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CHAPTER EIGHT
State Creation and the Minority Question in Nigeria
JIDE IGE
Introduction
This work examines the resurgence of the minority question in
Nigeria with particular reference to O-Kun Yoruba in Kogi State. The importance of 1991 in the history of state creation in Nigeria cannot be over emphasized; This is due to the fact that the state creation exercise brought into the open once more the reality of minority question. The ensuing agitations revealed the displeasure of minority groups in Nigeria and this raised the level of group consciousness and identity especially in relation to the assumed role of the dominant ethnic groups in the affairs of the country.
Theories of state creation and background to state creation in Nigeria
The issue relating to state creation all over the world is associated with general socio-economic development. This is more relevant to developing countries where aspiration for rapid socio-economic development is often tied to ethnic identities. Since the colonial period, the ethnic or minority question in Nigeria has been a recurring issue which has generated series of crises in Nigeria. Different Nigerian peoples have all. along attempted to hinge their developmental goals on ethnic affiliation although the dominant ethnic groups, notably Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo have derived much from this approach to development. This developmental role is noted in the report of the panel on the creation o:~ states in Nigeria. The report states that:
The basic motivation in the demand for more states is rapid economic development. Ail other reasons adduced by slate agitators are ... to a laree extent mere rationalizations to achieve the basic purpose of development (1976).
One striking thing about stale creation in Nigeria has to do with the desire by government to meet the aspirations of the dominant ethnic groups. in cases where the voice of the minority is heard, the ruling class would seem to have a stake in such new stales. In this respect, the creation would be to satisfy certain individuals or group of individuals in or outside the government. We have seen examples of many local governments

Mail" (a London based newspaper) and Temple C.L. who was then the
Acting Governor General of the protectorate of Northern Nigeria. Their view with regard to the creation of the country into states was informed by her large size with ethnic diversity. There was no drastic change in the political structure of the country until Richard's constitution which became effective in 1947. This constitution divided Nigeria into three regions, namely Northern, Western and Eastern regions. Again, the Yoruba of
Kabba and Ilorin Provinces became the Yoruba minority in the Northern region.
The division of the country into three main regions brought into focus the minority question as virtually all the minority ethnic groups in all the regions expressed fear of domination by the majority ethnic groups in their respective regions. For instance, the Tiv and the Yoruba in the
Northern region, the Edo and Itsekieri in the Western region and the Ijaw and Efik in the Eastam region (Dudley: 1968; Agboola: 1984). The minority question actually constituted a threat to the British colonial administration. To allay their fears, the colonial government set up the
Willink's Minorities Commission in 1957. The Commission was to look into the fears of minorities in all the regions. The Commission was also to find ways and means of allaying all identified fears (whether real or imagined). It was during this period that efforts were intensified towards the west merger plan. That is, the Yoruba in the Northern Region wished to be merged with their Kinsmen in the west. Apart from cultural affinity and common historical origin with the west, the agitators for merger with the west held the view that their minority position in the north would make them to be marginalised with attendant consequence of neglect socially and economically. Evidently, despite the fact that O-Kun Yoruba provided the cream of civil servants in the service of the government of Northern region, they had suffered almost total neglect with regard to the provision of basic infrastructures. O-Kun Yoruba were able to become the pumping machine of the civil service in the northern regional government because of the receptivity of the Yoruba in general. It is however true that western education reached O-Kun Yoruba land rather late compared to when it was first introduced in the west. But the O-Kun Yoruba people benefited from their neighouring towns in the western region. Having received their education, they would thereafter come to join the service of Northern
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region. This explains why O-Kun Yoruba were able to produce educated elite earlier than most parts of the northern region (Ajiboye: 1998).
However, it is not yet known when the peopling of this area (O-
Kun. Yorubaland) started and this has probably given variations to the stories of origin of the people in the area. According to Ade Obayemi, archaeological finds dug up at Ufe (Ife). suggest that Ijumu was the seat of a fairly extensive civilization based on iron smelting which flourished between the 9th and 13th centuries.
The Yagba (lyagba) version of the story of origin says that the lyagba people came from Ile-Ife, although Egbe is said to have been founded by an Oyo Prince. According to the story, three people left Ile-Ife probably to found their own settlements in the area. From Awoyo (Ilyemayo) was the first settlement of the three men. At Awoyo, two of the three men went further to establish new settlements, although their new settlements were not known to my informants whereas the third man remained there. It would appear therefore that Awoyo provided a'meeting point in the sense that a large number of people from different places came there to buy materials from the wife of this man whose primary occupation was hunting and animal husbandry. His wife has been referred to as lyaagba or lye-agba (grandmother). The people who came to buy articles from lya-agba or lye-agba gave her the name lya-agba or lye-agba
(grandmother). The name they called her lya-agba or lye-agba (Yagba) has therefore become a collective name for all the lyagbas or Yagbas.
Another version has it that the Owe people migrated from Ile-Ife and founded their first settlement called Oke-Aba (up-hut) which later became known as Kabba. The Ijumu people say that their founders came from Ile-Ife, but due to some misunderstanding, they split into different factions at lyameye (Davies:l929).
The pressure on agitation for merger with the West.
During the tenure of Sir, John Macpherson as Governor-General of
Nigeria 1948-1954, he was most unwilling to allow the fragmentation of the Northern region. To this end, he rejected the clamour by the Yoruba including O-Kun Yoruba in the northern region to be allowed to merge with the West. In fact, the merger issue received militant support from the
Ilorin Talaka Parapo (ITP), most of whom were the descendants of Afonja.
Also, the agitation for merger with the West was hailed by the
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Action Group which itself metamorphosed from Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a
Pan-Yoruba Movement. The support from the Action Group was justified on the ground that all the agitators for the merger in both the former Kabba and Ilorin provinces were Yoruba and should be allowed to join their kith and kin in the west. In fact, the Action Group provided not only financial but also moral and intellectual support for the agitators. It should however be noted that the AG had supported the agitation because of its potential to boost its electoral fortunes.
On the other hand, the Hausa-Fulani aristocracy in and around
Ilorin did not welcome the idea of merger with the west, because such an arrangement would certainly reduce the territorial extent of Northern region. Such a reduction in the size of the north would not only mean loss of territory but also in population that would bring a reduction in the revenue accruing to the region from the Federal government. Therefore, one can understand why the Hausa/Fulani aristocracy was hostile to the
West merger issue. Unfortunately for the agitators, they lacked the needed political leadership that would more or, less serve as a compelling force with regard to making the agitation a reality. Even with the support the agitators received from town unions and societies such as the Kabba
Progressive Union and the Yagba Progressive Society (Agboola: 1984), there was no leadership to co-ordinate all the merger plans. In the final analysis, the northern oligarchy triumphed. Triumph in the sense that apart from retaining dominant power in the former two provinces, the oligarchy also retained and probably increased its internally generated revenue through the imposition of taxes on the people.
When it was becoming obvious that the west merger plan would not be achieved, the agitators shifted their emphasis. The new emphasis was on the need to create a central region comprising, Ilorin, Kabba, Niger and Benue Provinces. The agitators held the view that such a creation would take care of the Middle Belt in terms of development. To achieve this creation, the various ethnic unions and associations in all the four provinces appeared to be working together. Notable among these ethnic unions were the Tiv Progressive Union and the Ijumu Progressive Union
(Dudley: 1968). The enthusiasm shown by the non-Yoruba elements in the aforementioned provinces with regard to the creation of a central region is a manifest"*" n of their preference. The preference for the creation of a
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central region including the Yoruba elements in the provinces to a west merger arrangement, showy that there were some people in both Ilorin and
Kabba provinces us who would want to remain in the Northern region.
These non-Yoruba and non-Hausa/Fulani ethnic groups were already complaining of socio-economic and political marginalisation by the
Hausa/Fulani dominant groups in the northern region. The domination or marginalisation had become so glaring that the southerners began to think that every person in the north was ethnically or linguistically a Hausa or
Fulani.
Despite their marginalisation, all the attempts to relocate some ethnic groups or to create a central region from the northern region did not materialise. The Eastern region also remained intact in spite of the minority question among the non-Igbo ethnic groups like the Efik, Kalahari and
Ogoni people. That is, the minority question remained unsolved even in the
East. The creation of the Mid-Western region from the then Western region was an attempt to find a solution to the issue of ethnic minority. But, it would appear that the creation of that region in 1963 was to break the
.spread and strength of the Yoruba dominated Action Group, which had become a threat to the NPC-NCNC coalition government under Sir Tafawa
Balewa. It is very clear from the above that the minority question and their marginlisation remained unresolved even with the attainment of independence. One can therefore understand why the minority question became a knotty issue in the post independence Nigeria. Realities of State creation in Nigeria and the O-Kun predicament
If the essence of the creation of state is to bring about even development, the 1967 exercise which divided Nigeria into 12 state structure should be seen as more than just development. The division was an attempt not to make the minorities in the Eastern region loyal to the secession bid of Ojukwu who was the then military governor of Eastern region. It would be noted that the minorities in the Eastern region were not pleased with the Igbo domination of both political and economic life of the region. Some of these minorities like those in the north were agitating for the creation of their own region or state which would not only bring development to their land but also save them from total marginalisation. In other words, the 1967 state creation policy by the then Head of State, Col.
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Yakubu Gowon was to weaken the strength of Ojukwu and break the loyalty of non-Igbo ethnic groups in the region to him.
When states were created in 1967, the then northern region was split into six states including the North Central Western State, which was later changed to Kwara State. The new state was made up of former Ilorin and Kabba provinces. After the initial foot dragging with regard to where the capital of the state should be located, Ilorin was favoured. Ilorin has since been serving as the capital of Kwara State. Again, all the Yoruba in the former northern region found themselves in Kwara State where they constituted a significant portion of the state civil service. Sad enough, this formidable force in the civil service was not enough to bring about rapid development.
Indeed one would have thought that since the state (Kwara) was made up of two former provinces, the other province which did not harbour the state capital would have been made the industrial nerve centre of the state. Unfortunately, the Ilorin province became both political and industrial base of the state. This is evident in the citing of Federal and state industries in or near Ilorin. All these industries naturally attracted O-Kun
Yoruba people who were looking for jobs to come to Ilorin to take permanent residence, hoping not only to get job but also to benefit from other social infrastructural facilities in the state capital.
In the realm of education, the O-Kun Yoruba land did not have its fair share. This is clear from the citing of all the three tertiary institutions
(colleges of education, Oro and Ilorin and the Kwara State Polytechnic,
Ilorin) in or near Ilorin. The citing deliberately marginalised educationally not only O-kun Yoruba land, but also the whole second half (Kabba
Province) of the state. Clearly, therefore, the concentration of industrial effort, educational facilities and other social amenities was made to favour
Ilorin Province. The marginalisation of their area made the people of Okun Yorubaland to move in large number to Ilorin which more or less became their second home (Asaju: 1998). This explains the heavy presence of O-Kun Yoruba people in every part of non-city area of Ilorin and working together with other Kwarans but unhappy with the way and manner in which their area had remained a neglected place in terms of development. In 1991, the Head of state, General Ibrahim Babangida created additional states partly to resolve the minority question and partly
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to enhance the spread of even development. One of the states created was
Kogi state comprising the old Kabba Division, namely O-kun Yoruba people, the Igalas, the Igbirras and others who share close affinity with either the Igalas or Igbirras. The new Kogi State with its headquarters in
Lokoja took off in 1991 with Col. D.M. Zakari as the first Military
Administrator. The relocation of O-kun Yoruba from Kwara to Kogi State was met with mixed feelings. According to the African Guardian, the general feelings that greeted the creation of additional states by General
Babangida were a mixture of joy and sadness. According to the magazine, the creation of additional states was met with "tears of joy, rash of protests and stillness of indifference". It is not true that the O-kun Yoruba people were not happy about the creation of Kogi State, but were unhappy, because of their minority position (the only Yoruba group) in the new state. Indeed, they appreciated the fact that the creation was primarily to enhance the spread of even development, but would have preferred to be part of a state that is predominantly Yoruba. This is why they believe that there is need for further restructuring of the country and in any such political restructuring, O-kun Yoruba should not be earmarked for marginalisation.
The point is that since the creation of Kogi State in 1991, O-kun
Yoraba have renewed their agitation for merger with Southwest. This agitation became obvious with the activities of Prince Abubakar Audu, the first executive Governor of the State (1992-94) which have been summed up to mean an attempt at "Igalanisation of the state civil service". In all appointments including the sharing of political offices and the sharing.of socio-economic activities, the marginalisation of O-kun Yoruba land can better be imagined. Stocktaking and the way forward
This marginalisation occasioned by her minority position as the only Yoruba group in Kogi State made the people to make a cursory look into their past especially from the beginning of colonial period. Their conclusion is that they have been mere sojourners in their own country.
When they were in the northern region as well as in Kwara State, their place suffered neglect and marginalisation. The story in kogi State appears to be worse as no serious developmental project has been cited in the area since 1991 (after 8 years that the state was created).
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Similarly, O-kun Yoruba people have questioned their grouping into the north central zone. It would be recalled that following the annulment of the June 12 presidential election by General Babangida, the country was thrown into chaos. The annulment was seen by the generality of Nigerians as not a coup against Chief M.K.O. Abola, the winner of the election, but a coup against the Yoruba ethnic group. General Babangida was forced to "step aside" and this paved the way for the controversial
Interim National Government (ING), under Earnest Shonekan. He was removed in what looked like a palace coup by General Sanni Abacha. If anything, the coming into power by General-Abacha really heightened political tension in the country. In his effort to resolve the political logjam, he convened a Constitutional Conference. The Conference as a way of resolving the political crisis, divided the country into six geo-political zones, namely North West, North East, North Central, South West, South
East and South South. This geo-political zoning has again put O-kun
Yoruba in the minority position by placing it in the north central zone.
There is no doubt that the present geo-political placement of both Kwara and Kogi Yoruba in the North Central Zone does not favour them,- when the time comes for zone to produce the country's president. This is because they are likely to be told that they are Yoruba who should be grouped with their Kith and Kin in the Southwest. This explains why there is the agitation now that they should either be allowed to constitute a zone (State) or should be allowed to merge with the South West. In other words, there is the fear of political mnarginalisation. The O-Kun Development
Association, the mouthpiece of the people (Nigerian Tribumne:1998), has made this position of O-Kun Yoruba public. It contends that apart from the
Yoruba of Kwara in the zone, with whom they share affinity, the other ethnic groups in Niger, Benue, Plateau, Nassarawa and the rest groups in kwara, are each a distinct ethnic group but which seem to share common culture and civilization. According to the resolution of O-Kun
Development Association, Okun-Yoruha lay claim to the fact that it would be very difficult for any Yoruba man outside the South West zone to be considered for the post of the president of the country going by the zoning arrangement. They also lay claim to the fact that they have linguistic and cultural affinities to the Southwest Zone. Besides, geographically they are contiguous with the Southwest Zone.
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On the other hand, there is the view that it would be foolhardy to think that joining the West would guarantee automatic socio-economic upliftment for the O-Kun Yoruba land. This view is strengthened by the fact that not all the areas in the Southwest enjoy even socio-econbmic development. In the same vein, not all the Hausa land or Igbo land has been evenly developed by the governments or its agencies. In that case, development can come to the area not only by depending on government, but by entering into joint venture or partnership as this seems to be the new approach to development (Local or International)
Besides, there is also the opinion that O-Kun Yoruba should use their numerical strength in the civil service of the state to facilitate the development of their area. Their minority position could also be used to bring development to the area. This can be done by crying foul of any attempt by the Chief Executive of the State to marginalise them developmentally. For instance, they could press for the distribution of socioeconomic amenities on the basis of senatorial district. This is more plausible because the state is made up of three senatorial districts. In this respect, the Oworo people can pitch their own tent with the O-kun Yoruba.
This seems to be what informed the Oworo people in Lokoja Local
Government to have resolved that they too would be willing to join the
West (Nigerian Tribune: 1998) and be zoned with the South West as against their present forcible zoning with the North Central Zone. Again, the point here may not necessarily be development, but it has to do with the proper political restructing of the country whereby all ethnic groups or people with common historical origin and civilization should be grouped together and not fragmented. It is the fragmentation that has actually affected O-Kun Yoruba of Kogi State with an attendant marginalisation.
However, it must be realised that the government of Nigeria has no policy that takes care of the various minority ethnic groups in the country.
Instead, government's efforts are concentrated in the capitals irrespective of whether such capitals are located in the area of the minority or dominant ethnic group. This does not allow for even spread of socio-economic amenities. Actually, most capital towns are located in a way as to favour the dominant groups and this is one major reason why the fragmented or minority ethnic groups are having a feeling of marginalisation. But talking seriously, the low presence of government in -
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O-kun Yoruba land is a direct result of government late creation'pf
Kogi State. That is, government was late in transforming all the former provinces and divisions into states. In addition, only Kabba of all the former Provinces and divisional administrative headquarters has not been giving the status of a state capital (Asaju: 1998). This is why the Federal
Government should give the issue of agitation for political as well as economic restructuring of the country. By so domg, development could radiate to many places in the country. In this regard, the need to have more polities in the country is desirable. When this happens, O-kun Yoruba people should be favourably considered for its own polity.
If the development of the area is the concern of the proponents of the South West merger, it is very doubtful if that can bring about development. This is because as noted earlier, a Jot of time and energy would be spent on the determination of the status of the area in the new political and economic development. Definitely, their late coming may even make them more disadvantaged in terms of socio-economic development.
If that were the case, one would even prefer their present location in Kogi State, even as a minority ethnic group. What they should be fighting for in the state is equitable sharing of offices and amenities. Such sharing and distribution should be based on senatorial district. Fortunately, the state, like all other states in the federation, has three senatorial districts namely, Kogi West, Kogi central and Kogi East. This formula, apart from guaranteeing even development, would also foster inter-group relationships and sense of belonging. The same formula can be used at local government level (i.e. offices and amenities should be based on wards). This would check the concentration of government development projects in the state capital alone or in the area of the chief executive.
Finally, minority ethnic groups should use their minority position
(o bring development to their area. This can be achieved by looking in ward rather than looking unto government which seems not to have a policy to save them from economic and political marginalisation. The earlier the government puts in place a policy (hat would guarantee even development, the better for the country. Such a policy if implemented, is capable of resolving the minority question in a multi ethnic society like
Nigeria. There should be a periodic legislative or executive review of the
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minority question. To this end, a Commission for the minorities can be established. This proposed Commission should be made more effective in terms of performance than the OMPADEC.
Conclusion
This work has tried to examine the issues relating to the minority questiott bi Nigeria with particular reference to O-kun Yoruba people. The work has been able to Jdehtify two major reasons for their predicament, namely, economic marginalisation and ethnic marginalisation both of which have been making the minority groups powerless in their varipus locations in the country. It is the firm belief of these minority groups that the socio-economic neglect of their areas is largely due to their minority position. This view is strongly shared by the O-Kun Yoruba people.
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