Journal Research in Peace, Gender and Development (RJPGD) Vol. 3(5) pp. 75-79, July, 2013
Available online http://www.interesjournals.org/ RJPGD
Copyright © 2013 International Research Journals
Review
Religious patriarchal values obstruct Bangladeshi rural
women’s human rights
Kazi Abdur Rouf
Visiting Scholar, Curriculum, Teaching and Learning (CTL) University of Toronto, Noble International University, USA
E-mail: rouf56@hotmail.com
Abstract
Patriarchy and religious customary laws, private and public realm, gender division of labour, and
colonization contribute to women’s subordinate position in Bangladesh. Women are stereotyped as
passive, docile, silent, illiterate, and keeps them invisible, voiceless, choice-less, faceless and as
objects of men in the society. This paper will argue gendered division of labor; patriarchy and religious
customary laws and values have denied Bangladeshi women access to equal rights. Customary laws
dominate rural women, who are governed by the rural religious male elites. This promotes a dichotomy
of private and public realm, which in turn is barrier to women’s participation in economic activity
outside home. Changing customary law, modifying traditional Muslim and Hindu laws, and women
having equal access to property rights and income-generating strategies are needed to improve
women’s access to the legal system to address the violation of human rights and to improve Muslim
family laws in Bangladesh. Gender balance adult women education and women’s empowerment
advocacy can enable women to oppose the authoritative patriarchal power structures and customary
religious laws through collective networking and action. With these aims, Grameen Bank Sixteen
decision campaigns and group-based credit program creates opportunities for poor women in
Bangladesh to find free from male dependence.
Keywords: Bangladesh, gender balance, gender division of labor, Gramen Bank, Muslim customary laws,
private sphere, patriarchal values, poverty, public sphere, and women’s human rights.
INTRODUCTION
Bangladesh is a highly patriarchal Muslim dominated
society where men make household decisions and have
property rights. Women are stereotyped as passive,
docile, silent, illiterate, unclean, fertile and smelling of
curry. This stereotype keeps women ‘in their place,
invisible and as objects of the ruling social organization
(Bannerji, 1993: 149). Therefore rural women are imaged
negatively, becoming the invisible and faceless in the
society. This gender-based discrimination in Bangladesh
has eroded women’s fundamental rights to life, health,
education, security, bodily integrity, food, work, and
shelter. Women are limited in their choices in practically
all spheres of life and occupy the lowest level in the
society and exploited/robbed of their equal rights
(Abdullah and Zeidenlein, 1982, Kabeer, 2003). This
paper will argue British colonization, gendered division of
labor; patriarchy and religious customary laws and values
have denied Bangladeshi rural women access to equal
rights specially property rights and other financial
resources. Hence they are exploited in the society.
Currently, Bangladesh has 133.4 million people within a
147, 570 square kilometer area. (Bangladesh profile
2010). Half of the population is female. The density of the
population is 763 people per square kilometer and an
individual’s per capita income is $370 (Bangladesh
Bureau of Statistics, (2010). Only 30% of the total
population has access to basic health services, and 76%
of all households are deficient in calorie intake (CIDA
2001: Gender Profile Bangladesh). Without access to
health care, poor women face malnutrition and death.
67% of women live under the poverty line, which is
significantly higher than the national average of 51%
(Belal, 2008, Human Rights Report: 2005).
METHODOLOGY
This paper reviews many scholarly feminist literatures
related to Bangladesh. The author uses secondary
statistics from secondary sources like Bangladesh profile
2010, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, (2010), CIDA
Bangladesh , 2001 etc. The paper also contains authors
76 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
own personal experience in Bangladesh.
First the paper is discussing below British colonial
negative impact on Bangladeshi women, second the
paper will talk consequences status for women in the
family. However, this self-sufficient agricultural village
collective culture and economy was destroyed by the
imposition of the British capitalist colonialism in Indo-PakBangla subcontinent from 1750 (Karim 1974). These
colonizers introduced the male dominant nuclear family
norm and private lands ownership system that promotes
individuality, and hierarchal organizing. They created a
new male class called Zamindars, who were revenue
collectors during the Moghal Empire (Karim 1976:102).
The Permanent Land Settlement Act by British in India in
1773 robbed women land ownership. Moreover, the
British created the new petty bourgeoisies as the ruling
class. From then, the state experiences hegemonic crisis
and political instability. Therefore, colonialism produced
misery in the society and created unequal inheritance
laws for women in Bangladesh (Alam p.5, 1995).
As Boserup’s (1970) says, changes in the production of
agriculture effects women and the land, their roles, and
the decline of women’s equality from pre-colonial to
colonial times. Bangladeshi women contribute the
majority of agricultural production as well as within the
informal sectors of the economy. This new land tenure
system forced farmers into cash crop production and
commercialized agriculture. In the new system women
were left out from land ownership, and the new system of
agriculture cash crop production and commerce (Ali,
1993).
. In addition, current trade economy does not
allow for women to be included so many of become street
beggars after losing all that they own through the informal
mortgaging of all their assets (Pereira, 2001).
Consequently, these women are left with no rights and no
power in the society.
A woman’s unique personal problem is the problem of
all women; it is indeed a social and political problem. The
concern that arises, the commitment to fight against male
dominance, against all the humiliation and ill-treatment of
women, and against continuing inequality of the sexes
created a new feeling of sisterhood among women and is
an enormous source of strength and enthusiasm (Mies,
1998 p. 7). However male chauvinism (Mies, 1998;
Mahmud, 2004) treats women as private property men.
Here the paper is examining how gender division of
labor exploits women. Both men and women support the
present sex specific division of labor in the family. Men
work outside, earn money and provide financial support
to the family, while women are responsible for domestic
obligations. Men are the breadwinners and women are
the homemakers. Interestingly enough some women
argue that women have taken their present position in
society as natural and desirable. They define their
position in society as fair and non-discriminatory because
they see it as tradition: men work outside and women
work inside for their family (Begum, 1988:7). Women
have taken these socially prescribed roles for granted
and don’t know alternatives to these (Hashemi, 2000).
The domestic work is stereotyped as “women’s work” and
therefore is not as valued. They are involved in unpaid
family subsistence agricultural work (Mies, 2006). Both
male and female have internalized the existing societal
values of men’s instrumental and women’s roles in the
family. Undisputedly it goes at the advantage of men
since the labor is organized in a manner that confines
women at home with unpaid domestic chores. But
women hold up half the sky.
Although Asian women have only 1% of the wealth in
the world, they do 66% of the work that is needed for
human survival (Wong, 2002: 47). Men of all classes
benefit from women’s’ unpaid labor in the home and
therefore, they enjoy a higher status in society (Mead,
Khanam, and Nahar, 1979: 417). Women’s paid labor is
restricted due to social norms and religious values often
leaving them in stereotypically feminized jobs such as
rice processing and quilt making. When women do work
they are given a lower wage. Thus women have fewer
earnings and so they presently suffer more in modern
agricultural economy. To challenge this traditional male
dominated custom, rural women must be recognized
equally for their economic contributions and their work
must be rewarded accordingly.
The dichotomy of Public and private realm in Islam
underpin gender subordination, and dependence
(Kabeer, 2003). Society expects women to act in a
certain way and when they “disobey” these so called
“rules” or “norms”, they are seen as an outsider or
deviant. Pardah dominates women. Women are
dependent upon men due to the rigidity of the Purdah
system, which restricts them from participation in
economic activities outside the household (Kabeer,
1988:108). If women are unable to find jobs, they cannot
provide for themselves and their families. These further
reinforce male dominance over females (Mizan,
1994:33).
Now the author is arguing how patriarchy got power,
and abuse and deny women equal rights. Kinship
arrangements in Bangladesh are rigidly patrilineal. Under
this system, sons are given preferential treatment. Sons
are seen as essential to carry on the family lineage. The
main productive assets are passed through the male line
and daughters become the property of their husbands
and live at their houses (Sonia and Salley, 2004). Since
only boys remain in the lineage, only the names of sons
and grandsons are listed in the traditional family
genogram. It is through the father that a child acquires a
social identity and is incorporated into the social order.
Women are recorded only in the capacity of the wives of
the men who gave rise to succeeding generations of
men. This also means that sons provide labor and
economic support to their parents as they grow older.
Feminists’ scholarship widely accepts the belief that male
preference is a function of cultural values born under
Rouf 77
patriarchy. Therefore, girls and women are exploited and
subordinated by men through the control of the resources
of society (Mise, 2006; Miles, 2006). For example,
parents see the education of sons as more important
than daughters. This reality is reflected in the fact that the
adult female literacy rate (43%) is much lower than the
national average (86%) (Bangladesh Human Rights
Report 2000). Education of sons is seen as profitable
because parents will later depend on their sons in their
old age.
Family types in Bangladesh are predominately
extended families, although this is changing. Women’s
subordinate status is almost an established fact in
Bangladesh (Begum, 1988). Women are dependent upon
men throughout their life cycle (Hashemi, 2000). Since
men hold the status of family head and control the
resources, they enjoy the most power in the family.
Women are often socially and economically isolated.
Under patriarchy women internalize the sexist values that
dictate their actions (Jahan 1994). Accordingly they defer
to the authority of their husbands and teach their
daughters to assume a traditional role dependent on a
subordinate status to men. Women, themselves, engage
in actions that seem to actively contribute to the
continuation of their subordinate status, because it is
presented to them as biologically given (Ahmed, 1990).
Women teach their daughters traditional roles. Women’s
subordinate position is not inevitable fact of biology,
rather is a product of socialization process starting at
birth (Hashemi, 2000).
In Bangladesh, women are socialized to identify not as
persons, but as mothers. The book, “Village Women as I
Saw Them” written by Abdullah (1974) sparked a new era
of feminist writings in Bangladesh. Abdullah mentions
that during the last two decades a considerable amount
of literature had been produced depicting the subordinate
condition of women from different perspectives.
Interestingly, there has hardly been any attempt on part
of the government or NGOs to examine how far the
victims (Women) think and feel about their exploitation
and subordination in patriarchal society.
Patriarchy is systemic and very powerful in
Bangladesh. For example, one Member of Parliament
(MP) of the Awami League warned a feminist in 1994 to
“never try to touch the Hindu Law in the name of
women’s welfare; otherwise blood will be flooding the
floor of parliament”. (State of Human Rights
1994:91).Nonetheless, Bangladesh National Women
Lawyers Association and Coordination Council for
Human Rights in Bangladesh (CCHRB) and Bangladesh
Human Rights Council challenge the male dominated
customary law on property rights. However, Shura (high
level religious leaders) and Islamic organization united
together to maintain Islamic Family Law (Ain O Salish
Kendro. (2005).
Here the author will argue how religion and customary
laws dominate women’s life and discriminate, abuse and
take away their different rights. Nine out of ten persons
are Muslims in Bangladesh (BBS, 1994:103). Muslim
traditional cultures and laws dominate people lives.
These laws and cultures place men in control of women’s
labor, choice of marriage, access to resources, and legal
rights (Ahamed 2002). Men enjoy privilege over women
in almost every sphere in the family (Jahan, 1975:270).
Both Islam and Hinduism have discriminatory inheritance
laws against women (Ahamed, 2002). Islamic Sharia law
encourages male dominated patriarchy.
Although
Bangladesh declared itself a secular state, Islamic
religious leaders and values still hold a lot of influence in
politics that affect women’s rights. However, the solution
is not to simply reject Muslim rather knowledge of the
actual Al-Quranic verse and women being involved in
consciousness rising at the grass roots level is important
to reconcile their equal rights in Islam.
Under patriarchal religious dominated society, women
in Bangladesh do not have equal rights to inherit
property. For example, in orthodox Hindu religions
daughters have no property rights to their father property.
In Islam, a widow can only own 12.5% of her husband’s
property under Sharia Law. However, in practice widows
cannot even own this property due to village politics of
Fatawa and customary laws (Pereira, 2001).
Additionally, Muslim laws often contradict legal laws and
therefore impede the application of justice for women.
Therefore, most widows give up their claims to property
because fear of violence, anger, and torture by men.
Widows also are often unaware of what they are rightfully
entitled to.
The media is totally silent in these affairs. One
journalist says, “Women’s property rights are a tough and
completed issue that is closely related to religion and
male chauvinism. It has no end” (State of Human Rights,
1994:93). Hence patriarchy and women’s inequality in
property rights is a societal problem where women are
victimized, deprived and discriminated against. National
and International human rights commissions and
feminists are strongly challenging these male dominated
property right laws to open the door for equal rights for
women.
Although Muslim marriage laws protect women partially
through the custom of Mahar (Mahar is money, property,
jewelry or clothing that is to be given to the bride upon
divorce). Most women especially those from the lower
socioeconomic classes may not have written these
conditions in the marriage registration, Kabin Nama.
Surprisingly the practice of Mahar now has been replaced
by dowry in Bangladesh that exploits, victimized and
discriminates women’s equal rights to wealth. Dowry is a
demand for wealth by the groom’s family for the bride.
Dowry related violence is common in Bangladesh. For a
dowry, women can be tortured, killed, or burned if their
husbands’ dowry requests are not fulfilled. As soon as a
daughter is born, the family knows it will be burdened
with dowry demands. This causes girls and women to be
78 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
treated differently in Bangladesh. Unpaid dowries are
causes for divorce, separation, torture, and sometimes
even death (Rouf, 2011). Women have not recourse for
seeking justice from these beatings, assaults and unfair
treatment because rural women have no voice to
complain about negative effects of injustice in this male
dominated religious society.
Customary laws dominate rural women, who are
governed by the rural religious male elites. Although
some reform has been made in property rights in
Bangladesh, women in practice still do not have property
in their names (Bannerji, 1993; Jahan, 1995; and
Mahmud, 2004). If women do not have ownership of
property, they do not have access to bank loans, or other
community finances. One such example is that a
mortgage is required to receive loans. When women do
not have access to loans, it becomes impossible to own
their own business or seek self-employment (Rouf,
2011). Islamic values, Mullahs and other customary
values prevent women from working outside the home.
This promotes a dichotomy of private and public realm,
which in turn is barrier to women’s participation in
economic activity outside home. Therefore, women are
not economically independent in the family, which, means
they suffer from poverty and malnutrition. This means
they must struggle to fulfill their basic needs like: food,
clothing, shelters, education, and health (Mahmud, 2004;
White, 1999).
ACTIVISM AND CONCLUSION
In Bangladesh, many feminists talk about women’s
equality regarding access to work and education but little
attention is paid to rural women’s deprivation of wealth
and access to financial resources by the state. For
example, in 1993, feminist Farida Rahman challenged
the “Muslim Family Property Laws Ordinance 1961.” She
raised the question of male bias in village council.
However, her proposal did not pass in the male
dominated parliament. Praxis (theory and practice)
oriented programs and their implementation are important
to allow women to access property and financial
independence.
Changing customary law, modifying
traditional Muslim and Hindu laws, and Women having
equal access to property rights would help them to be
economically, socially and politically empowered in the
society. Such empowerment would facilitate women
leaving abusive, violent and male dominated
environments. This would also aid in overcoming poverty
(Isserles, 2003).
Strategies are needed to improve women’s access to
the legal system to address the violation of human rights
and to improve Muslim family laws in Bangladesh.
Women’s empowerment can also enable women to
oppose the authoritative patriarchal power structures and
customary religious laws through collective networking
and action. However, marginalized women need support
from rural elites and public agencies where they could
develop negotiation power to influence male biased
property rights in Bangladesh.
The Constitution of Bangladesh appears to strongly
approve gender equality and positive action that
guarantees women’s full participation in the social,
economic and political life. For example Article 10 of the
Constitution notes, “Steps shall be taken to ensure
participation of women in all spheres of national life” (Ain
O Salish Kendro (2004). However, there is still a big gap
between the law and its actual implementation. That is
why the bottom 50% disadvantaged poor people, largely
women, are struggling to fulfill their basic human needs
(Kabeer, 2003). Therefore, it is urgently necessary
develop and implement the Legal Laws adult education
program to adult (male and female) people as well as
public agencies should enforce and support women
equality property rights in Bangladesh.
Author believes that an income-generating program for
women could create the potential to enhance women’s
power and status at home over men. This would boost
rural women’s role in family as well as independent
decision-making, and encourage the development of selfconfidence to empower not be silent in male violence. In
addition it would help them to overcome their poverty, so
they would have the finances necessary to leave violent
situations. This is important for achieving the goals
associated with women’s human rights. Although microfinance organizations (MFIs) and many NGOs have been
working with marginalized women for last decades in
Bangladesh; however, gender equality rights and women
property rights issues still need to be addressed strongly
there.
With these aims, Grameen Bank credit creates
opportunities for poor women in Bangladesh to find from
male dependence. This project provides distressed
women with education, life skills training, credit, and other
support services for income generating purposes.
However, Grameen Bank borrowers still are not free from
male dominance in their loan transactions. The husbands
control the loans. A study by Isserles suggests that 57%
of women saw a rise in verbal aggression after they
received loans from their husbands (2003:49). Hence
this shows how patriarchy has deep roots interconnected
among class, gender, religion, and education.
To reverse this order and to free women from men
dominance and to enhance women propriety ownership
recently Grameen Housing Loan Program introduced a
policy that house loans could only disburse to those
female borrowers who have house land in their own
name. Borrowers’ husbands registered land in their name
in order to get housing loans. As result 3.6 million
Bangladeshi rural women are able to have land in their
own name (Gramen Bank Annual report 2010). Although
this is an example of preference of women land property
should be for Grameen housing loans; however, such
Rouf 79
programs and efforts are rare in Bangladesh.
In recent years there have been efforts initiated by the
government and NGOs to improve the status of women
by providing free education up to class V111, and
launching several development programs for women.
However, all these programs don’t seem to have
produced desirable results as women still hold traditional
views regarding division of labor in the family (White,
1999). Therefore strong gender development policies
along with encouragement of human capabilities can give
a positive impact on both gender equality and economic
growth (Abed, 1998; and Nassubum, 1988).
Mohila Samilty (women cooperative), Bangladesh Rural
Advancement Committee (BRAC), Bangladesh Rural
Development Board (BRDB), Proshika in Bangladesh
runs various programs to help women to achieve selfreliance, however, their initiatives are confronting the
customary religious Muslim and Hindu laws and
traditional rural values. These NGOs have less power to
lobby for the necessary changes in the legal system
(Quadir, 2003: 437). A national woman NGO (like Fulian
in China) should be set up and supported by state law
enforcement agencies to work for women’s human rights.
Patriarchy and religious customary laws, private and
public realm, gender division of labour, and colonization
contribute to women’s subordinate position in
Bangladesh. Kabeer says, the “denial of women’s
autonomy is everywhere in Bangladesh” (Kabeer
1983:8). In order to establish gender equality in property
rights, and female empowerment and reduce female
poverty, Bangladesh needs to close the gender gap in
employment and wages, Muslim Family Laws and
Customary laws. Hence, like Grameen Housing Loan
Program feminists and other civil society organizations
(NGOs) and government agencies can initiate gender
equality action program in collaboration with state law
enforcing agencies to fight for what is needed for women
to have equal rights in Bangladesh.
REFERENCES
Abdullah AT, Zeidenstein SA (1982). Village Women of Bangladesh
Prospects for Change Oxford: Pergamon Press.
Abed F (1998). Towards Gender Equity: BRAC Center Policy. Dhaka:
BRAC Printers.
Ahamed M (2002). Key to achieving sustainability: simple and standard
Microfinance Services of ASA. Dhaka: Prominent Printers.
Ain O Salish Kendro (2004). Human Rights in Bangladesh-2003.
Dhaka: Shahitya Prokash.
Ain O, Salish K (2005). Human Rights in Bangladesh-2004. Dhaka:
Shahitya Prokash.
Alam SMS (1995). The State, Class Formation, and Development in
Bangladesh. New York: University Press of America, Inc.
Ali AFI (1993). Samajtatta. Dhaka: Centre for Bangladesh Studies.
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (2007a). Key Findings of HIES 2005.
Government of Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, (2010).
Distribution of household by size of household and residence-2005.
Retrieved from http://www.bbs.gov.bd/RptHIES_2_2.aspx
Bangladesh
Country
Profile
(2010).
Retrieved
from
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/country_profiles/1160598.stm
Bangladesh. http://www.bbs.gov.bd/dataindex/poverty.pdf. Accessed
November 26,
Bannerji H (1993). Popular Images of South Asian Women. Returning
the gaze: Essays on racism, feminism, and politics. Toronto, ON:
Sister Vision Press.
Belal AR (2008). Corporate Social Responsibility Reporting in
Developing Countries-A case of Bangladesh. England: Ashgate
Publishing Ltd.
Beneria L (2003). Gender, development and globalization: Economics
as if people mattered. New York: Routledge.
Biddimala Grameen Bank. (1978). Bidhimala. Dhaka: Oslo Printers Ltd.
Boserup E (1970). Women’s role in economic development. London:
Earthscan
Cain M, Syeda RK, Shamsun N (1979). “Class, Patriarchy and
Women’s Work in Bangladesh”, Population and Development
Review, 5:3.
Dua E, Robertson A (1999). Scratching the Surface: Canadian antiracist feminist thought.
Grameen Bank Annual Report (2009). Grameen Bank Annual Report2009. Chittagong: Packages Corporations Ltd.
Hashmi TJ (2000).
Women and Islam in Bangladesh, Beyond
Subjection and Tyranny.
London: MaCmilian Press Ltd.
Hossain HE (2001). Human Rights in Banladesh 2000. Dhaka, Ain O
Salish Kendro (ASK).
Isserles RG (2003). Microcredit The Rhetoric of Empowerment, the
Reality of “Development As Usual”, Women’s Studies Quarterly, 3:4.
Jahan R (1995). The Elusive Agenda: Mainstreaming Women in
Development. Dhaka: The University Press Ltd.
Kabeer N (1983). “Minus Lives: Women of Bangladesh: Change”.
Women and Society. England.
Kabeer N (2003). Gender mainstreaming in poverty eradication and the
millennium development goals. Ottawa: International Development
Research Center (CIDA).
Kar PV (1993). Samajtatta. Calcutta: West Bengal State Book Board.
Karim A, Nazmul K (1976). Changing Society of India, Pakistan and
Bangladesh. Dhaka: Nawroze Ketabistan
Lorde, Audre (1984). Sister Outside. NY: Crossing Press.
Mahmud S (2004). “Microcredit and Women’s Empowerment in
Bangladesh.” In Ahmed, S. and Hakim (eds). Attacking poverty with
microcredit. Dhaka: The University Press Limited.
Mies M (2005). Search for New a Vision. Dhaka: Narigrantha
Prabartana.
Miles A (2006). Local Activisms, Global Feminisms and the Struggle
against Globalization. In Andrea Medovarski and Brenda Cranney
(Eds.), Canadian Women’s Studies: An Introductory Reader, (pp.5864) Toronto: Inanna.
Mizan A (1994). In Quest of Empowerment: The Grameen Bank Impact
on Women’s Power and Status. Dhaka: University Press Limited.
Mohanty C (2003). Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory,
Practicing Solidarity. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press.
News Network (2005). How people suffer in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Probe
Printers Ltd.
Nussabaum M (1988). Women’s capabilities and social justice. In
Molyneux, M and Razavi S (Eds.), Gender, Justice, Development and
Rights, (pp. 45-74): New York: Oxford University Press.
Pereira F (2001). “Women’s rights to equality and non-discrimination” in
Human Rights in Bangladesh. Dhaka. Ain Salish Kendra.
Publications.
Quadir F (2003). How “civil” is Civil Society? Authoritarian state partisan
Civil Society and the struggle for democratic development in
Bangladesh. Canadian J. Dev. Stud. 24(3):425-438.
Rouf KA (2011). Green microcredit for environmental development- a
Master Degree Thesis. Toronto: York University.
Sania SA, Sally B (2004). “’One Able Daughter is Worth 10 Illiterate
Sons’: Reframing the Patriarchal Family”, J. Marriage and Family,
December, 66:1332-1341, Toronto: Women’s Press.
White S (1999). “NGOs, Civil Society, and the State in Bangladesh: The
Politics of Representing the Poor”, Development and Change 30.
Wong WA (2002). The Poor Women- A Critical Analysis of Asian
Theology and Contemporary Chinese Fiction by Women. New York:
Peter Lang.