Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT A PANACEA FOR ACTIVE PARTICIPATION
OF NIGERIAN WOMEN IN POLITICS
Dr. (Mrs.) A. A. Jekayinfa
University of Ilorin
Abstract
In 1993, the Beinjing Platform for Action committed Governments and
International agencies to ensure the advancement of women in 12 critical areas, one of
which was political participation. The platform for Action reflects a review of progress
since 1985 International Conference of women held in Nairobi, Kenya, which adopted
the “Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women to the year
2000. The platform seeks to hasten the removal of some obstacles to women’s
participation in all spheres of life, to protect women’s rights and to integrate women’s
concern into aspects of sustainable development.
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
Introduction
Four years after Beinjing, twenty years after the Convention for Elimination of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and fifty one years after the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, women still remain on the margins of decision making and
leadership all over the world. Despite widespread movements towards democracy, all
over the world, in some countries like Afghanistan and Algeria, it appears that all recent
gains have been lost by regimes that seek to remove women from the face of public life.
In other countries like the United Kingdom, an unprecedented 120 women were elected
into parliament in 1997, a seemingly large number that still only represents 18% of
parliament (Ketangaza and Matenjwa, 1998). In Africa and other non-industrialised
nations, according to Kolawole (1995), about 6% of government posts are held by
women, while industrialized nations have a record of 5 – 11%. Only the Scadinavian
countries seem to have many women in high political positions. The recent U.N.O.
Publication, “Women: Challenge to 2000A.D” has furnished statistics which indicate that
this is a world wide occurrence both within the developing countries. Although women
constitute 50% or more of the world’s population, female’s representation in the highest
circles of government is less than 10%.
According to the publication, in 1990, only 3.5% of the world’s cabinet ministers
are women. Women held no ministerial positions in 93 countries. Women are completely
absent from the four highest levels of government in 50 countries five (5) in the group of
Western European and other states), six (6) in Latin America and Caribbean, 23 in
African and 16 in Asia and Pacific. What can we say about Nigeria?
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
The situation in Nigeria is not different. The statistical extract on women in
Government by the Division for the Advancement of Women in March 1992 according to
Awe (1995) showed that women still play a minor role in the high level political and
economic decision making in most countries including Nigeria. They are marginalized
and grossly under represented in those areas of public life where important decisions
which affect their lives are taken. Awe (1995) opined that the experience of 1993 in
Nigeria confirms this statement. Women in Nigeria have not achieved much political
empowerment through electoral process. 330 candidates vied for governorship position,
7 were women and none won their party ticket. There were 30 male governors, no
woman governor; there were 28 male deputy governors, 2 female deputy governors, 28
male secretaries to Government, 2 female secretaries. 584 male members of House of
Representatives, 12 female members, 1172 male members of the Houses of Assembly, 27
female members. 170 male senators, 1 female senator. Over 300 male Presidential
Aspirants 4 female President Aspirants, (Awe; 1995). Although, there are more women
now than before who are actively engaged in politics in Nigeria, the percentage is still
low, compared with that of men. Even then, for the few women in politics, the belief is
that their political power and position was acquired through a male kin of the family. It is
ethnics through their father, husband or a male relative.
So, why are women’s participation in politics limited? There are various reasons
for this. To play politics ‘good’ money is needed, so a major obstacle for most women,
who would have loved to play politics could be finance. This is because women find it
more difficult raising campaign funds. They will rather spend their money on their
children, to maintain their homes and some on their extended family especially their
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
parents. Women are said to be amongst the poorest people in the world and a poor person
cannot play significant role in politics. If political participation does not involve money,
the story would have been different and their would have been properly more women in
politics (Fadako, 1995).
The Desirability of Participation of Women in Governance
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to
take part in the government of his/her country. Achieving the goal of equal participation
of women in decision making will provide a balance and it will promote the proper
functioning of democracy. Women’s equal participation in decision making is not only a
demand for simple justice but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s
interest to be taken into account.
Researchers, policy makers and implementers according to Afonja (1996), are
now paying attention to women’s participation in politics due to two important advances
in the area of development. She opined that firstly, several global initiatives since the UN
Decade for women are promoting women’s participation in development to improve the
global agenda for development.
Secondly, development analysts have adopted the
participatory approach and are mobilizing the grassroots, including women to plan,
monitor and implement their own programmes of development in order to ensure
adequate coverage, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability.
Democracy, as pointed out by Olowu in Afonja (1996) is about popular
governance. The masses must constitute the focus of the new political culture and every
effort must be made to integrate both formal and informal political structures. Women
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
are an important part of the masses. Their development in other sectors depends on their
involvement in the policy making processes for their interest to be represented. But then
what is it about the structures and organizations that wield power and authority that
prevents women from achieving political equality with men?
Mama (1988) gave some helpful suggestions concerning what women need to do
and be in order to take active part in politics, to reach and remain in top level positions in
Nigeria. These include the need for women to be highly educated and highly qualified to
have access to economic power. These call for economic and educational empowerment.
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
The Importance of Educational and Economic Empowerment of Nigerian Women:
Women constitute half of Nigeria’s population. They make an essential and
largely unacknowledged contribution to economic life and play a crucial role in all
spheres of society. Established restrictive practices and constraints however, have not
allowed them to take advantage of their numbers and position in order to significantly
influence the decision making processes. As a result, the potential of half of the Nigerian
population remains unexplored and the scope of labour, energy and human resources
available for national development is restricted. Nigerian women have been marginalized
in the formal political systems owing to traditional belief and practices which inhibit their
advancement and participation in public life.
Inspite of constitutional guarantee of equal access to education for all, nationwide campaigns for the enrolment of all school age children and programmes for mass
adult and non-formal education, women’s political empowerment continues to be
impeded by traditional obstacles to female education.
The choice of the path of
educational training made early in life by young girls under the strong influence of
families, peer groups etc. often closes many opportunities to women and propels them
towards the direction of traditionally socially-approved “female” careers.
This has
profound consequences for women’s role in politics because it dictates not only their
presence, but also the type of role they can actively play. This is the most pervasive type
of barrier facing Nigerian Women.
Tessa Blackstone commented in Oakley (1976) that “Better educated women are
more likely to be politically active, to be employed, and likely to avoid situation of
conflict”.
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
Economic Empowerment:
Women and other marginalized social groups in any country in the world hinges
critically around the question of poverty, power, politics, and control. Onimode (1996)
opines that it is the power, policies and system that marginalize, oppress and improverish,
while they control over these elements that empower people everywhere. He stressed
further that economic empowerment is a major component of women’s total
empowerment and liberation. This according to Onimode (1996), is because political,
social and cultural empowerment are often wide and incomplete without access and
control over resources. It has been established by surveys of poverty profile that some
50% of Nigeria’s rural population that accounts for some 70% of the total population live
in poverty and that more than 50% of this crusted poverty is among women, (Onimode,
1996).
Onimode added that National poverty has increased since the mid 1980 and the
population of poor women has increased. He added that the number of illiterates in
Africa has been rising since the 1980 and most of them are women. For women to be
actively involved in politics and governance, then they need to be mobilized for
empowerment both educationally and economically.
Nigerian Women and Poverty
Women and the rural population are among the poorest in Nigeria. Women are
especially predisposed to poverty because of cultural and environmental factors which
work together to keep them poor. According to Amali and Yakubu (1995), when women
were asked for characteristics of poor people, their first answer was to use themselves as
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
the first example of poor people. Many specific factors have been identified as being
responsible for the high rate of poverty among women.
This has resulted in the
phenomenon of the feminization of poverty.
First is the low level of education. The low level of education is a cultural
phenomenon. Where the family resources are low, they are committed to training male
children in the family than females (Muckenheim, 1996). This low level of education
results in the second phenomenon, which is the unemployment of women in high paying
jobs. Aghejisi, (1996) showed that less than 32% measured labour force in developing
countries is made up of women, and most of them are in micro enterprise activities, such
as petty trading. Also, a survey of the Plateau State Civil Service by Amali, (1993)
showed that 66% of workers in the Clerical, Typists and Secretarial Cadre were women.
While only 12% of the levels 14 – 15 workers were women.
A third factor in female poverty is the lack of access of women to productive
resources.
In the urban area, this translates into bank loans and other government
facilities which are needed for production.
In the rural areas, it means land for
production. Unfortunately, women are always treated as children; in the same way that
we group them with children. The problem of feminization of poverty is a very serious
one and deserves more attention than it is getting. According to Amali (1996), lack of
access to productive resources is as a direct result of lack of access of women to power.
Women, because they are very few in the highest decision making bodies, have no say in
what affect them. Infact, there is no women in Nigeria’s highest decision making body,
the PRC.
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
Women, in order to develop in Nigeria must have access to political and
economic power at higher levels. One way of doing this is to empower women both
economically and educationally.
Conclusion
With the population of women exceeding half of national world’s population, one
would have thought that they would normally dominate the political scene especially in
democratic system of government. But most of them are kept in perpetual abject poverty
because they render either unremunerated or poorly remunerated services. It is imperative
to note that political powerlessness is a product of other improvished condition of
Nigerian women. There is surely no gain saying that women folk are more or less absent
from the political scene and solution should be sought to improve their participation
through empowerment process.
Recommendations
Though the question of women’s economic empowerment is closely tied up with
other aspects of women’s empowerment and liberation, it is nevertheless, essential for
policy focus to identify the major dimensions of this issue i.e:
a)
Eradication or reduction of poverty among women
b)
Eradication of illiteracy through mass adult literacy and schooling for girls.
c)
Access to productive resources like land, credit and technology.
d)
Democratic and equitable participation in development process through office
holding to give control over the allocation of resources.
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
e)
Employment for women, including training for employment.
f)
Mobilization and re-education of Nigerian
men towards women’s
empowerment.
The 21st century is a major period for re-tooling and re-organizing society in all
countries including Nigeria. It must be a major opportunity for mobilizing women who
constitute 50% or more of the total population for equitable and just democratic
participation in the development process. This is the promise of “Women and Beinjing
“95”.
Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999
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Nigerian Journal of Social Studies Review, 8(1), June, 1999