THE
LAHBDA
ALPHA
JOURNAL
OF'
Volume 1, Number 1
January 1969
Wichita state University
Wichita, Kansas
The Alpha chapter of Lambda Alpha (anthropological honorary
society) was established at Wichita State University in March 1968 with
a charter membership of twenty-nine honor students and faculty. Since
that time two other chapters have been established at Ball State
University and at Alliance College. Other schools are in the process of
developing chapters. The society publishes a newsletter and this
semi-annual journal. The articles published in the journal are authored
by students and faculty who are members of Lambda Alpha chapters.
In this issue of the journal we have included information which
will be of assistance to those who wish to establish a Lambda Alpha
chapter on their campus.
Lowell D. Holmes
Executive Secretary and
Editor for this issue
CONTENTS
Dedication
1
Lambda Alpha Certificate of membership
2
Constitution of Wichita State University
Lambda Alpha Chapter
3
Chapter Establishment Qualifications
6
Anthropology, the Equitable Approach? by Edward L. Greenamyre
8
Civilization vs. Urbanism by B.K. Swartz, Jr.
24
The authors
28
Master’s thesis since 1963
29
1
This issue of the Lambda Alpha Journal of Man is dedicated to the
memory of Dr. and Mrs. Marvin Munsell who passed away as a result of
an automobile accident in September of 1967.
Dr. Munsell was a
graduate of the University of Oregon and an assistant professor in
the Department of Anthropology at Wichita State University from 1965
to 1967. His wife, Judith, was a graduate of Wichita State University, having received the baccalaureate degree (magna cum laude) in
June 1967. She served as secretary for the Anthropology Department.
We feel that it is fitting that the first issue of this scholarly
journal be dedicated to these people who had so greatly inspired
students in achieving academic excellence. Dr. Munsell served as advisor to the Anthropology Club in addition to carrying on a rigorous
schedule of teaching, research and pub1ication. The science of anthropology and Wichita State University suffered a tremendous loss
with the deaths of these two fine young scholars.
2
3
Constitution of the Lambda Alpha
Alpha Chapter State of Kansas
Article I (Name)
The name of this organization shall be the national
chapters of the Lambda Alpha, originated and established at
Wichita State University.
Article II
(Purpose)
The purpose of this fraternity shall be to encourage
scholarship and research in anthropology, by recognizing and
honoring superior achievement in this field by students at
this university.
Section 1.
a.
b. c.
Section 2.
Section 3.
Article III (Membership)
Membership in this fraternity shall be restricted to
those students, who fulfill the following
requirements:
Undergraduates must have been enrolled at this
university for at least one semester prior to election
to membership and be currently enrolled at this
university. Graduate students may become members
during their first semester of enrollment.
Undergraduates who have completed not less than
twelve (12) semester hours of academic work in
the Department of Anthropology at this university.
Students of the upper 35°/ of anthropology
undergraduates or a 3.25 grade point index as a
Graduate student.
Faculty members in the Department of Anthropology
who are not already members of Lambda Alpha may be
invited to become Honorary Members by a majority vote
of the members present at a regular business meeting.
New members shall be elected at business meetings
held the first Monday in October and the first Monday
in February of each year.
4
Section 4.
New members shall be initiated at special functions
held in their honor during the first and second
semesters.
Article IV (Officers)
Section 1.
Section 2. Section 3. Section 4. Section 5. Section 1. Section 2. The officers of this fraternity shall consist of a
president, a vice-president, a secretary treasurer.
The officers shall be elected by a majority vote of
the members present at the spring function.
The President shall preside at meetings and assume
executive responsibility for all business of the
chapter. The president shall conduct the initiation of
new members.
The vice-president shall preside in the absence of the
president and shall succeed to the presidency should
the president be unable to serve. The secretary-treasurer treasurer shall maintain full
and complete records as follows:
Minutes of all meetings
New members initiated
All moneys received
All moneys expended
The secretary treasurer shall receive and account for
all dues and initiation fees, and upon authorization
of the president, pay all legitimate bills. The
secretary treasurer shall also be responsible for
transmitting to new members all appropriate insignia
and awards.
Article V (Election to Membership)
At the beginning of each semester the president shall
ascertain from the faculty sponsor which students are
eligible for membership.
The president shall then call a business meeting of
the active members and present, for election, the
names of all persons found to be eligible.
5
Section 3. Section 4. Section 5. Section 1.
Section 2. Section 3. Section 1. Section 2. Section 1. Those elected to membership shall be extended an
invitation to become members and to attend the
initiation function.
New members will be formally initiated at the
semi-annual functions.
Upon initiation and the payment of initiation fees,
neophytes shall be recognized as active members.
Article VI (Dues and Initiation Fees) Initiation fee shall be as specified by the National
Chapters of Lambda Alpha and payable prior to
initiation. This initiation fee entitles the member to
life membership in the National Fraternity of Lambda
Alpha. The initiation fee also entitles the member to
receive quarterly issues of the official publication
of the fraternity for a period of two years.
Thereafter, the quarterly may be obtained directly by
payment of the regular subscription rate.
Local chapter dues shall be $1.00 per semester for
each active and honorary member payable at the
business meetings in October and February.
The lifetime membership fee is $10.00. The Logas
Anthropon Newsletter & Journal fee is $1.00.
Article VII (Meetings)
Regular meetings shall consist of a business meeting
in October, an initiation function in November, a
business meeting in February, and the Initiation
function in April.
The president with the advice of the other officials
shall fix the time and place of all meetings.
Article VIII (Publications)
The Logas Anthropon Newsletter & Journal shall at this
6
Section 2. Section 3. Section 3. Section 3. time and all times future reserve 50 per cent of the
space available for publication of student articles
and papers.
All such articles and papers shall be subject to
review by the Academic advisor of each chapter.
Faculty articles and papers shall be subject to review
by the editor of the Newsletter
Article IX (Amendments)
The National Constitution may be amended by a vote of
75 per cent of the members at a regular business
meeting, provided the proposed amendment has been read
at the last previous business meeting.
No chapter may amend the constitution, but amendments
may be submitted to the National for action of
amendment to the constitution.
LAMBDA ALPHA
Chapter Establishment Qualifications
The following is a simple list of conditions that must be
fulfilled for chapter membership:
MEMBERSHIP: The upper 35% of the Anthropology majors which may be
interpreted as a 2.5 overall (based on a 4.00 scale) and a 3.00 in
Anthropology. Anthropology undergraduates must have completed 12 hours
in Anthropology. Graduate students must be in good departmental
standing with a 3.25 overall.
ORGANIZATION: Your local chapter shall have a duly elected President,
Vice-President, and Secretary-Treasurer. The organization may have any
number of members as long as they meet the above stated academic
standards. A list of members and their qualifications along with the
chapter establishment fee of $25.00 must be submitted prior to
chartering your chapter. With the $25.00 establishment fee, your
chapter receives the certificates of membership (these are fully
printed), the charter, and a basic stationery kit.
7
Individual membership fees are $13.00 for the first year;
$10.00 of which is a life-time membership fee, $2.00 annual chapter
dues, and $1.00 for the Journal. Five dollars of the life-time
membership
fee
will
be
rebate
to
the
national
organization
headquarters and the $1.00 Journal dues will also rebate. The balance
of the funds collected is for the establishment of your treasury.
Should future financial problems arise, you may call upon the national
treasury for economic assistance.
PUBLICATIONS:
The
Lambda
Alpha
newsletter
shall
be
published
quarterly. The dates are not known at the present but our first issue
was published in May. Our once annual M.A.N. Journal of the Lambda
Alpha shall appear in November of each year. Fifty per cent of the
total space of this Journal is reserved for student publication, the
remaining 50% is for faculty publications. Once your chapter has been
organized, please encourage your students and faculty to submit papers
for our November publication.
KEYS AND PINS: Keys and pins will be available by the end of
September. The cost will be between $7.50 and $12.00. The pin or key
will be one inch in length and available in 10 carat white or
yellow-gold filled. Included in this is a drawing of the key.
ADDITIONAL ORGANIZATION REQUIREMENTS: Your school must offer a degree
in Anthropology or a combined degree in Anthropology Sociology. We
want a list of your faculty, their qualifications and a list of their
professional publications. We also want a listing of your courses
offered in Anthropology. Does your department offer a n M.A. or a
Ph.D. in Anthropology? Please list the total number of majors declared
in Anthropology, separated into graduate and undergraduate. Do you at
the present time have an active Anthropology Club? If so, what is the
number of members participating? Do you pledge to initiate only those
members who fulfill all the academic qualifications of this
organization? The listing of declared majors in your department is to
be reviewed by your Lambda Alpha representative at the beginning of
each semester to find new eligible members and invite them to join.
Once your organization has been accepted for charter as an
active chapter of Lambda Alpha, dues must be paid to the national
organization within 15 days of the founding of your chapter. As to all
future materials, such as stationery, these will be supplied to you at
cost plus postage. All future certificates of membership will be
supplied at no charge, fully printed. Once the chapter has been
established on its twice yearly review of new student members, dues
must be paid no later than October 15 and February 15.
8
ANTHROPOLOGY the Equitable Approach?
By
Edward L.Greenamyre
The complaint is often voiced that when the layman hears the term
"anthropology," he thinks only of the activities of the archaeologist.
It is quite possible that even this unhappy viewpoint may be overly
optimistic. Based on personal observation, it would appear that when
one identifies himself to a member of society at large as an
anthropologist, he often receives a response indicating that the
person being addressed has not the remotest idea of what this
involves. The announcement may well be met by a reaction which
includes a murmured generalization indicating that the sound of the
term has generated a certain amount of awe, a failure of the
individual to meet the eyes of the informer directly, and then an
awkward silence followed by indications of relief as the conversation
turns to other and more familiar subjects. The reaction can be similar
to the one received when a person has never heard of your home town or
the university you attended, but doesn't want to embarrass either you
or himself by saying so.
If this is not an overstatement, and if there is, in fact, a
widespread lack of familiarity with the discipline, it is then
appropriate to ponder why such a state of affairs exists. The fields
of medicine, electronics, and physics, among others, have a core of
arcane and highly specialized knowledge, but this has not kept the
public from a general awareness of what they encompass.
One valid answer to our question is that anthropology has been a
subject rarely encountered below the university level. Not only has
the subject itself been absent, but also, until very recently, most
information of the type anthropologists develop has also been missing.
There is increasing evidence to indicate a belated recognition that
teaching minority groups in urban society’s details of their ethnic
and cultural inheritance is both important and necessary. Moreover,
the historical accomplishments of such groups generally reach a high
enough level that their revelation also furnishes enlightenment to
those with a less than favorable attitude toward the particular
peoples involved.
Another factor to be taken into account is the obvious 1ack of
apparent evidence of the anthropologist's handiwork surrounding the
average citizen. While hedge trimmers, decongestants, and the 1ike
serve as constant reminders that other specialists are at work, few
such monuments to the anthropologist exist in everyday life.
So far we have touched upon issues over which it may be legitimately
said that the anthropologist has little control. Are there, however,
contributing factors at work which have been encouraged, either
9
deliberately or inadvertently, by the anthropologists themselves?
There appears to be an aversion to "becoming involved" among numerous
members of the discipline. The keystone of this attitude is the
concept that involvement undermines objectivity. While such a position
can be viewed as an admirable attempt to avoid intellectual
contamination,
it
can
also
furnish
a
convenient
excuse
for
circumventing the criticism which accompanies error. If one does not
become a part of the dynamic issues of the day, he is quite safe from
the problems that arise when contributions misfire or concepts founder
in practice.
The wary eye for the critic is an understandable part of the
anthropological personality. Even within the limited framework in
which many anthropologists would like to operate, there is enough
criticism to make one marvel at the resilience of both the discipline
and its members. Much of it develops from the scope of the field
itself. A respected Protestant minister, for example, would not
normally suffer a decline in esteem if he were unfamiliar with the
innermost facets of Brahmanism. The student or informed layman,
however, often expects the anthropologist to field questions on such
subjects as a matter of routine. The victim must then harken back to a
remote graduate seminar on Religions of the World and hope that memory
doesn't fail him. Any mistaken pronouncement or admission of ignorance
will be taken as an indication that the individual who made it is not
at the proper skill level. In addition to religion, the areas of human
and nonhuman physical characteristics, evolution, animal behavior,
prehistory, linguistics, psychology, and human cultural development
are all subjects upon which the anthropologist i s expected to furnish
instant erudition. If he points out that his field of interest is
divorced from a particular area of inquiry, he often fails to
experience the relief from suspicion that other specialists enjoy.
Such pressures make it understandable that the anthropologist does not
always seek the spotlight, though they have the favorable side effect
of furnishing incentives to preserve a high level of general
competence.
Even more devastating than the external chiding is the intensity of
abuse to which the anthropologist is subjected within his own
discipline. It is altogether proper that any scholar operating at
either the theoretical or applied level should expect his ideas or
actions to receive the careful scrutiny of his peers. The thoughtful
individual anticipates and, ideally, welcomes such criticism, finding
in it the opportunity to test and reevaluate the validity of his
concepts. It is probably also true that anyone whose work exhibits a
sufficiently sparse degree of quality should expect to be dealt with
rather harshly. It must be noted, however, that such criticism can,
and in anthropology often does, reach a level of intensity which adds
little to scholarship. Kroeber's (1947) dignified critique of Bacon's
(1946) redefinition and discussion of Asian culture areas, for
example, contrasts most favorably with other approaches currently in
vogue. One often gets the impression that, not only is the critic
questioning the concepts of a particular individual, but the
10
legitimacy of his kinship ties and his mental health as well.
Recently, this writer was directed to evaluate a theoretical treatise
on religion which had been translated from the original German. It was
found, after reading the work, that some concepts were agreeable,
while others induced certain reservations. The scholarly level of the
book, however, was both high and constant throughout. In order to get
the reactions of others, a contemporary anthropological journal was
consulted which features critiques of individual published works by a
number of anthropologists, with the author then being given the
opportunity to reply. The attempt to profit from the criticism was so
lacking in value that it was abandoned. Aside from their vitriolic
nature, many of the reviews conflicted to such an extent that a
constant check had to be made to insure that no pages had been skipped
which would result in one reading about an entirely different book.
The content of the critiques could not be relied upon to rule out this
possibility. The tone of many offerings was so uncompromising and
authoritarian that one felt the particular reviewer would have sent
his original copy down from Mount Sinai on stone tablets if the
opportunity had presented itself. Replies by the author to the various
remarks indicated that he was often as puzzled about the nature of
particular points in contention as was this reader.
Steady academic emphasis on the personal bibliography undoubtedly
fosters, as a by-product, the publication of ideas which merited
additional formulation by the authors, or articles which are something
less than definitive. Understandably, these offerings seldom receive
favorable attention. It is also true that fame does not necessarily
equate with capability any more than relative obscurity rules against
it. It would seem, however, that scholarly ethics apply to critic as
well as theoretician, and that the requirement for a competent and
calm approach should weigh heavily on both.
Some anthropological critics lose little of their zeal when they leave
the current scene and judge prominent figures of the past. Their task
is made immeasurably easier by dealing with such individuals as
contemporaries, a n application of the "ethnographic present" which is
often difficult to understand. The racial ideas of nineteenth century
anthropologists, such as Tylor and Morgan, are not in harmony with the
concepts of today. The interpretation of their views runs into some
semantic difficulty with regard to their use of such words as "race"
and "inferior," and the consistency with which these terms were
applied. Nevertheless, it appears obvious that they were in error when
viewed from mid-twentieth century perspectives, and such errors should
be duly noted. It is also equally obvious that they were more
enlightened than most others of the period, and were probing for
different factors which might explain cultural advancement. Thus, one
wonders if there is much value at this time in applying to such
individuals the term "racist," with all of its current malevolent
overtones, and then holding forth on the matter through a number of
pages in order to insure that the label sticks. If certain recent
publications are taken into account, it would appear that some
anthropologists tend to think so.
11
Another pattern often observable in criticism is the tendency to take
an observation to the outer 1imit is of applicability, limits for
which it may not have been intended, and then to attack it from that
"all-or-nothing" position. While Wissler's application of the culture
area concept (1914; 1938:447-505), for example, Js far from a totally
accurate
and
effective
tool
for
the
explanation
of
culture
development, it is not without methodological value, and many aspects
of it would not seem to deserve the "overkill," in the form of
Volkswagens and soft drink bottles, that has been rained down by
critics who insist upon dealing with Wissler's ideas as if they had
been applied in a modern technological context.
Such attitudes become even more suspect when they are based upon the
interpretations of others concerning individuals or points under
consideration. Bohannan (1963:322) notes the latter tendency in the
treatment accorded the ideas of Levy-Bruht, for whom this writer feels
a certain affection as one who has been formulated into a left-handed
anthropological equivalent of Maxwell's Demon (Ehrenberg 1967:103-10).
Levy-Bruhl noted that primitives had no inherent incapacity with
regard to reason and rational reflection (1966:-29-30). This general
capability, he felt, was warped by ideas based on sensory perception
and group concepts rooted in mysticism (431-32).. While this position
is not as inherently evil as most interpretations have suggested, it
is subject to serious challenge from a modern and more .informed
viewpoint. It can be noted in passing, however, that many contemporary
concepts which deal with the culturally defined "value," the possibly
quite reasonable basis of which is either glossed over or disregarded,
and the idea of limitless human plasticity, suggest a closer parallel
with Levy-Bruhl than the authors might like to admit. This writer had
a similar personal experience with the writings of Melville
Herskovits. In the early part of his training he formed a strong
negative reaction to the cultural relativism doctrine, based almost
entirely on the criticisms leveled against it by dissenters of high
stature within the discipline. Belatedly, he got around to reading the
ideas of Herskovits for himself. What he found was a point of view
which, in general, suggests objective study of cultural groups and
mutual respect between peoples, questions the desirability of imposing
alien cultural systems, and notes that the rights of the individual
within the society to be disruptive to the majority must be limited in
the interests of social safety (1955:348-66). one does not have to
accept the entire doctrine or overlook the occasionally blurred line
between morals and methodology in order to realize that tolerance for
the police state and Nazism is no more implicit in it than is total
cultural isolation, both of which have been suggested. It is primarily
an argument against the application of preconceived ideas by an
outside observer and, while it may be subject to dispute, it is mainly
by overextension of reasonably, mild initial contentions that one can
develop something about which to become truly incensed.
One of the central problems in formulating theory is that the
individual is often attempting to develop laws relating to broad areas
of human activity or interest, generally in the proverbial "twenty
12
five words or less." Two stumbling blocks arise in this undertaking.
One is the attempt to isolate all needed facts bearing on the subject.
This obviously depends on the state of the art relating to the
particular
problem
involved.
A
n
historical
interdisciplinary
examination of theoretical activity reveals that knowledge gaps
consistently are present which one has to bypass, assuming he even
knows they exist. The result, almost inevitable in wide scale
undertakings, is that theory has to be modified, or perhaps even
discarded, as more evidence is uncovered, even though it may have had
useful applicability at previous levels of analysis. Ptolmey's concept
of the earth centered universe was overhauled by Copernicus to give
the sun a central position around which rotating planets moved in a
circular pattern, and was further modified by Kepler and others to
allow for elliptical planetary orbits (Gillispie 1960:16-53). Newton's
"dated" corpuscular theory of 1ight was replaced in the nineteenth
century by the wave concept, only to be given new validity, by quantum
and relativity investigations (Darrow 1952:48-50). In anthropology,
concepts of cultural evolution, diffusionism, and various forms of
determinism have undergone steady revision as new data became
available.
The second stumbling block is the way in which phenomena and events
tend to defy the simplistic explanation despite a general scientific
predisposition to think in terms of basic or central principles. This
is especially true in the broad areas of human endeavor dealt with by
the anthropologist. When one attempts to develop ideas which deal with
even the known contingencies, he is eventually confronted by data
indicating that somewhere, in some group, "things aren't done that
way."
The
anthropologist's
vast
fund
of
knowledge
concerning
exceptions to the rule has often made him the bane of his academic
fellows, especially other members of interdisciplinary teams (Luszki
1958:54-9).
Theory, then, is as hard to come by as it is necessary. While the
explanations themselves, as originally formulated, have often tended
to be temporary or threshold positions, the paper upon which they are
written is uncomfortably permanent, and does not disappear along with
the validity of the particular concept. As the individual bibliography
mounts, the inconsistency element is also introduced. With this comes
the opportunity for the diligent critic to find isolated sentences
here and there which can be used as justification for the claim that
the particular person was contradictory in his approach.
Some members of the field handle these problems by avoiding the arena.
They speak o€ anthropology as a "young" discipline, implying that it
is too early for generalizations. While one can scarcely fault Boas
for such a n attitude under then existing circumstances, the position
becomes more tenuous as vast amounts of unknown, unassimilated, and
forgotten data continue to pile up from fieldwork experiences.
Another outcome of
anthropologists have
the currently existing situation is that
become among the most skit-led of academic
13
counterpunchers. Presumably aware that few avenues of graceful retreat
are available once they have committed themselves to a position, many
become adept reinterpreters of the "exception" data accumulated by
their brother investigators. Then the unfortunate polarizing can take
place in which the critic contends that the exception invalidates an
entire idea, while the theorist undertakes to hammer each point into
his conceptual mold. Differences in the relative polemic skills of the
individuals involved can cause an essentially sound
idea
to
be
obscured or, conversely, a questionable one either to take hold or to
exist beyond its utilitarian life span.
Clearly refuting the attitudes of those who belabor the "young
discipline" approach has been the increasing need for specialization
in the anthropological subdivisions, with the concomitant requirement
for a certain amount of neglect by the individual of subjects outside
his area of interest. The benefits of this condition are apparent in
that concentration on the smaller area affords opportunities for a
more rapid accumulation of knowledge relating to it. However, it has
equally obvious debilitating side effects. It promotes the human
tendency for one to view his own area as the only one which really
matters. The specialist may then dismiss or be unaware of work in
other sub disciplines that has a bearing on his own research. The
situation also gives rise to capsule comments of summation for the
various branches of anthropological study. This becomes dangerous when
one notes that current students develop many of their attitudes from
an increasing amount of commentary and written synopses by others,
rather than on their own contact with original material. Considering
the amount of data at hand, this is unavoidable, but the problems
involved are clear. It is also questionable if any anthropological
specialty has, at this time, developed answers which are so totally
valid and highly definitive that they completely undermine the value
of other current avenues of investigation, though such a statement
will undoubtedly evoke unfavorable reactions from those who have given
total commitment to particular areas of inquiry or developmental
schemes. One may hear that the search for origins, which can be a
relative undertaking, is a waste of time due to the impossibility of
finding initial incidence. An investigator of historical bent might
then react by saying that such an attitude is typical of the social
anthropologist who looks at everything with a synchronic myopia, the
erroneous implication being that all social anthropologists retain a
lack of appreciation for anything outside the "in-being" situation, or
that the synchronic approach is consistently without value.
The area of psychological anthropology has received its full measure
of criticism from other members of the profession. Much of it is based
on the opinion that those involved are doing something that members of
other disciplines can do better, a comment that could be applied to
most branches of anthropology if the field is reduced to small enough
segments and the inherent synthesizing function is ignored. A, great
deal of attention in psycho logical anthropology is given to
culturally defined patterns of child
rearing. Part of the feeling
against this specialty is engendered by the suspicion that attempts
14
are made to explain too much of the adult personality in terms of
early childhood experiences. It is also questioned whether people
conform to cultural patterns because of a strongly conditioned
psychological orientation toward local standards of behavioral
propriety, or because, in a homogeneous group, it may be the "only
game in town." Thus, practical as well as psychological discomfort can
accompany pronounced deviance. Those taking a position at either
extreme would seem to oversimplify an essentially complex area of
inquiry. The psychological anthropologist has also been criticized for
a tendency to use borrowed or dated concepts and culture bound testing
tools.
The psychological investigators are beset by severe and not easily
soluble methodological problems. The isolated human mind is a
difficult instrument with which to deal. When one attempts to
establish generalizations concerning the behavior of a large group,
one which contains wide ranges of individual variability, the
undertaking becomes infinitely more complicated. It is much easier to
criticize the culture-bound nature of testing devices, an observation
that is not exactly a bulletin to many psychological anthropologists,
than it is to devise testing procedures free from cultural influences.
Those involved in culture and personality studies do not present as
united a front as some might suppose, and there is enough internal
debate to insure that the methodological pot will continue to boil
(See Cohen 1966).
The most significant fact promoting longevity for, the psychological
anthropologist is that one can scarcely divorce the human mind,
perhaps individually and certainly collectively, from the development
of culture. This remains true despite what one may think of a
particular culture and personality approach. Even those who voice
highly critical opinions of the area often, themselves, analyze
cultural tendencies and reactions in psychological terms. Perhaps many
critics have hoped for more from this field than the members have been
able to produce. Spiro (1961) has pointed out the inadvisability of
becoming overly oriented toward factors which develop the individual
personality, and has suggested increased emphasis on psychological
mechanisms related to cultural system maintenance and to the social
change process. Researchers such as Aber le (1963, 1967) and Gardner
(1966) have given effective examples of how informative studies can be
when psychological factors are integrated into cultural analyses.
Similar prejudices to the ones noted above have existed with regard to
those from many branches of anthropology working in cross-cultural
investigations of the type reflected in the Human Relations Area Files
studies. While part of this may be a reaction to what might be termed
"cybernetic" anthropology, a more basic evaluative error seems to be
the tendency to confuse methodology with machinery. One then feels
that because the computer is a modern and complex instrument, those
using the instrument will possess an equal level of sophistication in
their initial efforts. Just as this has not been true in other
anthropological areas, it is not accurate when applied to the
15
statistical approach either. Identification of significant areas to
which a method can be applied, evaluation of information for both
appropriateness and quality, and discovery of unknown built-in hazards
are problems which face all anthropologists, and ones from which none
have escaped unscarred. There are, however, problems peculiar to the
field, such as the difficulties involved in transferring abstract and
variable attitudes into discrete marks on a punch card or statistical
chart, and the obstacles encountered when moving from the gross
category to detailed specifics. Articles by Ford (1967) and Moore
(1961) again point out that those involved with the area are clearly
aware of the hazards and the continuous need for refinement of
techniques. Swanson, in his work on primitive religion (1964:1 79-82
), openly acknowledges the possibility of misinterpretation and the
failure of many groups to fit into designated categories, indicating
that qualitative improvement in all phases of the approach must
receive continuing emphasis. Such candor is unusual and refreshing in
any anthropological area, and is especially impressive in those of a
statistical orientation, who are much maligned for a supposed blind
allegiance to figures.
Responsibility for many of the errors in some surveys has to be
shouldered to some degree by traditional ethnographers upon whose data
the
particular
investigator
may
have
relied.
Individual
misunderstanding of cultural characteristics, even if minor, can
assume significant proportions in an analysis encompassing a large
number of groups. Also, such conventional studies often show that
excessive selectivity and oversimplification of information are not
lapses confined to the statistical researcher alone. It would appear
that, despite possible limitations in application, the statistical
method is a valuable cross-cultural tool that can be applied to a wide
range of problems in which the scope of the inquiry and the fund of
information available renders individual assimilation of data either
impractical or impossible.
Linguistics is another anthropological sub discipline in which strong
feelings can be evoked. Since inception it has been a difficult area
with which to come to grips. From a structural aspect the increments
and symbolism are as complicated as the social anthropologist's
kinship chart is wearying. Attempts to find an "easy read" print-out
of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis bear little fruit. Thus, linguistics
contains many features which might inspire one to avoid it if
possible, and to “entertain the perverse hope that it is a blind
alley. One hears comments of veiled optimism from nonpractitioners
stating that perhaps glottochronology isn't working out too well. They
may also note that Sapir's remarks concerning the "tyrannical hold"
language has on orientation (1931:578) do not seem totally applicable,
and that the less theoretically disturbing ideas regarding general
expandability of all languages to encompass any concept (Boas 1964:19)
may hold sway.
16
It seems certain, however, that linguistics will remain too
scientifically valid an area of inquiry to be ignored by other
branches of anthropology. Its intrinsic value and applicability to
other sub disciplines can be seen from the example of the language
situation in Nigeria, as reflected in the fieldwork documentation of
Wolff (1959). The possibility is suggested that intergroup linguistic
communication becomes involved with prestige, status, and self view in
such a way that ability to learn certain new languages, even when
closely related to the individual’s mother tongue, can be blocked,
perhaps below the conscious level. Linguistic problems, the answers to
which would be of great assistance to anthropologists, are varied.
Works by Conklin, (1955), Good enough (1957 ), and others reflect
increasing evidence of the correlation between language and culture,
as well as the importance of putting appropriate linguistic
information in terms that do not require the background of the
specialist for understanding.
Applied anthropology, this writer's primary field of interest, is also
capable of invoking mild discomfiture among certain members of the
discipline, though feelings probably run no higher than those inspired
in the Sioux by a cavalry uniform. Exposure to such attitudes is not
necessarily pleasant, but conservative positions on this subject can
be well understood. If one makes the assumption that there are certain
regularities relating to culture and behavior which induce a factor of
predictability, he must still, in honesty, admit that many of them
remain mysterious. It must also be acknowledged that courses of action
in change projects, once chosen, can have repercussions unforeseen by
the most thoughtful of planners. Further, it is a valid observation
that mistakes are made and that, in spite of numerous lists of rules
to follow, none guarantee future protection from error. In fact, it is
a likely prospect. Then there is the possibility that if applied
endeavor is encouraged, anthropology might develop an overzealous and
misguided arm which could, by activity and error, lower the stature of
the discipline. This attitude cannot be dismissed as simple
stodginess, as the forgotten sage who noted that "ignorance in action
is terrifying," voiced one of the world's great truths. In view of
such formidable obstacles, it seems proper to question the soundness
of any idea relating to the increased development of applied
anthropology.
It was fashionable and probably even justifiable at one time, to
question the right of the anthropologist, or anyone else, to
"interfere" in the lives of peoples in other cultural settings. It was
noted that even the most primitive groups had generally worked out an
accommodation with their environment and, as they understood it, lived
full lives. While the overt humanitarian may have recoiled from the
deprivation present in terms of his own cultural conditioning, the
anthropologist was aware of the relativity factor which could allow
the scientifically limited aborigine to live thirty-five rich and
meaningful years, while his more "fortunate" would-be benefactors
represented cultures in which individuals could spend seventy empty
ones. The anthropologist also realized that one would have to possess
17
a peculiar perspective indeed to believe that aboriginal peoples had
elicited a profit from contacts with outsiders.
While this "hands-off" attitude may have been appropriate at one time,
it no longer seems applicable today. It must be obvious by now that
primitive and traditional cultures are not destined to be allowed to
exist free from outside interference, the government official,
military man, or technician is everywhere. Whether by direct
intervention of governments, or by the indirect influence of a
processing plant built on a nearby island, traditional groups are
consistently swept into culture change situations in which relatively
little attention is given to their welfare. It seems accurate to
assume that the anthropologist, by virtue of his interests and
training, is generally more capable of helping these people adjust to
and profit from such situations than government, business, or military
representatives. Neither lack of perfection nor the total ability to
insure acceptance of his advice by either outside or host groups
should be a valid excuse for ignoring the existing situation. It must
also be noted that the anthropologist is often full of retrospective
ideas, and quite loudly and comfortably takes the official or
technician to task after mistakes have been made. If such strong
feelings exist, then interest in helping to avert the errors he
criticizes should seemingly be present in equal measure.
If the disinclination by outsiders to leave primitives alone is
accepted, and if the anthropologist can furnish assistance to those
groups adversely affected by such contacts, it is interesting to
ponder a moral issue other than the right of anyone, even with
altruistic motives, to "bother the natives.'"' This is the issue
raised when one wonders how long ago the irreversible trend of
encroachment by aliens into traditional areas was, or should have
been, apparent to members of the discipline. It is possible that their
applied interests should have developed even earlier and more
strongly. The anthropologist has gotten a lot of mileage out of
primitive and traditional peoples. He has generally been well received
by such groups, and has often been treated as an honored guest. This
is all the more significant when one takes cognizance of the annoying
nature of his constantly probing activities. He comes away from his
field work with enlightenment for himself and his fellows, the
acquired aura of the specialist, and a vast potential publication
list. When groups of the type from which the anthropologist has
profited so much are in a position to use-assistance from the
application of the knowledge gained at their expense, perhaps there i
s some type of obligation present, one which will not destroy the
intellectual objectivity required for effective study. It also seems
assured that such experiences are a valuable source of data for
colleagues in other areas.
Applied endeavors often require the anthropologist to operate within
the framework of a larger organization, many of whose members are
motivated by purposes and concerns other than
18
his own. This is a circumstance he tends to find undesirable.
Anthropologists were long a part of British and Dutch colonial
administrations
(Linton
1945:15).
This
was
probably
a
factor
motivating the idea that the anthropologist should not be involved in
the
administrative
decision-making
process,
thus
avoiding
responsibility for the uses to which his information is put, though
such avoidance has been justified on the grounds that communication
with officials is a hopeless task and policy involvement undermines
scholarship
(Evans-Pritchard
1964:119-20).
Barnett
(1956:72-35),
however, has clearly pointed out that professional ethics do not
permit such an easy escape from moral consequences.
The above discussion must not be taken to imply that anthropology
should become totally applied in nature. The problems with which it
deals are too broad. Extensive and full-time pursuit of theory and
pressure-free investigation by a large segment of the discipline is
necessary in order to prevent erosion of the professional foundation
and to insure that the anthropologist does not become an academic
"fossil man," using ;dated concepts and narrow-scope techniques
resulting from an r extended activi Neither- does it mean that applied
anthropologists should become the "mechanics" of the field. Green
(1961:9), based on experiences with culture change programs in
Pakistan, has graphically illustrated how any specialist whose talent
rests solely at the practical level will eventually find his
capabilities
outstripped
by
the
requirements
of
an
effective
assistance effort.
The archaeologist, the best known of cultural anthropologists, remains
in many ways a mysterious member of the group of his colleagues. Part
of the mystery results from the highly specialized nature of his work.
Candor would compel many anthropologists to admit that one hand axe or
potsherd looks much like another to them. Then, too, while the
discovery of an artifact after hours of labor requiring the endurance
of a sandhog and the delicacy of an artist can be most rewarding to
those at the scene, the event often loses much in the retelling.
Through no fault of the archaeologist, the basic notes of the
ethnographer just happen to make better reading than the average site
report.
Like the rest of the anthropological fraternity, the archaeologists
have not remained untouched by criticism. Some of it, such as that by
Taylor (1943), himself a practitioner, takes them to task for past
inclinations to become lost i n. typol ogy and method while failing to
use their findings to formulate significant theory concerning cultural
development. The limited capability of the archaeologist to speculate
about prehistoric child rearing techniques and inheritance patterns is
obvious, but recent publications by Gabel (1967) and Willey (1966)
indicate that many contemporary archaeologists have increasingly
fulfilled their speculative obligations within the limits imposed by
the data at their disposal.
19
The archaeologist has things other than theory from which his
anthropological brethren can profit. One is his emphasis on precision.
Another is his enthusiasm for field work, which generally seems to
stay at a higher and more sustained level throughout his career than
in any other branch of anthropology. While undoubted contributing
factors are his tendency to work with a group and his less intimate
involvement with social interaction problems, much of his zeal
obviously comes from the feeling that what he is doing is both
enjoyable and important. While ethnologists may also share this
attitude, it often appears that many look upon field work as a chore
which, fortunately, does not have to be repeated too often.
There is much evidence to support the contention that anthropologists,
in spite of themselves, feel they are slated for bigger things. There
is the strong emphasis on the Ph.D. degree as a requirement for
necessary competence, a demand which seems more reasonable as one's
involvement with the field increases. Though their road is made
constantly more difficult by the increased academic commitment
required, the exotic aspects of anthropology stilt tend to attract the
dilettante. While much scholarly work has been done by dedicated
individuals with, or pursuing, a Master's degree, there is still more
last minute test preparation and weekend term papers at the lower
graduate level than is comfortable to admit. The increasingly vast
scope of the field causes even the diligent majority to arrive at the
Master's plateau far more conscious of what they don't yet know than
of what they have been able to learn.
Another favorable sign is the tendency of universities to realize that
pressing students too rapidly toward specialization can produce
individuals with severely restricted perspectives* This seems balanced
by the growing awareness that a steady pace must be maintained to
avoid a high percentage of "professional students." In the broad field
of anthropology there is always another area to be investigated,
another course to be taken, or another research project in which to
become involved. Such incentive is laudable, but it is possible to
reach a point at which the new information the student is receiving
does not compensate for the seepage of aging and unapplied knowledge
from his mind. When such a situation exists, it is perhaps the elders
rather than the students who are primarily at fault. Under the
pressures of course loads, publication, and administrative duties,
guidance often appears to be the most expendable burden the professor
carries and the one which will engender the least backlash through
neglect. Thus, the counseling program can take on a studied fuzziness.
Here again, one sees attempts to make this aspect of academia
increasingly dynamic, though a totally satisfactory situation is still
difficult to find.
Problem centered field work, an approach in wide practice today,
seems to be another effective methodological development. It is
especially fruitful when the field worker undertakes to develop data
needed to fill in current gaps or to answer specific questions, while
not allowing himself the luxury of neglecting more conventional
20
ethnological information. One then has an expansion rather than
restriction of method.
a
In anthropology, as in other organized endeavors, an "establishment"
exists and one of its duties is to serve as a focal point for
dissatisfaction. It is sometimes heard that survival in this or that
university depends upon unqualified acceptance by the student of a
particular scheme of cultural development expounded by the department
involved. Again, one is told that certain schools undermine a
humanistic approach to anthropology, and that traces of it in a
dissertation will result in certain rejection by the departments of
such institutions. Cases are cited in which dissertations were
rewritten by candidates simply to satisy committee requirements,
resulting in material which the particular author held to be
substandard or invalid, but which he submitted simply to conform and
receive his degree. Such charges are not always leveled by young
dissidents. To this writer's knowledge, at least one experienced and
respected anthropologist, who had been on the staff of a major eastern
university, left the field entirely and gave as the reason an
increased lack of humanism and emphasis on conformity which rendered
it ineffective for any work of future value. If such charges are true,
they are not only lamentable but grim in a discipline in which
individual perspective is both vital and, unavoidably, slowly formed
on the basis of an assimilation of knowledge and experience,
That such institution as those described above exist is quite probably
true. That they are present in large numbers is more questionable. Few
departments 'have the budgets to marshal a squad of experts for each
of the many sub disciplines and areas one finds in anthropology.
Necessarily, certain phases of the subject are neglected by most
schools. One often hears criticism of curriculum by graduate students,
accompanied by suggestions that particular study areas be introduced
or expanded. This process is sometimes difficult and generally depends
on the approval of offices outside the department. Departmental
personnel have often engineered the establishment of such courses,
only to find themselves explaining at a later date why, in spite of
previously expressed enthusiasm, just one or two students seemed able
to work them into their schedules.
The writer has been fortunate in attending schools in which he was
free, exercising reasonable decorum, to dispute ideas presented to him
so long as he could back up his position with facts. It was primarily
lack of this factual foundation that would bring reactions of pointed
disapproval. I n this regard, it is also felt that "humanism" is a
quality that can somehow get pushed out of shape and become something
not altogether desirable. The doctrine is too often used by those who
run out of verifiable data and retreat into the supposedly safe haven
of vague humanistic generalities, only to find that they provoke a
response other than the one desired. While feelings and intuition are
an important part of anthropology, they are not the sole stuff of
which any discipline is constituted. If anthropology does, as it
should, make any humanistic contributions, they will have to be based
21
on solid evidence and not on generalized and unsubstantiated ideas
concerning how things "should be."
The comments contained herein should not be taken to imply that
anthropology is in an advanced state of dereliction and disarray. Such
a claim would be invalidated by the number of competent professionals
the field continues to develop. Neither should it be interpreted to
suggest that anthropology should function as a giant interdisciplinary
vacuum cleaner, drawing every area of study into its own bailiwick any
more than it should continuously segment like some academic earthworm
into small compartmentalized pieces which go their separate ways. The
study of man is unwieldy by its very nature, and this condition will
probably continue to be reflected in the structure of anthropology.
There may well be a need for some pruning of the disciplinary tree. If
anthropology does converge into a field of more limited scope, the
movement will have to be a cautious one. Only by exhibiting great care
can it avoid the constant vacillation of the past with regard to what
is or is not important and meaningful.
A thoughtful approach to the subject requires a constant vigil to
insure that excessive polarization is avoided. Overzealous and
personalized criticism can be as damaging to the anthropological
fabric as the passive acceptance of empty concepts, and promotes
answers in kind. Commitment to a totally applied approach is as
unhealthy as complete isolation in theory. The most discouraging
aspect of such polarization is that it promotes an intellectual
absenteeism in which excessive time is given to both self and area
justification.
Further,
it
is
disquieting
to
hear
overdrawn
anthropological positions being voiced, often by those whom you
suspect of less violent actual attitudes, and then later justified on
the grounds that they counterbalanced ones of equal extremity in
another direction, or were motivated by a dangerous drift of focus in
others that was unacceptable to the speaker. Thus, scholarship takes
on the appearance of jaded political negotiations in which initially
extreme overstatements supposedly lead, in the final analysis, to some
type of equity. Such attitudes clearly attack the spirit of
anthropology and, one would hope, the letter of it as well.
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1963, Some Sources of Flexibility in Navaho
Social Organization. Southwestern Journal of
Anthropology 19:1-8.
1967, The Psychosocial Analysis of a Hopi
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By Robert Hunt (79-138). Garden City, N.Y.:
Natural History Press.
BACON, ELIZABETH
1946, A Preliminary Attempt to Determine the
Culture Areas of Asia. Southwestern Journal
of Anthropology 2:117-32.
22
BARNETT, H. G.
1956,
Anthropology
in
Administration.
Evanston, Ill: Row, Peterson.
BOAS, FRANZ
1964, Linguistics and Ethnology. Language in
Culture and Society, ed. by Dell Hymes
(15-22). New York: Harper and Row.
BOHANNAN, PAUL
1963, Social Anthropology.
Rinehart and Winston.
COHEN, YEHUDI A.
1966, On Alternative Views of the Individual
in Culture-and-Personality Studies. American
Anthropologists 68:355-61.
CONKLIN, HAROLD C.
1955, Hanunoo Color Categories. Southwestern
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DARROW, KARL K.
1952, The Quantum Theory. Scientific American
186/3:47-54.
1967, Maxwell's Demon. Scientific American
217/5:1 03-1 0.
EHRENBERG, W.
New
York:
EVANS-PRITCHARD, E.
E. 1964, Social Anthropology
Essays. New York: Free Press.
FORD, CLELLAN S.
1967, On the Analysis of Behavior for Cross
Cultural
comparisons.
Cross-Cultural
Approaches, ed. by Clellan S. Ford (3-21).
New Haven: HRAF Press.
1967,
Analysis
of
Prehistoric
Economic
Patterns. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston
GABEL, CREIGHTON
GARDNER, PETER M.
GILLISPIE,CHARLES COULSTON
and
Holt,
Other
1966,
Symmetric
Respect
and
Memorate
Knowledge: The Structure and Ecology of
Individualistic Culture. Southwestern Journal
of Anthropology 22:389-415
1960, The Edge of Objectivity. Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
GOODENOUGH, WARD H.
1957, Cultural Anthropology and Linguistics.
Language
in Culture and Society, ed. by
Dell Hymes (36-9). New York: Harper and Row.
GREEN, JAMES W.
1961, Success and Failure in Technical
Assistance; A Case Study. Human Organization
20/1:2-10
23
HERSKOVITS, MELVILLE J.
1955, Cultural Anthropology. New York: Alfred
A.Knopf.
KROEBER, A. L.
1947, Culture Groupings in Asia. Southwestern
Journal of Anthropology 3:322-30.
LEVY-BRUH L, LUCIEN
1966, Primitive
Press.
LINTON, RALPH
1945, The Scope and Aims of Anthropology. The
Science of Man in the World Crisis, ed. by
Ralph Linton (3-18). New York: Columbia
University Press.
1958, Interdisciplinary Team Research. New
York: NYU Press.
LUZSKI, MARGARET B.
Mentality.
Boston:
Beacon
MOORE, FRANK W.
1961, Cross-cultural Documentation. Readings
in Cross-cultural Methodology, ed. by Frank
W. Moore (281-86). New Haven: HRAF Press.
SAPIR, EDWARD
1931, Conceptual Categories
Languages. Science 74:578.
SPIRO, MELFORD E.
1961,
An
Overview
and
a
Suggested
Reorientation.
Psychological
Anthropology,
ed. by Francis L.K. Hsu (459-92). Homewood,
Ill.: Dorsey Press.
SWANSON, GUY E.
1964, The Birth of the Gods. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press.
1948, A Study of Archaeology. American
Anthropologist 50 (AA Memoir No. 69).
1966,
An
Introduction
to
American
Archaeology, Vol. I. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentiss-Hall.
TAYLOR, WALTER W.
WILLEY, GORDON R.
in
Primitive
WISSLER, CLARK
1914, Material Culture of North American
Indians. American Anthropologist 16:447-505.
1938, The American Indian, 3d edition. New
York: New York: Oxford University Press.
WOLFF, HANS
1959,
Intelligibility
and
Attitudes.
Anthropological
1/3:34-41.
Interethnic
Linguistics
24
CIVILIZATION VS.URBANISM
By B.K. Swartz, Jr.
Curiously enough orthodox definitions of the time-honored term
civilization are inadequate when carefully scrutinized. This article
reexamines
the
civilization
question
from
a
culture
history,
qualitative viewpoint. The current fad is a n empirical quantitative
approach couched in the idea of urbanism (Adams 1966). This outlook is
valid, but as an historical archaeologist, I find the concept of
civilization as used in the humanities appealing.
Civilization was used early in anthropology by Lubbock (1870) as a
synonym for culture. This meaning was maintained by American
Historical anthropologists until recent times. However, Morgan, a
contemporary of Lubbock, proposed an alternative meaning, related to
evolutionary anthropological thinking. He considered civilization as a
stage of cultural development. His criteria for civilization were one,
use of the phonetic alphabet (hieroglyphic writing on stone being
admitted as an equivalent); and two, the production of literary
records (1977: 11 -2). Morgan's thinking was based on the use of
various cognates of the word civilization by scholars since classical
antiquity to refer to peoples with learning, implying writing. Of
course the authors always assumed that their own society was
civilized, in contrast to the unlearned out-group barbarians.
Despite the strong reaction to evolutionary thinking in anthropology
early in this century, Childe refined Morgan's concept still further,
and lists the following criteria for civilization: one, extensive and
densely populated cities; two, full-time specialist craftsmen,
transport workers, merchants, officials, and priests; three, taxation;
four, truly monumental public buildings; five a ruling class; six,
systems of recording and exact, but practically useful, sciences;
seven, writing and scripts); eight, naturalistic art expression in
conceptualized and sophisticated styles (with regional variation in
expression); nine, regular foreign trade; and ten, state organization
based on residence. Despite the numerous criteria, basically Childe
relates civilization to his Urban Revolution (1950). To him the key is
cities, brought about by rapid population increase. Willed expands
Childe's fourth and eighth criteria, and views civilization as a
"great" art style. His criteria are one, "excellence" in the "great"
arts; two, "climax" of religious architecture; and three, a general
"florescence" in material culture (Willey and Phillips 1958:132-3).
25
Present thinking on the problem is an extension of Childe's ideas with
urbanism, rather than civilization, being the term used. There is
danger in this confusion, i.e., civilization equals urbanism, and it
is insisted that the value of the concept as originally proposed by
Morgan is valid; but must be redefined. Willey's approach to the idea
of civilization can be best documented from evidence achieved by
archaeological observation and excavation. What must be done is to
define Willey's criteria more objectively.
Despite Childe and much current thinking, many developments which are
generally
considered
civilization
are
without
cities
in
the
conventional meaning of the term. By cities, large metropolitan
centers with resident population are being referred to. Examples of
non-city civilizations are pre-Theban Egypt and prePost-Classic New
World centers. Here activities appear to be focused around ceremonial
centers with variable visiting population patterns. It is interesting
to speculate that non-city civilizations are theoretically controlled,
while city civilizations have stronger secular authority. However,
secularism appears late in these developments and may not be related
to civilization origins. In contrast to non-city civilizations, in
West Africa there are cities, but no civilization in the orthodox
meaning of the term. Here the "cities" are expansive, over-grown,
settled villages. No qualitative transformation has taken place. Also,
cities as large trading centers, e.g., Mecca, may develop without
accompanying political states.
The argument for writing as an index for civilization, first proposed
by Morgan, is even more tenuous. At time of European contact the Inca
were not literate and the Aztecs had only the rudiments of writing.
There is no evidence of writing systems in the Andean area at any time
in the past, although there may have been attempts in Moche times
(Larco Hoyle 1942-3). It appears that the development of a true
writing system, i.e., a system that transcribes a linguistic structure
that can be read, is unique to what is conventionally called
civilization. Writing systems that have been developed may then spread
to non-civilized areas, often by stimulus diffusion.
Though civilization need not produce cities nor writing, certain
universals of civilization are identifiable. Plant cultivation appears
to
be
required;
the
stock-breeding
of
pastoralists
appears
insufficient and necessitates nomadism. The most that food collectors
have been able to do is settled village living, e.g., the Northwest
Coast Indians. Collecting is used here as the intensive exploitation
of a particular natural food resource, so that a surplus of this
resource is established Braid Wood and Reed 1957). A near universal of
civilization is metallurgy. The only absence among conventionally
regarded
civilizations
is
in
prePost-Classic
Mesoamerica.
The
development of lapidary skill in this center may be a reaction to this
lack. The functional significance of metal, however, is not for
utilitarian use, but is a reflection of class structure as luxury
items. Of course metallurgy is widespread in non-civilized areas,
often for more utilitarian uses. The discovery of iron in the Old
26
World is later in time. Its uses were utilitarian, primarily military,
and were important in the later spread of civilization.
Neither universals nor unique features are satisfactory for the
definition of civilization. For the concept to be useful to
archaeologists a key must be found that one, occurs in societies that
are generally regarded to be civilized; two, never occurs in
non-civilized societies; and three, must leave evidence that can be
detected from the physical setting by field observation and
excavation. Monumental non-ceremonial construction appears to be a
distinctive feature of civilization. Monumental works range from
utilitarian to "no utilitarian" or ceremonial in basic function. Those
tending toward the former appear to have three types of use: one,
repositories
for
records
and
as
residences
of
functionaries
(buildings, palaces, etc.); two, aids for movement of merchandise,
produce, water, and people (aqueducts, paved roads, bridges, etc, and
the extensive development of canals and terraces); and three,
protection
(walls,
watch-towers,
forts,
etc.).
Of
course
the
occurrence of non-monumental structures of these types can occur in
non civilizations, e.g., palisades for walls or paths for roads. It is
interesting to note that paved roads appear to be of greater
importance in the New World non-river valley civilizations. Ceremonial
"architectural" construction may be restricted to conventionally
regarded civilized societies (temples, tombs, pyramids, etc.), but
ceremonial structures such as European megaliths and Easter Island
stone sculpture do appear in non-civilizations.
It is difficult to explain the functional correlation of what I am
arbitrarily defining as monumental architecture, in contrast to
monumental non-architecture, and civilization. There may be a
connection here with the presence of a privi1edged ruling class and
architecture. A reasonable explanation for the correlation of
monumental public construction and civilization can be posited. The
key is that civilization is inextricably bound to exploitation. With
intensive food collection and cultivation a food surplus is
established, allowing for a sudden increase in population density of
an area--Childe°s Neolithic Revolution (1925). With population
increase an extensive available potential manpower source is created.
Some way must be devised to control and coerce this energy. This is
done by established elite who keeps records. Such records need not be
written, but be merely systems of notation and computation. By keeping
track of people they can be controlled if kept occupied. This is
accomplished by labor, the large-scale construction of massive public
works. It has been suggested that control of water was the way the
elite established themselves in Mesopotamia--Wittfogel's Hydraulic
Society (1956). Other mechanisms might be economic control of food or
theocratic control by prediction of natural phenomena. Once the elite
is established they can initiate tribute and tax collection, exchange
and trade, and military logistics by manipulating people by records.
Political authority is now in effect and civilization has bloomed.
Three ingredients are necessary: one, a surplus (of food); two, an
27
elite (social
computation).
classes);
and
three,
records
(of
notation
and
The mechanism for producing civilization, however, need not maintain
it. Civilization, as here defined by the presence of monumental public
structures, can survive on a small unit Socio-political base, such as
the feudal system of medieval Europe. Also, all three factors listed
above, i.e., surplus, elite, and records, need not inevitably and
immediately produce civilization. Examples of this are the Natchez and
Kwakiutl. The latter were probably handicapped in that they
established their surplus by intensive collection of salmon, rather
than by cultivation. The former received civilization from a hearth
area, and had not yet fully established it in their marginal setting.
It does appear, though, that monumental non-ceremonial construction is
a good indicator of what is conventionally regarded as civilization in
anthropological parlance.
Civilization, as defined above, apparently developed independently
only twice, once in the Old World and once in the New World. The Old
World hearth began at the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates river
valleys of Mesopotamia, about 3200 B.C. Developments in Egypt soon
followed, and somewhat later in the Indus Valley of Pakistan. At still
a later time there are the Shang developments along the Hwang Ho River
in northern China, which may have been essentially independent. Here
there is evidence, however, of influence from the western centers of
civilization.
The New World hearth developed in Nuclear America upon a pan Formative
base Spinden's Archaic Hypothesis (1917), about 1200 B.C., the
earliest Mesoamerican expression being La Venta3 and the earliest
Andean expression being Chavin.
To conclude, the terms civilization and urbanism are not synonymous.
Urbanism, in the sense of city 1iving and writing systems, is not
required for the appearance of civilization. Civilization is based on
political coercion of mass labor. The evidence presented for this
recording systems and monumental non-ceremonial construction, the
latter being archaeologically discoverable.
NOTES
1. I wish to acknowledge the careful scrutiny given to this paper
by my Ball State University colleagues, professors Jack M. Whitehead
and Elizabeth J. Glenn.
2. Moche is used, rather than Mochica, to avoid the implications
of using a contemporary language unit as archaeological terms
3. La Venta is used, rather than Olmec, to avoid the implications
of using a contemporary language unit as an archaeological term.
28
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THE AUTHORS
Edward L. Greenamyre is a graduate student at the University
Minnesota. He holds an MA from Wichita State University.
of
Dr. B.K Swartz, Jr. is an associate professor of Anthropology in the
Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Ball State University.
29
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46
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Jack M. Schock
"Decorative Treatment of Ceramics
in Four Kansas Hopewellian Sites,"
(1966)
David R. Evans
"A Comparison of Grave Goods from
two Post Contact Coalescent
Cemeteries in South Dakota," (1968)
B. Miles Gilbert
"Some Aspects of Diet and Butchering
Techniques among Prehistoric Indians
in South Dakota," (1968)
47
Gretchen Meyers Goark
"A Comparison of Concepts of Health
and Illness: University of Kansas
Students from Venezuela, Philip
pine Islands and Kansas" (1968)
Katherine Roback
"An Ethnographic Study of a North
Coast Jamaican Revivalist Cult,"
(1968)
Edith Valentine-Zeller
"The Changing Social Structure of
a State Psychiatric Hospital and
It’s Relevance for Treatment," (1968)
University of Kentucky
Joe P. Lewellyn
"Skeletal Analysis of Two Mississipia n
Sites in Kentucky,"(1964)
Joseph K. Long
"Multiple-Discriminent Analysis of Indian
Crania of Eastern United States," (1964)
Andris Skreija
"Interests and Interest Orientations of
LLatvian Refugees as Reflected in Their
Nnewspapers,"(1964)
Ronald J. Butler
"Decision Making in a Minority Community,"
(1965)
Brenda Johnson Clay
"Family Authority Structure in a
Russian Orthodox Parrish," (1966)
William H. Keeling
"Functional Inter-Relationships In
Socioeconomic in Ethico Religious
Institutions in Tlingit Culture," (1967)
Burton L. Purrington
"Prehistoric Horizons and Traditions in the
Eastern Mountains of Kentucky," (1967)
Julia Schwab Roberts
"Social Change through Relocation:
Eddyville, Kentucky," (1968)
48
Lonq Island University
Fred R. Herrmann
"A Theoretical and Practical
Approach to the Problem of Juvenile
Delinquency," (1964)
Michael H. Pomerantz
"A Study of Suicide and Anomie,"
(1967)
Mary Holloman Gould
"Social Security Programs in Selected
European and Latin American Countries in
Relation to the International Minimum
Standard of Social Security,"
(1968)
Louisiana state
university
Gail Kemp Sheffield
"Bush Negro Art," (1966)
John B, Humer
"A Critical Study of French Ford
Incised Pottery in Coastal Louisiana,"
(1967)
Dudley V. Yates
"Prehistoric Indians in Louisiana
Bibliography," (1967)
Jon Lee Gibson
"Russell Landing: A North Louisiana
Phase of the Tchefuncte Period,"(1968)
William Lattimore Ligon
"House Types of the Black Carib and Miskito
Indians of Honduras,"(1963)
Miami University
Nicholas H. Bocher
"The Inauguration of a University
President: A Contemporary Instance
of Status Dramatization," (1967)
49
University of Missouri
Donald Paul Heldman
"A Study of the Nature of Degrees
of Cultural Relationship of Missouri to
Illinois Valley Hopewell," (1963)
Robert Bruce Macmillan
"A Survey and Evaluation of the
Archaeology of the Central Gas
conade River Valley in Missouri,"(1963)
Sidney Grant Denny
"A Re-Evaluation of the Boone
Focus: A Late Woodland Manifestation in
Central Missouri," (1964)
James R., Williams
"A Study of Fortified Indian
Villages in Southeast Missouri,"(1964)
Walter E. Klippel
"An Archaeological Investigation
of the Lower Olage River Valley in
Missouri," (1965)
Mary J. Grinstead
"Semantic Differential for
Discriminating Student Types," (1967)
John L. Mori
"The Revival of American Indian
Arts and Crafts," (1968)
Joycelyn I. Mori
"Hopi Silversmithing," (1968)
Thomas O'Neill
"Weights and Measures: A Cross
Cultural Study," (1968)
Robert B. Vis
"A Little Sioux Mill Creek Sequence,"
(1968)
University of North
Carolina
Frank Fernandez
"A Phonology of Remo: The Language
of the Hill Bonder," (1963 )
50
Marcia E. Klingel
"The Manifestations of Local
Institutions and Customs in North
Africa," (1963)
Richard J. Preston, III
"Imposed and Inherent Cultural
Structures and Writings of Edward
Sapir," (1964)
Sue Gina Garrett
"Negro Mating and Family Patterns
From West Africa to the New World," (1965)
Patricia Ann Rogers
"Aspirations and Acculturation of
Cree Women at Great Whale River,"
(1965)
Gerald Patrick Smith
"An Archaeological Survey of the
New Hope Valley," (1965)
Patricia P. Holden
"An Archaeological Survey of
Transylvania County, N.C.," (1966)
Richard H. Wills, Jr.
"Perceptions and Attitudes of the
Montagnais-Naskapi of Great Whale
River Concerning the Western World," (1966)
Brian John Egloff
"An Analysis of Ceramics from
Historic Cherokee Towns," (1967)
James J. Reid, Jr.
"Pee Dee Pottery from the Mound
at Town Creek," (1967)
William M. Schneider
“A Tentative Componential Analysis
of the American Lawyer's Domain
of Crime," (1967)
Margaret Stephens Egloff
"Eskimo Adolescents' Perception
of Their Future Role," (1963)
Roy L. Felshin
"Pleistocene Man in East Asia:
An Inquiry into the Origins of the
Mongoloid Race," (1968)
David Johnson
"Population, Anthropology, Caribbean:
An Overview and Guide to the
Literature," (1968)
William W. Koolage
“The Chipewyan Indians of Camp
10, Churchill, Manitoba: A Short
Ethnography," (1968)
51
Frank Manning
"A Prologue to Anthropological Studies of
Bermuda," (1968)
Vance P. Packard
"A Comparative Synthesis of the Ceramics of
the Middle Atlantic States Region," (1963)
James N. Riley
“Family Organization in an Urban
Port-of-Spain Community," (1968)
Mary Marie Rogers
"A Discussion of Some Current
Theories on the Origin and
Evolution of Language," (1968)
Richard Lee Smith
"Test Excavations at the Lock
Site (8JE57), Jefferson County,
Florida," (1968)
George John Vranas
"An Ethnographic Account of an
Urban Canadian Eskimo Community and
the Problem of Extra-marital
Sexuality," (1968)
David Wolf
"The Archaeology at, the Roosevelt #2
Site," (1968)
Northwestern
University
Jo Ann Baughan
“Secondary Social Groupings
Among Three West African People,”
(1963)
James Bertsche
"Kimbanguism, A Separatist Movement,"
(1963)
Solomon Albert Smith, II
"The Nature and
Some Aspects of
African Medical
of the Sahara,"
Victor Chikezie Uchendu
"Status and Hierarchy Among the
Southeastern Igbo," (1963)
Characteristics of
Non-Literate
Complexes South
(1963)
52
Nicholas Fintzelberg
"A Typology of Uto-Aztecan
Consan-quineal Kinship
Terminologies,"(1964)
Robert Lincoln Keiser
"The Biography of a Hustler,"(1964)
Joann Wheeler
Kealiinohomoku
“A Comparative Study of Dance as
A Constellation of Motor
Behaviors Among African and
United States Negroes," (1965)
Dena Setensley
"Territorial Change in Cultural
Evolution: A Cross-cultural
Survey," (1968)
Mary Michael Parent
Warnemuende
“Development of a Methodology for
Quantification of Non-Western Economic
Processes, Illustrated by an Analysis of
the Maglemosia n Culture," (1968)
University of Oregon
T.C. Hogg
R.E. Ross
"The Functions of the Negro SocioReligious Categories as Reference
Groups," (1963)
"Prehistory of the Round Butte Area,
Jefferson County," (1963)
F.E. Poirier
"The Communicative Matrix of the Celebes
Ape (Cynopithecue Niger): A Study of 16
Male Laboratory Animals," (1964)
P. L. Lut
"Female Delinquency in Three Ethnic Groups
in Hawaii," (1965)
P.J. Marchiando
"A Technological and Statistical Analysis
of Upper Umpqua River Artifacts," (1965)
P.M. Wei
"Political Modernization of the Nez Perce
Indian Reservation, 1940-1963," (1965)
R.E. Wiest
"Mexican Farm Laborers in California,"
(1965)
53
S.F. Bedwell
"A Descriptive Analysis of Side Notch
Points from the State of Oregon," (1966)
J.C. Riddell
"A Case Study of Migration from Santa Laura
to Mexico City," (1966)
A. Sonek, Jr.
"Social Behavior of a Colony of Woolly
Monkeys," (1966)
J.H. Atherton
“Prehistoric Manufacturing Sites at North
American Stone Quarries," (1966)
S.M. Lloyd
"The Indian Students' Association and the
Indian Community at the University of
Oregon, 1965-1966,” (1966)
L.S. Cordell
"The Lingo Site, A Ca1apuya Midden,” (1966)
J.H. Bodley
"Growth and Development of an Intertribal
Mission Station in the Peruvian Amazon,"
(1966)
D.L. Hardesty
“A Study of Moche Ceramics," (1967)
Carl Brown
"Differential Cold Adaptation in Man,"
(1967)
C. Adrian Heidenreich
"A Review of the Ghost Dance Religion of
1889-90 Among the North American Indiand
and Comparison of 8 Societies
which accepted or rejected the dance”
J.H. Bodley
"Growth and Development of an
Intertribal Mission Station in the Peruvian
Amazon," (1967)
G.A. Bailey
"Osage Economic and Territorial Change:
1573-1839, " (1968)
54
G.H. Clark
"The Archaeology of the Takli Site,
Katmai National Monument, Alaska,"
(1968)
R.M. Houghton
"The Fort McDermitt Indian Reservation:
Social structure and the Description of
Political and Economic Power," (1968)
A.S. Kidwell, Jr.
"The Conical Timbered Lodge on
the Northwestern Plains: Historical,
Ethnological and Archaeological
Evidence," (1968)
W.E. Overholt
"Mixtec Macro linguistics: Tagnomic
Analysis of Discourse," (1968)
S. Smith
"The Central Satellite Plantation
Systems on the South Coast of
Guatemala," (1968)
P.M. Wenger
"Phonotactical Indices: A Test
Case in Macro-Penutian Classification,"
(1968)
University of
Pennsylvania
Marshall Becker
"Small Structure Excavation at
Tika1,” (1963)
Michal E. Rihl
"Puberty Ceremonialism: A Dimension
of Cultural Diversification in South
America," (1963)
Robert J. Sharer
"A Comparative Analysis of Religious
Acculturation in the Maya Area," (1963)
Kathleen Adams
"The Formative Concept in American
Archaeology: The History and Methods,"
(1964)
Edwin C. Buxbaum
"World View and Attitude in a Greek
American Ethnic Group," (1964)
Christopher Jones
"Maya Miscellaneous Texts on Minor
Objects," (1964)
55
Kenneth Kensinger
"Matrilocality and Patrilineality In
Cashinahua Society," (1964)
Barbara Klamon
"Comanche and Hekandika Kinship
Terminologies," (1964)
Clifford
Lamberg-Karlovsky
Marcella Mazzarelli
"Amber in the Prehistory ofEurope," (1964)
E.M. 0'Flaherty, S.J.
"Approaches to the Study of
Values," (1964)
Robert Stuckenrath
"Fluted Point Chronologies: A Review,"
(1964)
Siiri Woodward
"An Examination of Palestinian
Protoneolithic Cultural Materials
and Environment in the Light of the
Broader Problem of the Evolution of Food
Production and Settled Life in Southwest
Asia," (1964)
Saadi F, A1-Ruwashdi
"The Sinkashid Palace, Warka," (1965)
Beryl Benderly
"A Phonetic Study of the Speech of Negroes
in Philadelphia,"(1966)
Robert Biggerstaff
"A Serial Roentgengraphic
Cephalometric Study of Children
with Isolated Clefts of the
Palate (From birth to six years)" (1966)
Joan Hall Katcher
"The Study of Caste Among Indians
Overseas," (1956)
Karen Lynne Mohr
"An Analysis of the Pottery of Chiripa,
Bolivia: A Problem in Archaeological
Classification and Inference," (1966)
Reza Mostowfi
"A Bibliography of Surveys and
Excavations Dealing with the
Paleolithic, Mexolithic, Neolithic and
Chalcolithic Periods in Iran," (1966)
"Intercommunity Relations: A
Preliminary Study of the Role of
Culture in Three Communities in
British Honduras," (1964)
56
Jeanne Sweeney
"The Wyoming Valley Complex:
A Ceramic Analysis and Some
Cultural Associations,"' (1966)
Lawrence Van Horn
"Race and Sex Differences in
Height and Weight Growth Rates
of Philadelphia Children, Age 6 to 12
Years," (1966)
Ruth Barnes
"A Background for Archaeology on the
Delmarva Peninsula," (1967)
Frederik Bredahl-Petersen
"The 18th Century Farm on Iceland," (1967)
John Lyon Caughey, III
"Malinowski's Concept of Function," (1967)
Regna D. Darnels
"Daniel Garrison Brinton: An Intellectual
Biography," (1967)
Ann M. Greene
"The betty Greene Site: A Late
Paleo-Indian Site in Eastern Wyoming,"
(1967)
Helen M- Hogan
"An Ethnography of Communication
Among the Ashanti," (1967)
Regnar Kearton
"A Survey of Lower and Middle
Paleolithic Sites in the Soviet
Union," (1967)
Christine Lemieux
"The Adaptive Nature of Subcutaneous Fat,"
(1967)
John M. McDaniel
"Body Composition Techniques and Their
Applications in Physical Anthropology,"
(1967)
William Sumner
"A Typology of Ancient Middle
Eastern Saddle Querns," (1967)
Anita Holland
"Dance in Pre-contact Hawaii: A Study in
the Interrelationships of Art, Religion,
and Social Organization," (1967)
Helen Blaine
"'A Roentgen graphic Cephalometric
Study of the Cranial Base and
Mid-Face in Norma Latera1is," (1968)
57
Bennett Bronson
"Roots and the Subsistence of the
Ancient Maya," (1968)
Louisa Ferree
"The Censers of Tikal, Guatemala:
A Preliminary Sequence of the Major Shape
Types,” (1968)
Richard Fidler
"Cognatic Descent Systems: An
Introductory Bibliography," (1968)
Benjamin Franklin
"The Anthropology of Central Indian
Brahmins," (1968)
Virginia Greene
"Type Frequency and Similarity Seriation in
American Archaeology: A Critical Review,"
(1968)
James Kellers
"Review of the Published Archaeological
Literature on the Island of Jaina,
Campeche, Mexico," (1958)
Bruce Lutz
"A Reconsideration of the Natufian," (1968)
Dennis Puleston
"Brosimum Alicastrum as a Subsistence
Alternative for the Classic Maya of the
Central Southern Lowlands," (1968)
Marilyn Raper
"A Study of Intra-Human Killing in the
Pleistocene," (1968)
Gayle Wever
"The Spurious Eye Goddess and Her
Megalithic Associates," (1968)
University of Pittsburgh
Richard Wightman
"Jung, the Origin of Religion," (1965)
Lenore C. Hanson
"Archeological Methods and problems in the
Western Pacific with Special Reference to
Micronesia and Its Relationships," (1966)
Jean M. Gilruth
"Peasant Culture and Health and Culture in
Rural India," (1967)
58
Robert Friedman
"Bio-Behavioral Mechanisms in the Control
of Population," (1968)
Sacramento State College
Joan Schwarz Paul
"The Segmental Phenomes of
Auburn Nisenan: A Dialect of
Maidu," (1965)
James Marion Share
"An Inquiry into the Cultural
Dynamics of the Mexican Tarascan
Indian," (1965)
John W. Conner
"An Investigation of the Marital
Stability of Twenty American
Japanese Couples in the Sacramento
Area," (1966)
Jerald Jay Johnson
"The Archaeology of the Comanche
Locality," (1966)
Peter A. Kassebaum
"Making Out in the Del Paso Locality,"
(1966)
Patti Jo Palumbo
"Dry Creek: An Archaeological Survey and
Site Report," (1966)
Louis A. Payen
"Prehistoric Rock Art in the Northern
Sierra Nevada, Calif.," (1966)
Phillip Hawkes
"An Application of Methods
Determination of Age, Sex,
Pathologies Applied to the
Material from 4-Sac-29 and
(1967)
Isao Horinouchi
"Educational Values and Preadapta- in the
Acculturation of Japanese Americans,"
(1967)
William E. Pritchard
"The Archaeology of Lower Los Banos Creek,
Merced County, California," (1957)
for the
Stature, and
Skeletal
4-Yub-1,"
59
Roger W. Robinson
"An Archaeological Survey of Auburn Ravine,
Placer County, California," (1967)
James M. McEachern
"Mortuary Caves of the Mother Lode Region
of California," (1968)
San Francisco College
Carlton Crain
"Distribution of Fish Hooks in the
Primitive World," (1963)
Luis Kemnitzer
"Urban Dakota Kinship and Mutual
Aid Systems," (1964)
Daniel H. Swett
"Deviant Behavior and Urban Adjustments:
The American Indian
Case in San Francisco and Oakland,"
(1965)
John V. Allison
"Robert Redfield's Folk Urban Construct,”
(1967)
Roger A. Creet
"The Lebenese Stranger Enclave in
West Africa: A Study of Migration,
Family Organization and Economic Life,"
(1967)
Barbara A. Grater
"Archaeology of the Votaw Site:
Lower Snake River, Washington," (1967)
Mary K. Heitman
"An Anthropological Analysis and
Evaluation of Bay Area Neighborhood
Development Foundation (Band): A
Community Action Program," (1967)
Linda Klug
"Acculturation and Marketing in Eight
Oaxacan Villages," (1967)
Richard Reeve
"Family Organization and Socio-Economic
Mobility in Marin City, California," (1967)
Anita Spring
"Washo Marriage: A Social Institution in
Transition," (1967)
60
Joan Davlin
"Introduction and Dispersion of
Iron Technology into Subsaharan
Africa," (1968)
Donald Hill
"Empirical and Conventional
Anthropology: Two World Views," (1968)
David Jongeword
"The Symbol and Its Functions in
Myth," (1968)
Grant McCall
"Basque-Americans` and a Sequential
Theory of Migration and Adaptation,"
(1968)
Jerry Noricks
"The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis: An
Epistemic Paradigm," (1968)
Donald Schmidt
"The Extended Family in Urban
Industrial Society: A Case Study
of the Ramallah Immigrants of San
Francisco," (1968)
Southern Illinois
University
John J. Hobgood
"Chalma, A Study in Directed
Culture Change," (1964)
Joseph J. Manek
"Cultural and Ecological Factors
Determining Western Apache Warfare,"(1964)
William Folan
"The Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza,
Yucatan, Mexico," (1966)
Ralph H. Kessel
"Age Symbolism and Male Recruitment
in Melanesia," (1967)
David E. Ward
"A Study of Canutillo Engraved Pottery,"
(1967)
Marianne Palmer Ward
"A Petrographic Analysis of Two
Middle Mississippian Pottery Types," (1967)
61
State University of New
York
Charles T. Thompson
"Population as a Factor in the
Emergence of Complex Cultural Systems,"
(1965)
Peter H. Prindle
"Tibetan Polyandry: A Mechanism
of Population Control," (1967)
James I. Grieshop
"Urbanization of Integration; The
Barriadas of Lima," (1963)
Verna N. Hayes
"The Temple Concord Site, Binghamton, New
York," (1968)
Brian Schwimmer
"The Development of Cash Cropping Among the
Akan of Ghana: A Dynamic Approach to Social
Change," (1968)
Temple University
Richard Lobban
"A Comparative Study of the
Changes and Stability in Marriage,
Divorce, and Polygyny in West Africa,"
(1957)
Tulane University
Jay D. Edwards
"The Culture and Personality of
the Tarahumara of Mexico:
Implications for Directed
Cultural Change," (1965)
Susan Coxhead
"Behavioral Comparison of Language and
Culture, Based Upon Kinship Terminologies
From the Maya Languages," (1966)
Ann Elizabeth Manry
"Style in Yucatecan Mayan Architecture: The
Effects of Horizon, Tradition, and Culture
Contact,"(1966)
62
Patrick 0. Murphy
"The Origin and Spread of Check
Stamping," (1966)
Curtis Cox, Jr.
"Function of the Peyote Cult in
Three North American Indian Tribes," (1968)
Judith Green
"Changes in Tarahumara Women's
Work From Prehistoric Times to
the Present," (1968)
Gregory Truex
"Wealth in a Zapotec Village,"(1968)
Wake Forest University
James C. Ropers
"The Evolution of a Subculture:
An Analysis of Cultural Contact,
Conflict and Change on Big Island,
Virginia,” (1968)
University of Washington
James Spradley
"The Kwakiutl Guardian Spirit
Quest: An Historical, Functional
and Comparative Analysis," (1963)
Allan Young
"The Analysis of Minimal Political
Systems," (1963)
Patricia Liang
"Chinese Secret Societies in 19th
Century Malaya," (1963)
Karen Ray
"The Manus of the Admiralty Islands: A
Study of Social Change," (1964)
Pamelia Fukushima
"Nineteenth Century Evolutionary
Approach to Art," (1965)
Lawrence Hennigh
"Control of Incest in Eskimo
Folktales," (1965)
63
Robert S. Kidd
"A Synthesis s of Western Washington
prehistory from the Perspective
of Three Occupation Sites," (1965)
Michael Crawford
"A Reevaluation of the Taxonomy and
Phylogeny of the Hominoidea, Based
Upon Biochemical and Cytogenetic
Evidence," (1965)
Garland Grabert
"Archaeological Excavations at
Fort Okanogan, Washington: A Contribution
to the Ethno-history of the Sinkiaetk,"
(1965)
Mattison Mines
"The Jajmani System in Two
Villages of North India," (1965)
Karen R, Pataki
"Missionary History and Influence
Within the Highlands of the
Territory of New Guinea," (1966)
Helen Schuster
"Implications of the Use of Children's
Drawings for Cross Cultural ResearchSurvey and Evaluation," (1965)
Kent Reid Weeks
"Representations of Achondro-plasia and Its
Social Significance in Dynastic Egypt,"
(1966)
Gregory Possehl
"Pastoral Nomadism in Prehistoric
Iran," (1966)
David Browman
"Contributions to the Prehistory of the
Columbia Plateau—The Indian Dam Site,"
(1966)
Brian Holmes
"The Schaake Site-A-New Study,"
(1966)
James Nason
"Ecological Aspects of Cultural
Stability and Culture Change in
Micronesia," (1966)
Nancy Stenholm
"An Inquiry into Past and Present
Agriculture in Palestine," (1966)
64
Stephen Blevans
"A Critical Review of the Anthropological
Literature on Drinking, Drunkenness, and
Alcoholism," (1967)
Jeffrey Dann
"A Study of an Indian Tavern on
Skid Row," (1967)
Sylvia Gronewold
"The Fantasy Family in a State
Training School," (1967)
Joe Hollinsworth
“An Assessment of the Ossification Centers
in the Hand and Foot of
Rhesus Monkeys," (1967)
Samuel Kemp
"Some Relationships between Art
Style and Tool Form in Kwakiutl
and Afikpo Carved Masks," (1967)
Donna Leonetti
"Religion and the Life of the
South Italians in Italy and
America," (1967)
Keith Marshall
"To Give or Not to Give: The
Dilemma of Legitimate Leadership," (1967)
Catherine Brow
"A Socio-Cultural History of the Alkali
Lake Shaswap," (1967)
Alan Sternshein
"Urbanism, Urbanization and Social Change,"
(1967)
Michael A. Whyte
"Structure and Variation: An
Analysis of Pre-Contact Kikuyu
Society," (1967)
Laurence Beede
"Teen-age Indian Drinking in
Seattle and King County," (1968)
Michael Campbell
"Spirit Possession: Dimensions for
A Typology and an Example from
Haiti," (1968)
Loretta Class
"In-group Attitudes as Expressed in Haida
Folktales," (1968)
65
Lucien Curtis
"Notes on the Language of Culture," (1968)
William Dancey
"Archaeology of Mossyrock, Reservon,
Washington,"(1968)
James Deegan
"Government and Structural Change: A Test
of M.G. Smith's Theory," (1968)
Darlene Fitzpatrick
"The "Shake": The Indian Shaker Curing
Ritual among the Yakima," (1968)
Karl Per Hage
"A Structural Analysis of Munchnerian
Beer Terms and Beer Drinking," (1968)
Karen M. James
“Bill's Crew: A Small Group," (1968)
Joan Jones
"Northwest Coast Basketry and Culture
Changes," (1968)
Jean Langdon
"An Examination of Directed Change:
Resettlement Schemes in Tanzania:
1945-66,'° (1968)
Natalie Leberg
"A Study of the Motivation of Canadian
Indians Migrant Agriculture Workers,"
(1968)
David Munsell
"The Ryegrass Coulee Site," (1968)
Carol Miller
"Macwaya Gypsy Marime," (1968)
John Rustad
"Segmentarianess in Anthropological
Theory," (1968)
Alfred Tenorio
"Some Relationships between Early Childhood
Dependency Training Stress and Frequency of
Depictions of Parent Child Conflict
Interactions in Folktales Told During
Adulthood: A Cross-cultural Study," (1968)
66
Jeanne M. Welch
"Archaeological Aspects of Urbanization in
Colombia, Ecuador and Peru," (1968)
Wichita state university
Edward Salm
"Folsom and Llano Point Technology: An
Analysis of Manufacturing Techniques,"
(1965)
Jack Swain
"Haskell Institute: A Study of
the Effect of Indian Bureau
Policy on Curriculum, 1884-1966,”
(1966)
Gerald L. Broce
"Cultural Continuity In the
Transformation of Comanche
Society," (1966)
"The Messianic Character of
National Socialism in Germany,"
(1967)
Jeanette R. Holmes
"Aboriginal and Modern Samoa:
A Study of Cultural Change Based
Upon London Missionary Society
Journals, 1830-1840," (1967)
Pedra Pequeno-Rossie
"The Northern Central American
Tribes: The Chorti, The Jacaque
and the Lenca in the Ulua River
Basin, Honduras, on the Eve of
the Spanish Conquest. An
Eth16historical Analysis," (1967)
Rain Vehik
"An Archeological Evaluation of
South-central Kansas," (1967)
Leland Blazer
"Samoan Character as Revealed by
Three Tests of Personality," (1968)
Edward Greenamyre
"The Rational Basis of Primitive
and Traditional Thought," (1968)
Jerry Martin
"The Navatusila Credit Union: A
Study in Economic Values," (1968)
67
Lucille Martin
"Modoc Assimilation: An Acculturation.
Study of the Modoc Indians in the
Mid-Western States," (1963)
The University of
Wisconsin
Henry P. Lundsgaards
"A Theoretical Interpretation of
Nez Perce Kinship," (1963)
William P. McHugh
"The Transitional Archaic and
Woodland Site (D1-57) in Delaware county,
Oklahoma," (1963)
Charles Merbs
"The Sadlermiut Eskimo Vertebral
Column,"(1963)
Lois Lippold
"The Reliability of Mixed Agglutiration
Method for Typing Blood Isoantigens in
Mummified Human Tissue,"(1964)
Emiko Ohnuki
"The Detroit Chinese-- A Study
of Socio-Cultural Changes in the
Detroit Chinese Community from
1872 Through 1963,"(1964)
R.J. Salzer
"The High Smith Site (Je4) An Early,
Middle, and Late Woodland Site in the Upper
Rock River Drainage," (1964)
Bent Thygesen
"Economic and Educational Changes
in the Culture of West Greenland
Since 1721," (1964)
Alcida Rita Ramos
"Portuguese Fishermen in Rio de
Janeiro. A Case of Luso-Brazi1ian
Communion," (1965)
Jean S. Aigner
"Bone Tools and Decorative Motifs
from Chaluka, Umnak Island," (1966)
Elizabeth Bailey
"Malnutrition: A Film Produced
for the Agency for International
Development, Together with
Background Papers," (1966)
68
Priscilla K. Buffalohead
"A Study of Values in Ojibwa Family Life,"
(1966)
Guy Edward Gibbon
"The Midway Village Site, An Intra-Si to
Analysis," (1966)
William M. Hurley
The Silver Cree Sites (47-Mo-1 to Mo-5) : A
Complex of Five Woodland Site Localities in
Monroe County, Wisconsin," (1966)
Ann Louise Wood
"East Indians in California: A Study of
Their Organizations, 1900-1947," (1966)
Jorge Dandler-Hanhart
"Local Group, Community and Nation: A Study
of Changing Structure in Ucurena, Bolivia,"
(1967)
Allen McCartney
"An Analysis of the Bone Industry
From Amaknak Island, Alaska," (1967)
Peter L. Storck
"Upland face Archaeological
Project, Kickapoo River Valley,
Vernon County, Wisconsin," (1967)
Susan L. Deutsch
"Monomania Representational Art,"(1968)
Maria Ferreira Levy
"The Umbanda is fro All of Us
(An Alternative Dimension of
Socialization)," (1968)
Richard Nelson
"Substituted Following Paper:
Alaskan Eskimo Exploitation of
the Sea Ice Environment," (1968)
Michael Nimtz
"Problems of Trans-Pacific Contact with
Regard to Central and South America,"
(1968)
Daniel E. Shea
"The Plaza Complex of Huanuco Viejo,"
(1968)
Michael Hoffman
"Late Gerzean Settlement Patterns and the
Rise of the Early Egyptian State," (1953)
Yoshinobu Kotani
"Environmental Factors in the Shift to Rice
Cultivation in Japan," (1968)
69
Roger Louis Poppe
"Narrative Folklore and Its Transmission in
a Northern Wisconsin Indian Family," (1968)
William Powers
"Archaeological Excavations in Willow Creek
Canyon, Southeastern Idaho, 1966," (1968)
Wayne E. Wiersum
"The Cooper Shore Site: A Late Hopewe1l
Havana Component in Southern Wisconsin,"
(1963)
Karen M. Deffner
Mammalian Material from Cahokia, Illinois:
A Preliminary Analysis," (1968)
Yale University
Vern Carrol
"Gilyak Kinship Terminology” (1963)
Carol Steffens Schilling
"Social Structure of the Eastern
Timbira," (1963)
"La Pointe Caraibe," (1964)
Peirre Michel Verin
Eugene Ruyle
"The Classification of Segmentary
Lineage Systems: A Comparison of Three
African Societies," (1965)
Nikolaas van der Merwe
"A New Mathematics for Glottochronology."
(1965)
Joane Dombrowski
"Plant Domestication in Ethiopian Culture
History," (1966)
John Marshall Grady
"An Essay on the Social Development of
India," (1967)
Sally Engle Merry
"Religious Revitalization Movements of
Central Africa," (1968)