Religious Education in Ireland: The teachers’ perspective
Christopher Alan Lewis1
L. Philip Barnes2
Patricia Kieran3
Sharon Mary Cruise4
Leslie J. Francis5
Conor McGuckin6
1
University of Ulster at Magee College, Northern Ireland
King’s College London, England
3
Mary Immaculate College, University of Limerick, Ireland
4
Queen’s University of Belfast, Northern Ireland
5
University of Warwick, England
6
Dublin Business School of Arts, Ireland
2
Abstract
This chapter addresses the perspective of teachers on religious education in Ireland.
As part of a cross-national study focused on religious education in the context of
religious plurality, a questionnaire booklet was administered to samples of religious
educators drawn from 17 European countries. In particular, three key areas were
addressed: educational goals, use of methods and their importance, and personal
resources. The aim of the present study was to examine the responses in these areas
of a sample of primary and post-primary religious education teachers working in
Ireland. A sample of 353 respondents completed the questionnaire booklet. Data
suggest that, for the most part, Irish RE teachers endorse a ‘RE about religion’
teaching perspective, and employ a number of different methods of teaching that vary
as a function both of the educator’s sex, age, educational degree, and years of
teaching, and of the age group of students under instruction. The majority of Irish RE
teachers embrace plurality, and stress the importance in their own lives of worship
and prayer, though there is less acceptance of meditation as a form of religious
practice. Additionally, Irish RE teachers do not endorse professional ambition, but
rather perceive their role as vocational. With respect to levels of institutional support
and amount of resources made available to them, two-thirds of Irish RE teachers
expressed satisfaction, though the remaining one-third were less positive in their view.
Finally, the implications of the findings for the teaching of religious education in
contemporary Ireland are explored.
Introduction
The modern state of Ireland (founded in 1921, when 26 of the 32 counties of the
island of Ireland gained independence from Great Britain) is one of the most religious
nations in Europe. Religion has always played an important role in education and in
schools; and Catholicism, as the predominant form of religion, has traditionally
enjoyed a privileged position. Such privilege is currently being challenged and
undermined from a variety of sources, chiefly that of the secularization of society and
of efforts to restrict the influence and power of the Catholic Church by appeals to the
principles of equality and of inclusion. It is against this background that the present
study examined the perspectives of teachers of religious education in contemporary
Ireland. In response to a national survey, a sample of 353 religious education teachers
completed a questionnaire. The present chapter summarises and discusses the
1
findings, which are structured under three key headings: educational goals,
educational methods, and life orientations (religion, values, politics, and institutions).
This discussion is prefaced by brief overviews of the nature and character of religion
in Ireland, and of the provision and practice of religious education in Irish schools.
8.1 Religious education in Ireland
Religious belief and practice in contemporary Ireland
Ireland has a population of 4.2 million (Census, 2006). According to the 2006 census,
Roman Catholics are the largest religious group (3.6 million) and account for 86.8%
of the population. The Church of Ireland is the second largest religious group, with
125,600 members, which accounts for 3.0% of the population. Muslims represent the
third largest religious category in Ireland (0.8%), followed by Presbyterian (0.6%),
Orthodox (0.5%), Methodist (0.3%), and Other (2.1%). Moreover, 6.2% specify ‘no’
religious affiliation.
The historical affirmation that Ireland is a Catholic nation can still claim statistical
support. Ironically, where recent migration within the European Union has increased
religious diversity within some states (as in Germany and Britain, for example), if
anything this could be seen as strengthening rather than lessening religious uniformity
in the Republic of Ireland in the sense that it has added to the numbers of practising
Catholics. The majority of (economic) migrants entering the country over the last
decade have come from Eastern Europe, Poland in particular, and almost all are
Catholics, thus adding to the already existing overwhelmingly Catholic religious
majority. However, the actual share of Roman Catholics in the population has
decreased somewhat from 88.4% in 2002 to 86.8% in 2006.
However, recent migration and immigration have simultaneously contributed to a
more religiously diverse Irish society. While numbers of adherents to other religious
traditions are small relative to Catholic tradition, their growth rate has been rapid, and
they have had a major impact on the religious demography of Ireland. For example,
the Muslim community in Ireland has increased from a very small population of
around one thousand Muslims in 1992 to an official census figure of 32,500 in 2006.
The Muslim population in Ireland has grown by 70% between the censuses held in
2002 and 2006. The Christian communities in Ireland have also experienced major
change and increasing diversity as a consequence of immigration and migration. A
significant example is the Orthodox community in Ireland which doubled in numbers
between 2002 and 2006. In the 2006 census 57,900 identified themselves as
belonging to ‘other stated religions’, which represents a percentage increase of over
44% for this category since the 2002 census. The 2002 census marked the end of a
long period of decline for the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian Church, and the
Methodist Church.
Nine persons out of 10 of the Irish population are baptised and socialised into the
beliefs and practices of Catholic Christianity. Moreover, the vast majority of Catholic
children attend Catholic primary and secondary schools, where they receive their
preparation for First Communion and Confirmation. Inglis has remarked that Irish
children “develop a Catholic habitus, a deeply embodied, almost automatic way of
being spiritual and moral that becomes second nature and creates a Catholic sense of
self and a way of behaving and interpreting the world” (Inglis, 2007, p. 205). For
most, formal belief and commitment to Catholicism endure throughout life: birth,
2
marriage, and death are marked by religious ceremonies. According to the 1999
European Values Survey (using data collected in 1995), 76.2% of the population in
Ireland describe themselves as ‘religious’, and a similar percentage (76.8%) regard
religion as either ‘very or quite important’. Such positive attitudes to religion are
complemented by equally high levels of commitment to specific beliefs: 98.5%
express belief in God; 82.9% believe in life after death; and 89.1% believe in heaven
(interestingly, a much smaller number believe in hell – 55.9%). Statistics for religious
observance are also high: 65.2% of the population professes to attend church once a
week, and a further 23.2% attend once a month.
Such statistics, while identifying Ireland as one of the most religious countries in
Europe, do not reveal the full complexity or nature of contemporary attitudes to
religion and religiosity in Ireland. There is increasing evidence, for example, that
religious observance among the young in urban areas is in sharp decline. A longer
historical perspective also reveals that religious practice has steadily declined. A
national survey in 1973-74 revealed that 91% of Catholics went to Mass once a week;
by 1995 (as noted above) this had dropped to 65.2%, a fall of 25% in 25 years, and
this decline is continuing. There has been an even greater decline in attendance at
Confession: 47% in 1973-74 professed to attend once a month, whereas 20 years later
this had fallen to 14%. This decline in institutional religion has prompted some
commentators to speak of the phenomenon of ‘believing without belonging,’ as an
increasingly appropriate description of Irish religiosity. Research also reveals that
attitudes to personal morality have shifted markedly over the last few decades,
particularly in relation to sexual morality. Official Catholic disapproval of pre-marital
sex, the use of artificial contraceptives, civil divorce, and homosexual practice is
widely rejected by otherwise ‘loyal’ Catholics. Many do not view such activities as
necessarily wrong, as the official Church teaches. In 1996 an opinion poll found that
faced with serious moral challenges, 78% of Catholics stated they would follow their
own consciences rather than that the teachings of the Church (Inglis, 1998, p. 211). It
needs to be acknowledged that the Catholic Church teaches that Catholics must
always follow their informed personal consciences even if their conscience is
mistaken. On the other hand, while the Church respects personal moral decision and
the conclusions of an informed conscience which may be erroneous, it also teaches
that Catholics must instruct their conscience by taking cognisance of official Church
teaching. This suggests that commitment to Catholicism in Ireland is as much about
professing a shared identity and history as it is about endorsing the characteristic
beliefs and doctrines of Catholicism. Adherence to Catholicism remains a badge of
social and national identity, even if the religious commitment that Catholicism once
expressed and represented on public occasions is now more symbolic and ‘romantic’,
in the sense of conjuring up a picture of Ireland as uniformly and conscientiously
Catholic, long after ‘the acids of modernity’ and individualism have eroded traditional
beliefs and commitments (see Hervieu-Léger, 2001). In truth, the Catholic Church no
longer provides ‘a sacred canopy’ for economic, social, and political life. More
pertinently for our purposes, the Catholic Church’s traditional control over education
and schooling is increasingly being challenged on the grounds that it is incompatible
with commitment to social inclusion and the principle of equality, the view being that
no ‘private’ group or institution should enjoy privilege in the ‘public’ realm. Some
social commentators regard the use of this distinction, while consigning religion to the
realm of private practice, as a clear indication of the advance of the process of
secularisation in a society (for discussion see Fox, 2005).
3
The role of religion in schools
The system of education inherited by the first Irish government in 1922 was a
voluntary system of privately owned, privately staffed, state-aided, and statesupervised schools. Although in the nineteenth century the British government had
attempted to set up a national system of integrated schools for both Protestant and
Roman Catholic pupils, the attempt was obstructed and undermined by the churches.
By the twentieth century a religiously differentiated system of schools had evolved,
with the churches in control of their own denominational schools. This system of
education was continued by the new state.
The 1937 Irish Constitution, while short of complete control, ensures significant
Church influence over education. Article 42 places the primary and natural duty for
education on the family; in fulfilment of this duty the state is obliged to provide an
opportunity for free primary education, and to require that each child receives a
certain minimum education, consonant with the religious and moral convictions of the
parents. Article 44 declares that the “State guarantees not to endow any religion”, but
draws from this the conclusion that “State aid shall not discriminate between schools
under the management of different religious denominations”. The same Article
provides a right of withdrawal from attending ‘religious instruction’. This right was
chiefly intended to be exercised by those Protestant parents, who by virtue of
geographical location, in that no Protestant denominational school existed in their
area, had no option but to send their children to Roman Catholic schools. The right of
withdrawal can be exercised on other grounds. In general the State does not ‘provide’
education at either primary or secondary level, but ‘provides for’ such education
through funding private initiatives. Essentially, schooling in Ireland remains private,
though state-regulated and funded.
The Catholic Church in Ireland has ownership of the vast majority of schools in
Ireland: over 3,000 primary schools and over 4,000 voluntary secondary schools
(post-primary). Post-primary schools consist of three sectors: voluntary secondary
schools (largely under the trusteeship of Religious Congregations), vocational schools
(managed by Vocational Education Communities at county level), and community
and comprehensive schools (managed on behalf of the State by Boards of
Management which include Religious Orders and / or bishops).
Religious education is offered in all schools, with the exception of a small but
growing number of Educate Together national (primary) schools which offer a
common Ethical Education programme entitled Learn Together, and permit parents to
organise denominational religious education outside of regular timetabled lessons.
Confessional religious education
At primary level, one half hour per day is normally devoted to religion. The class
teacher who in the primary school sector must have an appropriate qualification to
teach RE usually provides such instruction, and in denominational schools this
qualification is usually required as a condition of appointment to a permanent
teaching position. At secondary level, pupils receive two hours of instruction per
week, either from a specialist teacher of ‘religion’, or from a teacher whose specialism
lies elsewhere. The aim of religious education is to nurture pupils in their faith.
4
The curriculum in religious education is solely within the control of the relevant
denominational authorities. The Primary School Curriculum Handbook (1971) states
that “the prescribing of the subject matter of Religious Instruction ... and the
supervision of its teaching are outside the competence of the Department of
Education”. The 1999 revised primary curriculum no longer uses the language of
‘religious instruction’ and opts instead for the term ‘religious education’ (Primary
School Curriculum, Introduction, p. 58) to describe one of the seven curricular areas
in the Irish primary school. It also emphasises the rights of the individual to religious
expression and religious freedom. The 1999 curriculum manifests its respect for
diversity and tolerance by stating that the school should be “flexible in making
alternative organisational arrangements for those who do not wish to avail of the
particular religious education it offers” (Primary School Curriculum, Introduction, p.
589). At primary level, most schools follow the Alive-O programme which is the
approved national programme for Catholic primary religious education in Ireland. In
2001, the Church of Ireland Board of Education, together with the Methodist and
Presbyterian Boards of Education, developed a programme of confessional religious
education suitable for their schools, entitled Follow Me, which is based on the Alive-O
series and resulted from an ecumenical collaboration with the Catholic Church. The
Jewish and the Muslim schools have developed their own programmes of confessional
religious education.
Until recently, religious education in the secondary school was not subject to
assessment through formal state examinations. The Churches traditionally viewed the
task of religious education as principally that of providing religious nurture and not
that of acquiring (disinterested) religious knowledge and understanding, the aim of
nurturing faith being interpreted by some as excluding formal assessments. This has
changed with the introduction in 2000 of a state Junior Certificate Syllabus and a state
Senior Certificate Syllabus in 2003. A range of standard textbooks to meet the
requirements of the new state syllabuses has been produced. The Irish Catholic
Bishop’s Conference has also published a set of Guidelines for the Faith Formation
and Development of Catholic Students (1998) which links school-based catechesis
and faith-formation activities to the general framework provided by the new courses.
This suggests that there is a perception by some in the Church that the shift to
common syllabuses and public examinations may undermine the confessional nature
of religious education, and that it is therefore appropriate to indicate the ways in
which the new syllabuses can be used to develop both religious understanding and
religious commitment.
Many schools, teachers, and commentators have embraced such changes as a major
opportunity for religious education in Ireland, and an example of how the academic,
pastoral, and faith formation profile of religious education can be increased in Irish
schools. For example, the Junior and Leaving Certificate state syllabuses in religious
education were broadly welcomed by the Catechetical Commission of the Irish
Episcopal Conference as well as “the teacher unions, the diocesan advisers for
religious education, the religion teachers associations and the voluntary schools
national management bodies” (Deenihan, 2002, p. 75).
Educational goals and methods in practice
As a consequence of the involvement of religious bodies in the majority of Irish
schools at primary and post-primary level, the confessional approach to teaching
5
religion is the approach which, at a formal and official level, is most commonly
adopted by schools. For instance, the Catholic Church has a long established tradition
of involvement in Irish education, and it currently manages over 90% of primary
schools. However, the confessional or ‘teaching religion’ approach which aims to
nurture faith is sometimes at odds with the complex reality of post-modern Irish
society where religious belief and practice are in decline and where religious and
cultural diversity are increasingly prevalent. While 98% of Irish primary schools are
denominational (Catholic, Church of Ireland, Jewish, Methodist, Muslim,
Presbyterian, etc.), recent research shows that many primary teachers show a
preference for a non-confessional, or a ‘teaching about religion’, approach. A recent
Irish National Teachers Organisation survey revealed that 38.6% of teachers felt that
primary education should not continue to be overwhelmingly denominational and
86.1% of them supported teaching children about other religions (Irish National
Teachers Organisation, 2003, p. 48). Teachers also exhibit concern at being required
to play an active role in the faith formation of children without adequate
acknowledgement or support from the children’s parents, guardians, and the relevant
religious authorities. There appears to be a dissonance between the formal largely
confessional context in which the teaching of religion takes place in the majority of
Irish schools and the support of some teachers for non-confessional approaches to
religious education.
Another crucial issue arises because the Irish school system recognises the parent’s or
guardian’s right to withdraw a child from religious education, but the primary teacher
does not have an automatic right to withdraw from teaching religion if he or she is
employed in a denominational primary school. Furthermore, secular groups and
groups representing parental and student opinion suggest that the
denominationalisation of education in Ireland mitigates against freedom of choice.
Indeed it has been argued that a denominational school system unjustly excludes those
of no religious affiliation or of a religious affiliation different to that of the school.
Increasingly, commentators question the adequacy of Ireland’s denominational
schools to cater for a culturally and religiously diverse population. In many instances
the formal educational Irish context is denominational and has fixed confessional
educational goals for the teaching of religion, whereas in practice not all teachers are
committed to confessional goals.
The research survey set out to establish which specific methods were used in teaching
religion, as well as the methods which teachers of religion deemed most effective in
the Irish context. In Ireland, traditional teaching methods, which were heavily reliant
on text based learning and whole class teaching, often to large groups, were prevalent
from the early- to mid-twentieth century. In the mid- to late-twentieth century,
however, constructivist ideology and pedagogy became increasingly prevalent in Irish
education. The revised curriculum, based on the principles of constructivist teaching
and learning, was introduced into Irish primary schools in 1999. Class size plays a
significant role in Irish schools, with Irish primary schools having the second highest
class size in Europe. In both primary and post-primary sectors the average teacher
pupil ratio is 1:27. In 2007 a quarter of all primary school pupils were in classes of
more than 30 pupils. Understandably, there are teaching and resource implications for
such large class sizes.
6
Research questions
The aim of the present study was to examine the beliefs and educational
methodologies of teachers in the institutional context of faith/denominational schools
in Ireland. It can be argued that the current position of teaching religious education in
Ireland involves a mismatch between confessional schools and their aims and an
increasingly diverse and secular population. Whereas the situation is characterised by
religious plurality and an increasing number of individualised beliefs, most religious
education follows a denominational paradigm strictly related to religious institutions.
First of all, this mismatch challenges the teachers of religious education who have to
confront religiously individualised students with the convictions and practices of a
concrete religious tradition. They have to decide whether, and to what extent, they
want to follow a concept of ‘teaching religion’ or ‘teaching about religion’ or
‘teaching from religion’. It is the teachers who have to look for methods which
mediate between the needs of the students and the expectations of the churches or
religious communities. In this regard it is important to know how teachers of
religious education deal with this divergence. Therefore, the first two research
questions are: 1) What are the educational goals of teachers of religion?; and 2)
Which methods do teachers of religious education use in their lessons? How do they
estimate the importance of these methods?
The third and fourth research questions are designed to assess the resources that
teachers use to cope with the mismatch outlined above. Those resources are
considered to be an effective mediator in the process of coping. If this is the case,
then it is expected that there would be an association between the educational goals of
the teachers and their individual resources. The present focus is on four dimensions
of individual resources. First, religious orientation: this proposes that the
characteristics of a traditional religiousness show a positive association with the
concept of ‘teaching religion’, whereas characteristics of an individualised
religiousness show positive associations with ‘teaching from religion’ and ‘teaching
about religion’. Second, value orientation: this proposes that traditional values like
nationalism or partnership will be positively associated with ‘teaching religion’, and
individualistic values like autonomy or Hedonism will be positively associated with
‘teaching from religion’. Third, political orientation: this proposes that teachers with
a right wing attitude, which in Ireland is associated with trust in institutions, will
favour ‘teaching religion’, and teachers with a left wing attitude will favour ‘teaching
from religion’, because in Ireland “left” thinking is critical towards institutions.
Fourth, institutional orientation: this proposes a positive association between a critical
attitude towards school as an institution and the concept ‘teaching from religion’. The
other concepts should be independent from the institutional orientation. ‘Teaching
religion’ represents the mainstream and ‘teaching about religion’ stresses the
cognitive dimension, which is an implicit goal of the selective Ireland school system.
Therefore, the third and fourth research questions are: 3) Which religious orientation,
which value orientation, which political orientation, and which institutional
orientation do teachers of religious education espouse?; and 4) Are there any
correlations between the educational goals of the teachers and their religious
orientations, their value orientation, their political orientation, and their institutional
orientation?
8.2 Data collection and description of the sample
Procedure
7
In order to obtain a large and representative sample of Religious Educators working in
Ireland in either pre- or post-primary schools, two complementary approaches to data
collection were undertaken.
Representative sampling: With respect to the post-primary schools, the Irish data were
collected in the academic year 2006-2007 (January-March) via a postal survey mailed
to the ‘Head of Religious Education’ of every post-primary school in Ireland. A
database containing details of all post-primary schools in Ireland was accessed via the
Republic of Ireland’s Department of Education and Science website
(http://www.education.ie/servlet/blobservlet/ppschools_epl.xls). This provided postal
addresses for 733 post-primary schools (394 secondary schools, 248 vocational
schools, 91 community and comprehensive schools).
Letters of introduction describing the project, as well as assuring anonymity to the
respondents, and confidentiality of the data storage, were distributed to these schools,
along with two copies of the questionnaire and a return envelope (no stamps were
provided). Instructions were also provided that additional copies could be made of
the questionnaire as required. No questionnaires were returned unopened from the
post-primary schools, so it was assumed all successfully reached their targeted school.
As the survey was anonymous, no attempt was undertaken to track questionnaires.
Between four and six weeks after the original postal survey, a follow-up email was
sent to all schools. However, it is unclear how many arrived with the schools. The
response rate was 45.8% (336/733).
Purposive sampling: the questionnaire was administered to three readily identifiable
groups of RE practitioners in the Republic of Ireland. These groups were specifically
targeted at events where they met for in-service, induction, or conference purposes.
These three groups consisted of a group of generalist primary school teachers, a group
of post-primary school chaplains and a group of newly qualified primary school
teachers. An identical procedure was followed in the case of each target group.
Before the survey was administered the respondents were given a brief description of
the purpose, format, confidential, and voluntary nature of the survey. The survey
form was distributed to all members of the target group and they were invited to
complete the form. A collection point and time was identified to facilitate the return
of completed surveys.
First, concerning the personal background of the 353 teachers that comprised the Irish
sample (see Table 8.1), 81.0% were female, and 19.0% were male, and 60% of them
were younger than 32 years. In total, 27.5% of respondents hold a master’s degree or
higher.
Tab. 8.1: Personal background
sex
N
%
female
294
81
age
male
69
19
< 32
210
59.5
≥ 32
143
40.5
education
< MA
≥ MA
261
99
72.5
27.5
Second, regarding the religious background of the respondents (see Table 8.2), 81.0%
were Roman Catholic. The overwhelming majority of the sample regarded
8
themselves as religious (80.6%). Almost the entire sample was comprised of lay
persons (95.4%), and only 15 (4.6%) were ordained.
Tab. 8.2: Religious background
N
%
affiliation
RC
P
313
31
89.9
8.9
self perception as religious
no
uncertain
yes
11
58
287
3.1
16.3
80.6
status
lay
ordained
309
15
95.4
4.6
Legend: RC = Roman Catholic; P = Protestant
Third, considering the institutional background of the respondents (see Table 8.3), the
overwhelming majority of the sample were employed in public schools (91.9%),
while the minority were employed in private schools (7.2%) or in parish work (.9%).
The sample was evenly divided in terms of those who were teaching less than five
years (49.6%) and those teaching more than five years (50.4%). The sample was
approximately equally distributed in terms of the age groups with which they work:
30.8% of respondents teach in primary schools and work with children who are
between five and 11 years; 40.9% of respondents predominantly teach teenagers
between 11 and 16 years in secondary schools; and 28.2% of the respondents mainly
teach students older than 16 years in secondary schools.
Tab. 8.3: Institutional background
N
%
place of teaching
par
pub
priv
3
307
24
.9
91.9
7.2
years on job
<5
≥5
179
182
49.6
50.5
age of pupils
< 11
11-16
> 16
95
126
87
30.8
40.9
28.2
Legend: par = parish/religious community; pub = public school; priv = private school
The empirical findings concerning the composition of the sample (Tables 8.1, 8.2,
8.3) provide evidence of the diversity of the respondents in terms of demographics. In
total, 353 teachers completed the questionnaire; however, not all respondents
completed every question. Hence in the data reported in this chapter there are
occasions when the total sample falls short of this figure.
8.3 Empirical findings
Educational goals
In response to the question “Please give your opinion about your ideal idea of
Religious Education”, respondents were provided with 22 statements to which they
could respond using the following options: disagree strongly, disagree, not certain,
agree, and agree strongly. Results shown in Table 8.4 indicated that teachers of
religious education in Ireland predominantly endorsed ‘RE about religion’, with
52.7% agreeing and 42.2% agreeing strongly that teaching about other traditions and
faiths is an important part of religious education. Approximately 5% disagreed
strongly, disagreed, or were uncertain about this type of religious education teaching.
‘RE from religion’ was the second most endorsed educational goal, with 52.7%
agreeing and 24.1% agreeing strongly that it is preferable to allow students to form
their own identities on the basis of religious values. Approximately 18% were
9
uncertain about this type of teaching, whilst 5% disagreed with it. ‘RE in religion’
was the third most endorsed educational goal, with 48% agreeing and 23.3% agreeing
strongly that it is preferable for religious educators to help students to grow up
according to their own religious tradition. Approximately 22% were uncertain about
this type of teaching, whilst 5.3% disagreed, and 1.7% disagreed strongly with this
method of teaching.
These findings are somewhat surprising given that most RE teaching in the Republic
of Ireland takes place in a denominational, confessional, and faith nurturing context.
However, if placed in the context of recent demographic changes in Ireland, these
findings make more sense. Ireland has experienced net immigration in recent years,
and the 2006 census revealed that over 10% of the usually resident population in
Ireland consisted of non-Irish nationals. Irish RE teachers are faced with the
challenge of catering for the educational and religious needs of an increasingly
diverse student population. It is not surprising that many perceive an exclusive
reliance on traditional confessional methods as inadequate for the task of educating in
a religiously and culturally plural context, and that teachers predominantly view more
inclusive methods, such as giving information about different religions and churches,
as the most appropriate educational goal.
Tab 8.4: Educational goals (in percent)
RE in religion
RE from religion
RE about religion
ds
1.7
.3
d
5.3
5.0
1.7
uc
21.6
18.2
3.1
a
48.0
52.7
52.7
as
23.3
24.1
42.2
Legend: N = 353. ds = disagree strongly, d = disagree, uc = uncertain, a = agree, as
= agree strongly; “RE in religion” = Ideal RE helps students to grow up according
to their own religious tradition. “RE from religion” = Ideal RE supports students to
shape their own identity on the basis of religious values. “RE about religion” =
Ideal RE gives information about different religions and churches.
Results shown in Table 8.5 indicated a weak positive association between ‘RE in
religion’ and ‘RE about religion’ (r = .14), and a positive association between ‘RE
from religion’ and ‘RE about religion’ (r = .29). There was no significant association
between ‘RE in religion’ and ‘RE from religion’. This finding suggests that these
approaches are somewhat independent of each other.
Tab 8.5: Correlations of educational goals
RE in religion
Re from religion
RE from religion
-
RE about religion
.14*
.29***
Legend: ***: p < .001; *: p < .05
Results shown in Table 8.6 indicated that educational degree was the only variable to
have a significant effect on the educational goal of ‘RE from religion’, with those
teachers with a master’s degree favouring this teaching perspective more than did
those without a master’s degree. Educational degree did not have a significant effect
10
on either ‘RE in religion’ or ‘RE about religion’. Additionally, the variables of ‘sex’,
‘age’, ‘years of teaching’, and ‘age of pupils’, did not have significant effects on any
of the educational goals.
Tab. 8.6: Educational goals by educational degree
< MA
≥ MA
Cramer’s V = .17*
ds
-
d
5.4
4.2
RE from religion
uc
a
21.8
51.4
8.3
56.3
as
21.4
31.3
100.0
100.0
Legend: N = 353. ds = disagree strongly, d = disagree, uc = uncertain, a = agree, as = agree
strongly. * = p < .05. There are no significant differences in “RE in religion” and “RE about
religion”.
Use of methods and their importance
In response to the question “What about the methods you use in your teaching? Please
consider the following options and indicate the frequency with which you use each
method”, respondents were provided with 17 statements to which they could respond
using the following options: never, seldom, sometimes, frequently, very often.
Results shown in Table 8.7 indicated that between 43% and 71% of teachers reported
that they ‘often’ use methods of teaching such as reading textbooks, telling religious
stories, drawing/painting pictures, listening to music, praying, and discussing
religious/societal questions. Between 40% and 52% of teachers reported that they
‘sometimes’ use methods of teaching such as doing roleplays, telling fairytales or
stories, working on religious issues in small groups, completing papers that are
prepared by the teacher, and watching videos/DVDs. Between 42% and 70% of
teachers reported that they ‘rarely’ use methods of teaching such as interpreting
pictures/paintings, visiting places of relevance, working with plasticine, working with
the internet in class, and singing songs. In response to the question “Would you say
this method is important for teaching religion”, respondents were provided with the
same 17 statements to which they could respond using the following options: no, not
certain, yes. Results indicated that between 46% and 93% of teachers considered all
of the methods of teaching mentioned above as important.
The fact that a high percentage of teachers rarely use the internet (57%), work with
plasticine (70%), work with pictures (42%), and visit relevant places (53%) is an
unexpected finding given the importance placed on interdisciplinary approaches to
teaching RE which rely heavily on the creative arts. For example the Follow Me and
Alive O programmes used in over 90% of Irish primary schools rely heavily on drama,
art, and music as vehicles for the religious education of students. The low rate of
internet usage in class may be explicable in terms of teachers’ deficit in computer
skills. While most Irish schools have access to the internet, a 2006 OECD report Are
students ready for a technology-rich world? indicates that only 25% of Irish students
state that they regularly use computers at school. Ireland has a very low percentage of
frequent computer users relative to other OECD countries and this may place the high
percentage of teachers who state that they rarely use the internet in class while
teaching religion in a larger context. Additionally, perhaps class size can throw some
light on the fact that between 42% and 70% of teachers reported that they ‘rarely’ use
11
methods of teaching such as interpreting pictures/paintings, visiting places of
relevance, working with plasticine and working with the internet in class. In large
class settings, hands on and discovery approaches may not be seen as viable
alternatives to reading texts from textbooks or discussing religious or societal
questions.
Tab. 8.7: Methods (in percent)
Reading texts from textbooks
Telling stories out of the religious
traditions
Doing roleplays
Telling fairytales or stories
Explaining religious issues in front of the
students
Drawing and painting pictures
Work on religious issues in small groups
Interpreting pictures or paintings
Visiting places of relevance out of the
school yard
Completing papers that are prepared by
the teacher
See films on video or DVD
Hearing music
Work with clay, plasticine or similar
materials
Work with internet during the lessons
Praying/meditating
Discussing religious or societal questions
Singing songs
use
rarely some. often
7.4
29.1 63.5
8.1
29.8 62.1
importance
no
yes
9.9 79.0
1.4 92.5
32.9
37.5
8.3
40.1
37.7
28.5
27.1
24.8
63.3
7.5
20.9
1.7
68.1
45.7
87.3
24.7
30.0
41.6
52.8
32.7
41.3
39.7
38.9
42.7
28.7
18.7
8.3
9.9
2.5
8.9
.6
61.6
82.8
59.4
87.3
28.3
39.2
32.5
13.5
61.0
13.2
20.0
70.4
51.8
34.7
16.9
35.0
45.3
12.7
2.8
5.0
25.1
85.6
79.4
37.0
56.8
17.4
8.8
46.4
30.7
30.0
20.1
18.5
12.5
52.6
71.1
35.1
9.7
5.5
1.1
20.7
64.4
88.6
93.4
55.9
Legend: N = 353. some. = sometimes. “Importance” also contains a category “uncertain”, that is
not noted here.
Results shown in Table 8.8 indicated that RE teachers differ significantly in their use
of methods as a function of their sex. For example, female teachers tended to endorse
methods of teaching such as doing roleplays, drawing/painting pictures, listening to
music, working with the internet during class, praying, and singing songs more so
than did male teachers.
Tab. 8.8: Use of methods by sex
Reading texts from textbooks
Telling stories out of the religious
female
male
-
-
Cramer’s
V
-
12
traditions
Doing roleplays
Telling fairytales or stories
Explaining religious issues in front of the
students
Drawing and painting pictures
Work on religious issues in small groups
Interpreting pictures or paintings
Visiting places of relevance out of the
school yard
Completing papers that are prepared by
the teacher
See films on video or dvd
Hearing music
Work with clay, plasticine or similar
materials
Work with internet during the lessons
Praying/meditating
Discussing religious or societal questions
Singing songs
30.1
-
13.0
-
.17**
-
47.4
-
21.7
-
.26***
-
-
-
-
50.3
15.1
23.2
2.9
.24***
.21***
56.7
41.4
34.8
7.2
.23***
.28***
Legend: N = 353. ***: p < .001; **: p < .01. The numbers represent the category “often” in
percent.
Results shown in Table 8.9 indicated that RE teachers differ significantly in their use
of methods as a function of their age. For example, those aged less than 32 years
were more inclined to endorse methods such as telling religious stories/fairytales,
doing roleplays, drawing/painting pictures, visiting places of religious significance,
listening to music, working with plasticine, praying, and singing songs, whilst those
aged 32 years or older were more inclined to endorse methods such as explaining
religious issues to students, working on religious issues with small groups of students,
and discussing religious/societal questions.
One interpretation of this data is that more newly qualified teachers have been given
pre-service input on the use of the creative arts in RE that may not have been given to
those who have been in the profession for a longer period of time. Another important
factor which needs to be taken into consideration is the primary or post-primary level
at which teachers teach. Primary school teachers are generalist teachers and rely on
programmes which make frequent use of story, drama, art, and ICT. In the postprimary sector teachers of RE tend to have some specialist qualification in RE and, by
virtue of the age of the students they teach, tend to engage in more detailed discussion
of religious and societal questions.
Tab. 8.9: Use of methods by age of teachers
Reading texts from textbooks
< 32
≥ 32
-
-
Cramer’s
V
-
13
Telling stories out of the religious
traditions
Doing roleplays
Telling fairytales or stories
Explaining religious issues in front of the
students
Drawing and painting pictures
Work on religious issues in small groups
Interpreting pictures or paintings
Visiting places of relevance out of the
school yard
Completing papers that are prepared by the
teacher
See films on video or dvd
Hearing music
Work with clay, plasticine or similar
materials
Work with internet during the lessons
Praying/meditating
Discussing religious or societal questions
Singing songs
69.7
51.8
.14**
40.2
32.1
52.2
9.9
15.5
78.7
.26***
.18***
.22***
60.4
27.3
10.1
19.0
130.3
5.7
.30***
.15**
.15**
-
-
-
62.2
19.6
20.9
3.5
.29***
.27***
66.0
60.8
55.0
34.5
185.9
6.3
.23***
.22***
.37***
Legend: N = 353. ***: p < .001; **: p < .01. The numbers represent the category “often” in
percent.
Results shown in Table 8.10 indicated that RE teachers differ significantly in their use
of methods as a function of their educational degree. For example, those without a
master’s degree tended to endorse methods such as doing roleplays, drawing/painting
pictures, listening to music, working with plasticine, praying, and singing songs,
whilst those with a master’s degree or higher endorsed methods such as explaining
religious issues to students and discussing religious/societal questions.
These findings would suggest that those RE teachers with a higher degree are more
confident about entering into discussion about religion with students, whilst those
without a master’s degree prefer less discussion centred methods. In addition, this
finding may reflect the primary or post-primary context they teach in and the
appropriateness of certain methods (fairytales or stories/ working with clay, plasticine
or similar materials/completing papers that are prepared by the teacher) for certain age
groups. The older the students that the teacher is teaching the more room there is for
detailed and analytical discussion of religious issues.
Tab. 8.10: Use of methods by educational degree
Reading texts from textbooks
Telling stories out of the religious
traditions
< MA
≥ MA
-
-
Cramer’s
V
-
14
Doing roleplays
Telling fairytales or stories
Explaining religious issues in front of the
students
Drawing and painting pictures
Work on religious issues in small groups
Interpreting pictures or paintings
Visiting places of relevance out of the
school yard
Completing papers that are prepared by the
teacher
See films on video or dvd
Hearing music
Work with clay, plasticine or similar
materials
Work with internet during the lessons
Praying/meditating
Discussing religious or societal questions
Singing songs
32.7
56.4
10.2
80.8
.27***
.23***
49.8
-
23.5
-
.24***
-
-
-
-
53.3
16.2
23.7
4.0
.27***
.19***
56.5
65.8
46.2
40.4
85.9
5.1
.15*
.20***
.39***
Legend: N = 353. ***: p ≤ .001; *: p < .05. The numbers represent the category “often” in
percent.
Results shown in Table 8.11 indicated that RE teachers differ significantly in their use
of methods as a function of their number of years teaching. For example, those with
less than five years experience endorsed techniques such as doing roleplays, telling
stories, drawing/painting, listening to music, working with plasticine, praying, and
singing songs, whilst those with five years and more of experience endorsed
techniques such as explaining religious issues to students, working on religious issues
with small groups of students, completing papers prepared by the teachers, and
discussing religious/societal questions.
This finding suggests that those RE teachers with more experience are more confident
in discussing the deeper issues with students, whilst those with less experience tend to
rely on more active methods of teaching RE.
Tab. 8.11: Use of methods by years of teaching
Reading texts from textbooks
Telling stories out of the religious
traditions
Doing roleplays
Telling fairytales or stories
Explaining religious issues in front of the
students
<5
≥5
-
-
Cramer’s
V
-
42.1
34.3
43.6
11.7
15.6
132.6
.28***
.17***
.29***
15
Drawing and painting pictures
Work on religious issues in small groups
Interpreting pictures or paintings
Visiting places of relevance out of the
school yard
Completing papers that are prepared by the
teacher
See films on video or dvd
Hearing music
Work with clay, plasticine or similar
materials
Work with internet during the lessons
Praying/meditating
Discussing religious or societal questions
Singing songs
65.5
24.2
8.5
20.1
82.8
8.4
.33***
.16**
.13*
26.4
39.0
.14*
68.9
23.0
21.3
2.8
.35***
.28***
69.7
54.5
62.7
36.1
187.2
7.2
.25***
.27***
.43***
Legend: N = 353. ***: p < .001; **: p < .01; *: p < .05. The numbers represent the category
“often” in percent.
Table 8.12 shows that there were significant differences between the majority of
different teaching methods employed by the teachers for the three age groups of
pupils. For example, for those respondents who teach students under the age of 11,
doing roleplays, telling stories, drawing/painting pictures, listening to music, working
with plasticine, praying, and singing songs were the methods most commonly used.
For those respondents teaching the age group 11 to 16 years, explaining religious
issues and completing papers prepared by the teacher were the methods most
commonly used, though discussing religious/societal questions was a method also
endorsed with this age group. For those respondents teaching students over the age of
16, explaining religious issues, working on religious issues in small groups, watching
videos/DVDs, and discussing religious/societal issues were the methods most
commonly endorsed.
These findings would suggest that RE teachers in Ireland try to match learning
activities to suit the age group they are working with, with more in-depth coverage of
RE only being used when students have the cognitive capacity to appreciate this and
to get actively involved in the discussions.
Tab. 8.12: Use of methods by age of pupils
Reading texts from textbooks
Telling stories out of the religious
traditions
Doing roleplays
Telling fairytales or stories
Explaining religious issues in front of the
students
< 11
11-16
> 16
-
-
-
Cramer’s
V
-
53.7
42.1
30.9
14.5
16.0
80.0
14.9
18.4
79.3
.32***
.19***
.35***
16
Drawing and painting pictures
Work on religious issues in small groups
Interpreting pictures or paintings
Visiting places of relevance out of the
school yard
Completing papers that are prepared by
the teacher
See films on video or DVD
Hearing music
Work with clay, plasticine or similar
materials
Work with internet during the lessons
Praying/meditating
Discussing religious or societal questions
Singing songs
76.3
15.8
-
27.2
32.8
-
21.8
36.8
-
.35***
.17**
-
19.1
46.4
36.5
.20***
27.7
86.2
31.9
37.3
25.0
3.2
40.2
24.4
2.3
.15*
.41***
.41***
87.2
47.9
90.4
33.3
81.7
16.0
33.3
85.1
2.3
.36***
.31***
.56***
Legend: N = 353. ***: p < .001; **: p < .01; *: p < .05. The numbers represent the category
“often” in percent.
Personal resources
In response to a series of four questions that assessed the influences of modern society
and different cultures and religious currents, the way in which people approach faith
and religion, and the relationships between religions, respondents were provided with
a number of statements to which they could respond using the following options:
disagree strongly, disagree, not certain/neither agree nor disagree, agree, agree
strongly. Results shown in Table 8.13 indicated that between 53% and 85% of
respondents ‘disagreed’ that religion does not fit into modernity at either the
individual or societal level, and also ‘disagreed’ with the concepts of monoreligious,
orthodoxy, and external critique. Approximately 40% of respondents endorsed the
concepts of interreligious, multireligious, and relativism, around 58% of respondents
endorsed the concept of second naiveté, and over 80% endorsed the concept that
plurality is enriching. This finding provides support for the view that Irish RE
teachers embrace plurality.
Around two-thirds of respondents acknowledged worshipping and praying ‘often’,
whilst the same amount ‘seldom’ engaged in mystical experience. When it comes to
describing their own religious practice, RE teachers are more comfortable with the
traditional umbrella term ‘praying’ and with visits to designated places of worship
than with meditation and other forms of mystical exercise. It is only in recent decades
that some forms of meditation have come into mainstream Christian practice, so in
one sense it is not unexpected that respondents from a traditional Christian
background might not be familiar with meditation and other mystical exercises. In a
Christian context perhaps the interpretation of the term mystical exercise or
experience suggests a high degree of individual sanctity and skill that is identified
with mystics and saints, and if so, respondents would be less likely to opt for this
category.
Tab 8.13: Religious orientation (in percent)
17
Religion does not fit into modernity (ind.
level)
Religion does not fit into modernity (soc.
level)
Plurality is enriching
Monoreligious
Interreligious
Multireligious
Orthodoxy
External Critique
Relativism
Second Naiveté
Worshipping
Praying
Spiritual exercise
disagree
84.6
uncertain
11.2
agree
4.2
81.3
10.3
8.4
5.9
70.3
27.4
34.2
52.6
69.7
28.9
22.0
14.0
18.9
33.3
26.0
30.7
23.3
32.5
19.7
80.2
10.7
39.3
39.8
16.8
7.0
38.7
58.3
seldom
24.2
29.1
70.9
often
75.8
70.9
29.1
Legend: N = 353. seldom = never + scarcely + sometimes; often = once a week +
daily
In response to the question “As a teacher of religion you are an example to your
students. Which of the following values do you consider to be important to achieve in
your own life?”, respondents were given the following options: not important at all,
not important, partly important, important, very important. Results shown in Table
8.14 indicated that the vast majority (between 80% and 97%) of respondents endorsed
all of the value orientation variables, with only ‘professional career’ being less
strongly endorsed: nearly 60% of respondents considered this concept to be ‘not
important’.
This finding suggests that those involved in the teaching of RE do not view
professional ambition as an important value which they should embody for their
students. Only 16.6% of the respondents cited professional career as an important
value, and this reinforces the traditional notion of teaching as a vocation, as a service
to community as opposed to a career pathway in one of the professions.
Tab 8.14: Value orientation (in percent)
Partnership
Professional career
Autonomy
Hedonism
Nationalism
Self discipline
Solidarity
not important
6.0
57.5
2.2
8.2
22.8
.3
-
uncertain
14.0
25.9
11.5
25.9
27.9
5.6
2.8
important
79.9
16.6
86.2
65.9
49.3
94.1
97.2
18
Spirituality
3.9
13.2
82.9
Legend: N = 353.
Results shown in Table 8.15 indicated that nearly 80% of respondents endorsed a
middle perspective with respect to political preference, thus indicating that few
respondents have either an extreme left or right political perspective. Additionally,
approximately two-thirds of respondents were ‘ambivalent’ with respect to their
attitudes towards Europe, with the remaining third being positive. Only 1.8%
endorsed negative attitudes towards Europe.
Tab 8.15: political orientation (in percent)
Political preference
Attitude towards
Europe
left
13.3
middle
79.3
right
7.4
negative
1.8
ambivalent
66.5
positive
31.7
Legend: N = 353.
Results shown in Table 8.16 indicated that with respect to their institutional
orientation, between half and two-thirds of respondents ‘seldom’ suffered pedagogical
stress or a feeling of being burnt out by their work, with over 60% reporting that they
‘often’ have energy for their family and friends. However, it should also be noted that
there still remains between 30% and 50% of teachers who do report ‘sometimes’ and
‘often’ experiencing feelings of stress and burn out, with around 40% reporting that
they only ‘sometimes’ or ‘seldom’ have energy for family and friends. Additionally,
whilst the majority of respondents were satisfied with the status of RE in their school
(73.8%), support that they receive from their head (86.1%), the technical equipment
that they had access to (59.6%), and with didactical materials (61.4%), there remains
between 14% and 40% of teachers who express dissatisfaction with institutional
support and resources.
The findings present a positive profile of religion teachers in Ireland who generally
feel supported by school management, energised by their professional contact with
students, positive about the status of RE and the allocation of resources to RE in their
schools. The survey contests the notion that the majority of RE teachers suffer from
negative professional self image, high levels of stress, subject fatigue, and physical
and emotional exhaustion, though it is evident that there is a smaller proportion of RE
teachers who present a somewhat less positive image.
Tab 8.16: Institutional orientation (in percent)
Pedagogical stress
Feeling of burnt out
Energy for family and friends
seldom
68.3
46.8
12.2
sometimes
27.5
34.9
27.8
often
4.2
18.3
60.1
19
Status of RE in school
Support by the head
Satisfaction with technical
equipment
Satisfaction with didactical
materials
no
26.2
13.9
40.4
yes
73.8
86.1
59.6
38.6
61.4
Legend: N = 353.
Correlations between educational goals and personal resources
Results in Table 8.17 show ten significant correlations between personal resources
and the educational goals. Three of the ten correlations refer to ‘teaching religion’,
three refer to ‘teaching from religion’, and four to ‘teaching about religion’. Of the
religious orientation variables, ‘religion does not fit into modernity (ind level)’ was
weakly negatively associated with both RE in and RE about religion; ‘monoreligious’
was also weakly negatively associated with RE in religion; and ‘mystical experience’
was weakly positively associated with RE from religion. Of the value orientation
variables, ‘professional career’ was weakly positively associated with RE about
religion; ‘nationalism’ was weakly negatively associated with RE from religion;
‘solidarity’ was weakly positively associated with RE about religion; and ‘spirituality’
was weakly positively associated with RE in religion. Of the institutional resources,
‘pedagogical stress’ was weakly positively associated with RE about religion; and
‘satisfaction with didactical materials’ was weakly positively associated with RE from
religion. There were no significant associations between the political orientation
variables and educational goals.
Tab 8.17: Correlations between educational goals and the religious
orientation, the value orientation, the political orientation and the
institutional orientation
Religion does not fit into modernity (ind.
level)
Religion does not fit into modernity (soc.
level)
Plurality is enriching
Monoreligious
Interreligious
Multireligious
Orthodoxy
External Critique
Relativism
Second Naiveté
Worshipping
Praying
Mystical experience
RE in
RE from
-.13*
-
RE
about
-.11*
-
-
-
-.12*
-
.21***
-
20
Partnership
Professional career
Autonomy
Hedonism
Nationalism
Self discipline
Solidarity
Spirituality
Left political preference
Attitude towards Europe
Pedagogical stress
Feeling of burnt out
Energy for family and friends
Status of RE in school
Support by the head
Satisfaction with technical equipment
Satisfaction with didactical materials
.24***
-
-.12*
.11*
.11*
.12*
.13*
-
Legend: N = 353. ***: p < .001, *: p < .05
8.4 Discussion
As part of a cross-national study focused on religious education in the context of
religious plurality, a questionnaire booklet was administered to samples of religious
educators across Europe. The aim of the present study was to examine the perspective
of a sample of religious education teachers working in Ireland. From the present data
a number of points are worthy of discussion.
The most significant conclusion to emerge from the data concerns the relative support
offered by teachers to the three main aims of RE in religion, RE from religion, and RE
about religion. Here is a sample of teachers largely shaped by the Catholic tradition,
largely owning affiliation to the Catholic Church, and largely operating within an
education system owned and controlled by the Catholic Church. It is hardly
surprising that over 70% of the teachers endorse the faith-based perspective of RE in
religion. Of greater interest, however, is the recognition that endorsement of the aim
promoting RE in religion does not negate support for the other two areas of RE from
religion (supported by 77%) and RE about religion (supported by 95%). This finding
deserves reflection from two perspectives, sociological and theological.
Sociologically, the finding is consistent with the recognition that Irish society is
becoming increasingly secular and increasingly pluralistic. In this context it may be
progressively more difficult to sustain a monoreligious outlook. Presumably,
increasing secularisation, with the associated rise of religious indifference and
religious unbelief, and increasing exposure to the beliefs and values of both nonChristian religions and non-Catholic versions of Christianity have to some degree
eroded confidence in the exclusive truth of Catholicism and the confessional aim of
Catholic schools among teachers, in part because they see such influences reflected in
the attitudes and values of the pupils they teach. Equally, modern educational
commitment to autonomy, a value which is positively endorsed by the great majority
21
of teachers in the survey, also may be a contributory factor to rising concerns about
the appropriateness of Christian nurture and confessionalism in schools. The
denominational school structure in Ireland, and the fact that most are Church schools,
effectively means that in many areas of the country pupils have no choice but to
attend a Catholic school. Such a restriction does challenge official government and
educational commitment to inclusion and social justice.
However, the challenge posed by pluralism and secularisation should not be
exaggerated: four out of five teachers in the survey are committed to confessional
religious education, though what they mean by this contrasts with a traditional
interpretation of confessionalism that restricts study to one religion or to one
denomination alone. Teachers in Ireland committed to confessionalism are equally
committed to the idea that pupils should become acquainted both with a range of
different religions and to something of the denominational diversity within
Christianity. This stance represents a revision of earlier practice, and indicates the
way in which increasing awareness of the moral and religious diversity of Irish
society has contributed to shifts of interpretation and meaning within confessional
education.
Theologically, the finding is consistent with a broad stream within the teaching of the
Catholic Church that has embraced and valued encounter and dialogue with other
Christian traditions and with other faiths. In respect of the situation within Australia
the case has been recently well argued by Engebretson (2008) in a paper entitled ‘The
Catholic school called to dialogue’. In this paper Englebretson draws widely on the
documentation of the Second Vatican Council and on subsequent statements from the
Catholic Church. In respect of the situation in the United States of America the case
has been well argued by Durka (2008) in a paper entitled, ‘An US Roman Catholic
view of theology of religions’. Both Engebretson (2008) and Durka (2008) point to
the crucial contribution made by the Second Vatican Council in the declaration Nostra
Aetate also known as the Declaration on the relation of the Church to non-Christian
Religions.
Nostra Aetate was crucial in reflecting a shift from exclusiveness to a more inclusive
approach to the theology of religions. Nostra Aetate summarised briefly the basic
beliefs and practices of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam and made positive reference
to other religions ‘to be found everywhere’. The declaration recognised the ‘profound
religious sense’ within these traditions and affirmed that their teachings and practices
represent what is ‘true and holy’. Moreover, the declaration exhorted Catholics to
‘prudently and lovingly, through dialogue and collaboration with followers of other
religions, and in witness of Christian faith and life, to acknowledge, preserve, and
promote the spiritual and moral goods found among these people’.
This inclusivist approach promoted by the Second Vatican Council has not, however,
been the last word in the Catholic Church’s understanding of its relationship with
other religious traditions. The best known example of the return to a more exclusivist
stance is the declaration from the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2000,
Dominus Jesus, also known as the Declaration on the unicity and salvific universality
of Jesus Christ and the Church. Among other points, this declaration stressed that
22
revelation in Christ is complete and is not complemented by other religions; that
Christ is unique and has an absolute and universal significance; that members of other
religions are in a gravely deficient situation in comparison to those in the Church; and
that the Church must be committed to announcing the necessity of conversion to
Christ.
The fact that teachers of RE who self-affiliate with the Catholic Church and who
operate within a Catholic controlled education system prefer to espouse the more
liberal and inclusive ‘theology of religion’ stimulated by Nostra Aetate, rather than
the more restrictive and exclusivist perspective of the more recent Dominus Jesus,
may suggest an inclusive future for a Catholic Ireland capable of embracing the
religious diversity of the twenty-first century without thoroughly abandoning the
distinctive cultural and religious heritage for so long nurtured by the Catholic Church.
It is perhaps for the Catholic hierarchy to decide whether to welcome this vision of an
inclusive Catholic future for Ireland or to reassert the theological call for exclusivity
that will further alienate the current generation of teachers of RE, as well as their
pupils.
The present study employed both representative and purposive sampling. However,
the data obtained using these approaches were limited in two ways. First, there are
concerns about the representative nature of the sample; although all post-primary
schools in Ireland were surveyed, not all schools responded, resulting in the sample
being self-selected. Moreover, the response rate was less than 50%. In addition, no
attempt was made to survey the primary schools. Second, there are concerns about
the purposive sampling; the questionnaires were administered to a sample of RE
practitioners who were specifically targeted at events where they met for in-service
training, induction, or for conference purposes. Thus, the generalisability of these
findings beyond the teachers who took part in the study remains open to discussion.
Accordingly, the present findings should be seen as tentative and not representative.
Notwithstanding these criticisms, the data obtained provide a large and somewhat
representative sample of religious educators working in Ireland. The challenge for
those involved in the management and delivery of religious education in Ireland is to
listen to the ‘voices’ contained within the present chapter.
References
Deenihan, T. (2002), Religious Education and Religious Instruction: An Alternative
Viewpoint’, The Furrow, 53, No. 2, February pp. 75-83.
Durka, G. (2008), Through the Looking Glass: An US Roman Catholic View of
Theology of Religion, unpublished paper presented to the International Seminar
on Religious Education and Values, Ankara, Turkey, 27 July-1 August.
Engebretson, K. (2008), The Catholic School Called to Dialogue : A Reflection on
Some Consequences of the Ecclesial Unity of the Catholic School, Journal of
Beliefs and Values, 29, pp. 150-160.
Fox, J. (2005), Secularization, in J. R. Hinnells (ed.), The Routledge Companion to
the Study of Religion. London: Routledge.
Hervieu-Léger, D. (2001), Individualism, the Validation of Faith, and the Social
Nature of Religion in Modernity, pp. 161-175, in Richard K. Fenn (ed.), The
Blackwell Companion to Sociology of Religion. Oxford: Blackwell.
23
Inglis, T. (1998), Moral Monopoly: The Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church in
Ireland. Dublin: Dublin University Press.
Inglis, T. (2007), Catholic Identity in Contemporary Ireland: Belief and Belonging to
Tradition, Journal of Contemporary Religion, 22, pp. 205-220.
Irish National Teachers Organisation (2003), Teaching Religion in the Primary
School: Issues and Challenges. Dublin: INTO.
OECD (2006), Are students ready for a technology-rich world?: What PISA Studies
tell us. Paris: OECD.
24