families involved in the child welfare system. Southeast Asian families are far more disadvantaged, as they present numerous barriers and difficulties, such as the experience of being a refugee, language barriers, and low educational attainment. This data supports the literature. The results suggest that the Sacramento County CPS lacks cultural and linguistic resources for Southeast Asian families. The data also suggests that increasing the number of bilingual and bicultural workers would be beneficial to services delivery. Considering the cultural, social, and linguistic barriers that Southeast Asian families face, studies have suggested that hiring bilingual and bicultural staff that reflects the Asian community would encourage families to access services (Lincroft et al., 2006). Table 4.12 Ranked Significant Factors Significant Factors 1. Increase community resources 2. Increase bilingual/bicultural workers 3. Trainings for translators 4. Increase cultural competency training 5. Increase translators 6. A specialized unit Linguistic and Cultural Matching. As cultural and language barriers are significant factors that prevent Southeast Asians from receiving appropriate services from 81 child welfare agencies, the respondents were asked what they think will decrease the barriers. Linguistic matching, effective use of translators, and demonstrating sensitivity to clients’ cultural practice were indicated to be “very significant” in helping minimize cultural barriers by a large number of the respondents. Racial/ethnic matching, as well as cultural matching of clients and workers, was not indicated to be as important in respondents’ choice (see Table 4.13). Table 4.13 Factors to Minimize Cultural Barriers Factors Very Significant The linguistic matching 20 (57.1%) Effective use of a translator 19 (59.4%) Sensitivity to cultural practice 18 (52.9%) The racial/ethnic matching 14 (40.0%) The cultural matching 11 (32.4%) This data suggests that racial and ethnic matching between the workers and their clients may not necessarily help minimize cultural barriers, but what is important is that the worker’ cultural sensitivity towards the clients’ culture and their ability to communicate well with the clients. The literature has discussed the possibility of low interaction between practitioners and Asian American clients due to the practitioners’ cultural insensitivity and language differences (Saha et al. 2003). Cultural matching and racial/ethnic matching were rated slightly higher among participants with Special Skilled 82 status and participants with limited experience. A larger percentage of Southeast Asian participants (50%) reported cultural matching to be very significant compared to their counterparts (25%). Macro. Participants were asked to rate the significance of child welfare related factors that they believe that would help ameliorate issues many Southeast Asian families face. The data revealed that “increasing the collaboration between CPS and ethnic communities” (71%) and “decreasing the stigma of mental health among Southeast Asians” (69%) were the top two factors that the majority indicated to be “very significant”, followed by “increasing communication skills of the families,” (58.3%) and “educating families about the American social system,” (52.8%) (see Table 4.14). Table 4.14 Factors to Ameliorate Issues of SEA Families Factors Very Significant Increase the collaboration between CPS and ethnic communities 25 (71.4%) Decrease stigma of mental health among SEA 24 (68.6%) Increase communication skills of the families 21 (60.0%) The significance of child welfare related factors to ameliorate issues among the Southeast Asian client population was recognized differently between the Southeast Asian respondents and the non-Southeast Asian respondents. A higher percentage of the Southeast Asians indicated all of the factors listed with the exception of “decrease stigma of mental health” as very significant to ameliorate cultural issues that many of the 83 Southeast Asian client population face. This was particularly true concerning educating parents regarding the American social system, and educating parents about other mainstream cultural values. For example, 75% of the Southeast Asian respondents indicated educating parents regarding the American social system as very significant and 88% indicated educating parents regarding mainstream cultural values as very important. However, when analyzing the non-Southeast Asian group, less than half of the nonSoutheast Asian respondents indicated this to be very significant. Contrary, a larger number of the non-Southeast Asians (75%) indicated decreasing a stigma of mental health very significant compared to 50% of the Southeast Asians indicating decreasing the stigma very significant. This might be because high occurrence of mental health problem among Southeast Asian families, as well as a stigma of mental health in the community, is well documented. This study suggests that increasing the collaboration between CPS and ethnic community is universally considered to be very significant to support the Southeast Asian client population. The non-Southeast Asian workers consider decreasing the stigma of mental health within the Southeast Asian community is the most significant factor to ameliorate problems among Southeast Asian families while the Southeast Asians perceive other factors to be more significant. These study findings suggest that the Southeast Asian respondents believe that educating parents is critical in empowering the families in order for them to navigate through American society as well as the child welfare system. 84 Resources Needed in the Southeast Asian Community. The study explored what resources are needed within the Southeast Asian community. Domestic violence services, family therapy, and mental health outreach programs were rated high in significance by the general respondents, followed by educational programs regarding Child Protective Services/ Child Welfare System (CPS/CWS) and other social systems, educational support, and community programs (see Table 4.15). Table 4.15 Resources Needed for SEA Families Factors Very Significant Domestic Violence services 23 (67.6%) Mental Health outreach program 18 (52.9%) Family therapy 19 (54.3%) Education program regarding CPS/CWS/other social system 17 (48.6%) All of the Southeast Asian respondents reported the need for domestic violence services among the Southeast Asian community as a factor to decrease issues Southeast Asian families face (see Table 4.16). 85 Table 4.16 Resources Needed: SEA v. Non-SEA Factors Southeast Asian Non-Southeast Asian Domestic Violence 8 (100.0%) 15 (57.7%) 6 (75.0%) 11 (40.7%) Cultural program for youth 6 (75.0%) 8 (29.6%) Child care 6 (75.0%) 8 (29.6%) Education program regarding CPS/CWS/other social system Summary The findings of this study indicate that culturally competent practice with the Southeast Asian population in the Sacramento child welfare system is still limited. The limitation exists within all three of the micro, meso, and macro levels: individual workers’ cultural awareness, knowledge regarding Southeast Asian population, and skills for engagement, assessment, and intervention; training, resources, and support provided by the child welfare agency; and community resources to serve Southeast Asian families. Cultural Competency of Child Welfare Workers. The study found that cultural awareness is acknowledged by child welfare workers to be critical in providing services to Southeast Asian clients. Accordingly, the majority of the study participants indicated that it is important to take the cultural factors into consideration in their practice. The cultural factors include Southeast Asian clients’ limited cultural and linguistic skills, unfamiliarity with the American social system, cultural parenting practice, limited acculturation, and intergenerational conflict. However, the findings showed that the 86 majority of the non-Southeast Asian workers have limited knowledge of the Southeast Asian population and availability of culturally and linguistically relevant resources as well as limited direct working experience with this population compared to social workers of Southeast Asian backgrounds. Furthermore, the study suggests that current child welfare workers posses limited skills to work with Southeast Asian clients. The finding showed workers struggle in communicating with the clients due to language barriers, use of translators, and engaging the clients in services. Although the study showed a majority of the respondents encounter similar challenges in their direct practice with Southeast Asian clients, Southeast Asian and Special Skilled workers appeared to have less challenges and the significance of linguistic matching in the service delivery to this population was highlighted. These findings indicate the skills and abilities of bilingual, bicultural workers are critically important to better serve immigrant populations. Training. Although cultural and linguistic matching is important in cross-cultural practice, cultural competency is more important. Cultural competency occurs when workers are adequately trained. The majority of workers reported that the training they have received was beneficial, and the findings suggest the current trainings may increase cultural awareness. However, this study found limitations in the effectiveness of cultural competency training provided by the Sacramento Child Welfare Agency. Many workers who have received cultural competency training reported no change in their practices with Southeast Asian clients, and the findings indicate the training did not improve their familiarities with Southeast Asian culture or ease their challenges in their practice with 87 Southeast Asian clients. This might be because information regarding Southeast Asian issues and resources available to Southeast Asian clients are not provided in the training. Additionally, the study found that even though cultural competency training is mandatory for new child welfare workers, there are some workers who have never participated in any cross-cultural training. The study findings found communication as one of the biggest obstacles in working with Southeast Asian clients. Accordingly, the study participants showed an interest in learning communication styles in training. In addition, the study shows that large numbers of child welfare workers experience difficulty in using translators, and feel interpreters should be trained to improve the service delivery to Southeast Asian clients. Consultation and Support. Although peer and supervisory consultations are available in the Sacramento County CPS, this study found that access to information regarding Southeast Asian culture and issues among this population is limited. This might be because knowledge of, and familiarity with, Southeast Asian culture among their peers as well as supervisors and program managers are also limited. Thus, upper management is unable to provide appropriate advice to service workers regarding this population. However, the study participants showed little interest in creating a specialized unit in the agency to serve Southeast Asian clients even though it would allow workers to receive consultation regarding cultural matters of this specific cultural group. This lack of interest might be because the number of Southeast Asian child welfare clients in Sacramento County is still relatively small compared to counties such as Los Angeles and San Mateo where this is a larger population of SEA. 88 Community Resources. Considering the multiple difficulties facing Southeast Asian families, availability and accessibility of services and resources in the community is critical to effectively intervene with this population. However, the study indicated appropriate community resources that are available for child welfare workers to refer to Southeast Asian clients are limited. This shortage of appropriate community resources poses an immense problem for the child welfare agency, as child welfare workers are unable to ensure that their Southeast Asian clients are receiving appropriate services. Increasing community resources, as well as increasing the collaboration between the child welfare agency and ethnic communities, would help improve the service delivery to this population and to ameliorate difficulties and problems that are prevalent among this population. The study indicated that family therapy and mental health outreach programs were greatly needed in the Southeast Asian community, and decreasing the stigma of mental health among the Southeast Asian community is indicated as a significant factor to decrease the risk of family violence among this population. These findings were expected by the researchers since intergenerational conflict and mental health disorders, as well as stigma of receiving professional help, are the most common problems documented among Southeast Asian families. However, the findings indicated domestic violence intervention services as the most needed of services among this population. Moreover, the collaboration of child welfare agencies and ethnic communities, and educational programs regarding the child welfare system and other social systems, are 89 also indicated by the respondents to be highly needed to assist the Southeast Asian community. 90 Chapter 5 CONCLUSION Summary Culturally competent practice in child welfare services is an essential component to the quality of services that social workers and child welfare agencies can provide to cross-cultural clients. It is especially true of the services for Southeast Asian clients as the rapid growth of this population presents a challenge to child welfare workers delivering services to this population. Culturally competent practice should be incorporated at the micro, meso, and macro levels in order to exercise effective service delivery. This study was conducted in order to explore various components of culturally competent practice at the micro, meso, and macro levels that are particularly pertinent to the needs of the Southeast Asian client population. This study explored three areas: 1) cultural awareness, knowledge acquisition, and skill development among child welfare workers; 2) training, resources, and support provided by the child welfare agency for the workers to provide culturally competent services to Southeast Asian clients; and 3) linguistically and culturally relevant community services and resources to which the social workers are able to refer Southeast Asian clients. Based on current literatures, this study explored the perceptions of Sacramento County child welfare workers. This study identified both current practices with the Southeast Asian population and what is needed to effectively serve this particular population. Given the number of child welfare workers currently employed at Sacramento County Child Protective Services (CPS), the sample size of 36 utilized in this study is 91 relatively small. This study is, therefore, limited to Sacramento County, as the small sample ineffectively represents other counties’ child welfare workers. Additionally, the small sample limits the comparison between the Southeast Asian workers and the nonSoutheast Asian workers, as well as the comparison between the Special Skilled workers and the non-Special Skilled workers. Furthermore, a majority of the study subjects had limited direct working experience with Southeast Asian clients; thus, this study focuses more on their perceptions and beliefs rather than their actual experience and knowledge in the field. The instrument employed in this study is a self-assessment survey questionnaire, which is another inherent limitation even if the responses are anonymous. Child welfare workers may not report all of their challenges or may report more knowledge than they have for fear of being perceived as culturally incompetent. Conclusion and Recommendations The findings of this study indicate that culturally competent practice with the Southeast Asian population in the Sacramento child welfare system is still limited, and this limitation exists within all three of the micro (individual child welfare workers), meso (the child welfare agency), and macro (community) levels. This lack of competency in cross-cultural situations can prevent effective service delivery, and it can be harmful to clients as well as to the morale among child welfare workers. This study, therefore, suggests that the Sacramento Child Welfare Services Agency needs to reevaluate its training, program, and institutional system to address their limited cultural competency and to enhance service delivery to Southeast Asian families. 92 Cultural Competency at a Micro Level. Cultural awareness, knowledge acquisition, and skill development are components of cultural competency that can enhance social workers’ effectiveness in providing services to cross-cultural clients. The study found that child welfare workers perceive cultural awareness as the most important component in providing services to Southeast Asian clients, and indicated they were aware of cultural issues among the clients. Yet the findings show that these workers have a limited knowledge of the Southeast Asian population as well as a limited knowledge of the availability of linguistically and culturally relevant resources for this population. Limited skills among the workers were also suggested as the participants reported difficulty in communicating with the Southeast Asian clients, using translators, engaging the clients, and making an assessment. It seems that child welfare workers value and recognize cultural awareness, but are not equipped with adequate knowledge and skills to work with Southeast Asian clients. This emphasis on cultural awareness rather than on cultural knowledge and skills appears to be reflected in the cultural competency training provided by the agency. Culturally Specific Training and Skill Development. Professional competency occurs when workers are adequately trained. Thus, training is critical in enhancing cultural competency skills among child welfare workers. However, even though the study findings suggest that current trainings may increase workers’ cultural awareness, it does not seem to improve their knowledge of the Southeast Asian culture or ease their challenges in practice with Southeast Asian clients. Therefore, these researchers recommend the focus of cultural competency training be shifted more towards knowledge 93 acquisition and skill development. This training should be more culturally specific, and should provide information regarding Southeast Asian culture, issues among this population, and the availability of culturally and linguistically relevant resources. Information on traditional parenting practices, traditional values, acculturation difficulties, and intergenerational conflicts, as well as resources available and accessible to Southeast Asian families should be included in the training. In addition, skill development is equally important to improve workers’ competency to communicate, engage, assess, and intervene with Southeast Asian clients. Communication especially needs to be addressed, as it was indicated as the biggest challenge in practice with Southeast Asian clients. Employ Bicultural Child Welfare Workers. There seems to be a broad consensus throughout the literature as well as in this study that bilingual and bicultural professionals are increasingly needed as part of the child welfare workforce. As the language barrier is a major issue within this population, and difficulties in using translators are well documented, the value of Southeast Asian workers’ language ability and cultural knowledge should be highly prized. Special Skilled workers seem to have not only language ability and cultural knowledge, in addition to general social work skills, but also other skills, such as an engagement skill and an assessment skill, to better serve crosscultural clients. Thus, it is essential for the child welfare agency to recruit bilingual and bi-cultural workers in the child welfare workface as Special Skilled workers in order to better serve the Southeast Asian population. 94 Training for Translators. Aside from ensuring the availability of translation services, the child welfare agency must ensure that their interpreters are competent in their work. Large numbers of child welfare workers expressed difficulty in using translators, and feel interpreters should be better trained to improve service delivery to Southeast Asian clients. This study was unable to identify in what area translators should be trained; however, training in procedures of assessment for translators who assist with assessments or interventions is recommended in the literature (Hwa-Froelich and Westby, 2003). Due to the nature of this work, it is essential for interpreters to receive adequate training specifically on working with child welfare clients. Without appropriate training interpreters can be unreliable, and, as a result, can be detrimental to the client. Consultation and Support. When child welfare workers are unsure of how to handle a situation or make a decision, or need information that will better equip them for practice, it is important for them to receive support to ensure that their service delivery is appropriate. However, in the Sacramento County CPS access to information regarding Southeast Asian culture and issues among this population, as well as consultation regarding cultural matters are limited. Therefore, the researchers recommend the Sacramento County CPS develop a system to provide its workers with easy access to information and consultation regarding cultural practice, values, or issues of Southeast Asians as well as other ethnic groups. When child welfare workers feel supported, guided, and they have the tools that they need, they are more likely to develop higher morale and feel more confident in serving their clients. 95 Expanding Community Resources. Even though Southeast Asian families face various difficulties, culturally and linguistically appropriate services and resources available to them are limited. Increasing community resources, as well as increasing the collaboration between the child welfare agency and ethnic communities, is highly suggested to improve the service delivery and to ameliorate these difficulties. Resources that are greatly needed among this population include domestic violence services, family therapy, and mental health outreach programs. Additionally, educational programs regarding the child welfare system and other social systems are highly needed to develop the collaboration between the child welfare agency and the ethnic community and to reach out to Southeast Asian families in need. Implications for Social Work Practice and Future Studies This exploratory study has examined Sacramento County child welfare workers’ perceptions of current practice with the Southeast Asian population, and their recommendations on how to improve service delivery to this population and to ameliorate problems prevalent among this population. However, this study did not explore child welfare practice and the needs of this population from the viewpoint of Southeast Asian clients themselves. Their perceptions of current practice, and of how to improve the service delivery, might be different from those of child welfare workers. Thus, future studies are recommended to produce more conclusive results, which might validate the recommendations for improvement suggested in this study. To achieve this, future studies must include a large sample of Southeast Asian families who have been involved in the child welfare system. 96 Bringing awareness of the importance of culturally competent practice with Southeast Asian families engaged with child welfare agencies may bring systematic changes in the quality of services this group receives, as well as in the delivery of services child welfare workers can provide. Therefore, this study is intended to provide the Sacramento County Department of Heath and Human Service Child Protective Services recommendations as to how to improve the delivery of services to Southeast Asian clients on the macro and meso levels, based on both the literature findings and the perceptions of current Sacramento County child welfare workers. Cultural competency practice, although one of the most discussed concepts in the school of social work, is still unfortunately disregarded in the child welfare field. This may be because child welfare agencies are affected by the large number of referrals, high caseloads, and frequent staff turnover. However, the infusion of cultural competency practice into child welfare practice should be a high priority, particularly in the Sacramento County CPS, given the diversity of the client population involved in the child welfare system, and the ethnic disparity in services. 97 APPENDICES 98 APPENDIX A LETTER OF CONSENT FORM INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN A RESEARCH STUDY TITLE: Cultural Competent Practice with Southeast Asians in Child Welfare System INVESTIGATOR: Ana Nguyen and Yoriko Stenhouse, MSW candidates at California State University, Sacramento (CSUS). PURPOSE: This study is being carried out in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master’s Degree in Social Work for the researchers. The study investigates relevant cultural considerations when working with Southeast Asian (SEA) families in child welfare system and social workers’ perception on current cultural practice with the SEA families at individual and agency levels. In addition, the study explores the importance of the cultural understanding of Southeast-Asian Americans. The researchers intend to recruit 40 social workers from Family Maintenance/ Informal Supervision and Emergency Response for this study. PROCEDURE: Should you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to complete a survey that will take approximately 15 minutes of your time. The survey is composed of yes/no and multiple choice questions and statements that you will be asked to rate on a Likert-type scale. The survey has a total of 24 questions that cover such areas as demographics, your training and experience with Southeast Asian clients, and the availability and accessibility of cultural aware resources for these clients. Upon completion, you will be asked to return the survey and this informed consent form into the boxes provided. RISKS: The researchers believe that there is minimal risk to you by participating in this research study. You are, however, encouraged to stop the survey if you experience excessive discomfort while completing it, and you may contact EAP program at 1-800-227-1060 for assistance. BENEFITS: There is no direct benefit to you by participating in this study. However, the findings of this study may result in recommendations to CPS on how to improve social worker education and training for working with Southeast-Asian clients. CONFIDENTIALITY: Confidentiality will be maintained to the extent possible. Informed consents and surveys will be kept separate so that even the researchers will not know which survey you completed. Survey data will be kept in a secure, locked, location that is only accessible by the researchers. All research data will be destroyed after the completion of the research project (no later than June 2010). No individually identifying data will be collected or included in any papers or publications that result from this study. Complete confidentiality cannot be guaranteed because research 99 records may be subpoenaed by the federal DHHS for the purpose of ensuring the protection of participants in research. ALTERNATIVES/RIGHT TO REFUSE OR WITHDRAW: Participation is voluntary, and you are able to discontinue your participation or drop from the study at any time without explanation. You may decline to participate now or at any time in the future without any risks or consequences to job performance, current or future employment with DHHS. QUESTIONS: If you have any questions or comment in regard to this study, please feel free to contact Ana Nguyen at ananga87@hotmail.com or Yoriko Stenhouse at ageha17j@hotmail.com. Research Study Participant’s Bill of Right 1) To be told what the study is trying to find out 2) To be told what will happen to you and whether any of the procedures, drugs or devices is different from what would be used in standard practice. 3) To be told about the frequent and/or important risks, side effects or discomforts of the things that will happen to you for research purposes. 4) To be told if you can expect any benefit from participating and, if so, what the benefit might be. 5) To be told the other choices you have and how they may be better or worse than being in the study. 6) To be allowed to ask questions concerning the study, both before agreeing to be involved and during the course of the study. 7) To be told what sort of medical treatment is available if any complications arise. 8) To refuse to participate or to change your mind about participating after the study is started. This decision will not affect your right to receive the care you would receive if you were not in the study. 9) To receive a copy of the signed and dated consent form 10) To be free of pressure when considering whether to be in the study. CONSENT: I have read and understand this consent form and the Bill of Rights for Experimental Subjects. I have had a chance to ask questions about this research study. I also understand that when I sign my name below, I am agreeing to volunteer for this research study. I have signed this informed consent prior to any and all study-related procedures being performed. I have received my own copy of this form. ___________________________ Signature of Participant Date ____________________________________ Participant’s Name (Please print) Please return this informed consent form into the box marked “Informed Consent”. 100 APPENDIX B SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE Please do not put your name on this survey. Cultural Competence with Southeast Asian (SEA) Americans Survey (CCSAS) Please select the box after each question that best reflects your opinion. Thank you for your participation. 1) What ethnic group do you most identify with? Caucasian (non-Hispanic) □ Hispanic □ African American □ Native American □ Asian/Pacific Islander □ Other □ (If you are Asian/Pacific Islander, please specify: SEA □ non-SEA □ ) 2) List the language (s) that you speak other than English 3) What is your highest level of education? BSW □ BA/BS (specify your major)_________________ MSW □ Other (specify) __________________________ 4) How long have you been a human service provider in child welfare? _____________year(s) 5) Are you or have you been a Special Skilled Worker for Child Protective Services (CPS)? Yes □ No □ If yes, specify cultural group___________________ 6) How often do you work with SEA clientele on the average? Frequently □ Occasionally □ Rarely □ 7) How would you rate your own familiarity with SEA culture? Very familiar □ Familiar □ Somewhat familiar □ Never □ Not familiar at all □ 8) How important are the following factors in your practice with SEA clients? (VI=Very Important, I = Important, SI = Somewhat Important, NI = Not Important) VI I Cultural and linguistic barriers -------------------------------------- □ □ Clients’ migration experience --------------------------------------- □ □ Clients’ experience of discrimination in American society ----- □ □ SI NI □ □ □ □ □ □ 101 Clients’ familiarity with American social system ---------------Adhesion to traditional SEA value --------------------------------Traditional SEA parenting practice -------------------------------Different acculturation levels within the family------------------Intergenerational conflicts ------------------------------------------Help seeking behavior of the clients ------------------------------Use of traditional healing practices such as coining-------------The impact of the extended family members---------------------Clients’ involvement in ethnic community------------------------- □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ 9) Rank these components in the order in which you feel important. (1 to be most important) Aware of your own cultural background and possible biases ------ [ ] Awareness of clients’ cultural background---------------------------- [ ] The knowledge of SEA culture and their cultural issues ----------- [ ] Culturally sensitive assessment ----------------------------------------- [ ] Ethnographic interview technique-------------------------------------- [ ] Flexibility ------------------------------------------------------------------ [ ] Other (specify) _______________________________________ [ ] [ ] 10) The followings are the challenges in my work with SEA clients. (SA = Strongly Agree, A = Agree, D = Disagree, SD = Strongly Disagree) SA A D SD Miscommunication because of cultural barrier -------- □ □ □ □ Miscommunication because of language barrier -------- □ □ □ □ Building rapport --------------------------------------------- □ □ □ □ Engaging the family in services --------------------------- □ □ □ □ Using translator --------------------------------------------- □ □ □ □ Making assessments ---------------------------------------- □ □ □ □ Other (explain) __________________________________________________ 11) In your work with SEA clients, what are some of their cultural practice and beliefs that you and your fellow CPS workers have to work harder to understand and accept? Please check all that apply. Family obligation and sacrifice --------------------------------------------- □ Saving face -------------------------------------------------------------------- □ The use of cultural healing practices such as coining and cupping ---- □ Tolerance of corporal punishment ------------------------------------------ □ Nothing ------------------------------------------------------------------------- □ Other (explain) __________________________________________________ 102 12) What aspect of SEA cultures & cultural issues do you want to further explore? Please check all that apply. Pre-immigration experience ------------------------------------------------- □ Acculturation difficulties ----------------------------------------------------- □ Traditional SEA value -------------------------------------------------------- □ Traditional SEA parenting practice ----------------------------------------- □ Intergenerational conflicts --------------------------------------------------- □ Traditional healing practices ------------------------------------------------ □ Other (explain) __________________________________________________ 13) Have you ever participated in any in-service training for cultural competency. Yes □ No □ If yes, please answer the questions 14 to 17. If no, please skip to the questions 18. 14) How recent was the training? ___________________________ 15) What are the formats of the training? Half day workshop -----------------------------------------------------------A whole day workshop ------------------------------------------------------Informal peer to peer training-----------------------------------------------Online class -------------------------------------------------------------------Other (specify _________________________________________________ □ □ □ □ □ 16) How would you rate that training? Very beneficial □ Beneficial □ Somewhat beneficial □ Not beneficial at all □ 17) In what areas did the training improve your practice with SEA on child welfare related issues? 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