Viewpoint: Yes, the internment of Japanese Americans was necessary
for national security because some of them were suspected of
disloyalty
On 7 December 1941, Japanese forces, in a “sneak and dastardly attack,” bombed the American naval fleet at
Pearl Harbor, Hawaii—crippling the U.S. Navy and allowing the Japanese to gain naval superiority in the
Pacific. As the smoke from the damaged fleet at Pearl Harbor dissipated, fear of further Japanese attacks and a
possible landing on the West Coast was rampant. The threat of war was no longer fanciful. The following day
the United States declared war on the empire of Japan. As waves of nationalism, hysteria, fear, and anger spread
throughout the nation, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued his infamous Executive Order 9066 on 19
February 1942.
The directive “gave to the Secretary of War and various military commanders, the power to exclude any and all
persons from designated areas in order to provide security against sabotage, espionage, and fifth column
activities.” Pursuant to this order, military authorities, under the leadership of Lieutenant General John L.
DeWitt, relocated nearly 120,000 Japanese Americans and immigrants of Japanese descent from areas of the
West Coast to detention centers in the rural West. There is no doubt that the forced evacuation, relocation, and
detention of these people during World War II stands as a prominent scar on the American heritage of
constitutional liberties. However wrong and appalling the acts of Congress and decisions of the Supreme Court
may appear, more than fifty years later it must be remembered that at the moment they appeared justified. The
internment may be condemned as a constitutional failure, but Americans were engulfed in a personal nightmare
during the early half of 1942—the sight of the tattered and burning fleet, the memory of the men who died at
Pearl Harbor, and the possibility that the days of democracy were numbered in a new world order. It is within
this historical context that the internment of the Japanese must be viewed.
At the outset of World War II military and government officials strongly believed that aliens, as well as citizens,
of Japanese descent on the U.S. West Coast posed a grave security risk. These authorities argued vehemently
that a strong “fifth column” would soon rise and threaten national security. Accordingly, Roosevelt promulgated
9066. Congress, moreover, unwilling to have security measures entirely a matter of executive power,
successfully made criminal violations of the enforcement orders. Thus, both the executive and legislative
branches had a hand in the relocation of Japanese Americans: additionally, the Supreme Court played a role as
well. The decisions in Hirabayahi v. United States (1943) and Korematsu v. United States (1944) were regarded
as examples of the Court joining the other branches in a united war effort. In Korematsu the Court noted that
“the successful prosecution of war requires every possible protection against espionage and against sabotage to
national-defense material, national-defense premises, and national defense utilities.” Furthermore, the Court
conceded “ample power to Congress and the President to deal with a perceived threat to the survival of the
nation.” Why did the three branches unite in a virtually unprecedented fashion? The answer is simple—the
pervasiveness of war power.
Sections 8 and 9 of Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution, the Court argued, give Congress the power “to call forth
the militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions,” and to suspend the
writ of habeas corpus “when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” The war power
is, moreover, “the power to wage war successfully.” Forced evacuations were justified in 1942 as a way of
reducing the perceived threat to national security posed by Japanese Americans living on the Pacific coast of the
United States. In his concurring opinion in Korematsu, Justice Felix Frankfurter stated that “the validity of
action under the war power must be judged wholly in the context of war. The action is not to be stigmatized as
lawless because like action in times of peace would be lawless.” Individual rights are at risk in times of war and
other crises. The danger at the time was imminent and immediate.
The Japanese relocation camp in Rivers, Arizona, 1942
Even though American citizens of Japanese descent were included in the order, “if the military were right in
their belief that among citizens of Japanese ancestry there was an actual or incipient fifth column, we were
indeed faced with the imminent threat of dire emergency.” The justices further argued that the war power
extends “to every matter and activity so related to war as substantially to affect its conduct and progress. The
power is not restricted to the winning of victories in the field and the repulse of enemy forces. It embraces every
phase of the national defense.” Furthermore, the Constitution gives to the Executive Branch and Congress wide
scope in the exercise of war power. Therefore, “as they did here, the conditions call for the exercise of judgment
and discretion and for the choice of means by those branches of the Government on which the Constitution has
placed the responsibility of war-making, it is not for any court to sit in review of the wisdom of their action or
substitute its judgement for theirs.” Appraising the situation at the time, the three branches were justified in
their decisions.
Two major reasons used to justify the exclusion, which were advanced during the war, deserve an examination.
First, the War Department, and in particular DeWitt, proposed the theory that the Japanese possessed unique
traits that increased the likelihood that they would engage in sabotage. Moreover, DeWitt, in his “Final Report:
Japanese Evacuation from the West Coast, 1942,” asserted that
The Japanese race is an enemy race and while many second and third generation Japanese born on United States
soil, possessed of United States citizenship, have become “Americanized,” the racial strains are undiluted.
There are indications that these [Japanese-Americans] are organized and ready for concerted action at a
favorable opportunity. The very fact that no sabotage has taken place to date is a disturbing and confirming
indication that such action will be taken.
DeWitt’s report bases the War Department decision on several factors: a fear of signaling from shore to enemy
submarines; arms and contraband found by the FBI during raids on homes and businesses; danger to evacuees
from vigilantes; concentration of the ethnic Japanese population around or near militarily sensitive areas; and
the presence of Japanese ethnic organizations which might shelter pro-Japanese attitudes or activities. In
addition, the government defended the mass relocation on the grounds that the existing military emergency
prevented identification of disloyal Japanese Americans on a case-by-case basis. Therefore, “a combination of
factors and circumstances” faced DeWitt. “Here was a relatively homogenous, unassimilated element bearing a
close relationship through ties of race, religion, language, custom, and indoctrination to the enemy.” Secretary
of War Henry L. Stimson believed that protecting ethnic Japanese from vigilantes was justification alone for the
policy. Though almost forty years later Executive Order 9066, and the arguments used to support it, were found
to be unjustified, a 1997 report concluded that any “account which relies on finding documents forty years after
a decision may reasonably be questioned when it concludes that little or nothing in the record factually supports
the reasons given at the time to justify the decision.” However racist and naive the arguments furthered to inter
the Japanese appear, from the vantage point of Americans living during World War II they appear justified
given the circumstances.
The second, and more persuasive, justification for exclusion was advanced in the so-called “Japanese
Exclusion” cases. In Hirabayashi the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of a curfew applicable to only
Japanese Americans as an exercise of an emergency war measure. The Court concluded that, though explicitly
discriminatory, the “actions must be appraised in the light of the conditions with which the President and
Congress were confronted in the early months of 1942.” Moreover, the “challenged orders were defense
measures for the avowed purpose of safeguarding the military area in question, at a time of threatened air raids
and invasion by the Japanese forces, from the danger of sabotage and espionage.” The curfew was, the justices
argued, “within the boundaries of the war power. In this case it is enough that circumstances within the
knowledge of those charged with the responsibility for maintaining the national defense afforded a rational
basis for the decision which they made. Whether we would have made it is irrelevant.” Justice William O.
Douglas, in a concurring opinion, added that “where the peril is great and the time is short, temporary treatment
on a group basis may be the only practicable expedient.” In support of their decision the Court cited the
solidarity of Japanese Americans to their heritage, nationalistic propaganda cultivating allegiance to Japan in
the Japanese-language schools, and a history of discrimination toward Japanese Americans in the West.
The more notorious of the decisions was Korematsu, where the Court went further in upholding the
constitutionality of the evacuation. Justice Hugo L. Black, writing for the Court, stated:
Like curfew, exclusion of those of Japanese origin was deemed necessary because of the presence of an
unascertained number of disloyal members of the group, most of whom we have no doubt were loyal to this
country. It was because we could not reject the finding of the military authorities that it was impossible to bring
about an immediate segregation of the disloyal that we sustained the validity of the curfew order as applying to
the whole group.
More importantly, the plaintiff, Fred Korematsu, was not excluded because of his race, but because the military
authorities faced an imminent invasion. The Court argued that to “cast this case into the outlines of racial
prejudice, without reference to the real military dangers which were presented, merely confuses the issue.
Korematsu was not excluded … because of hostility to him or his race. He was excluded because we are at war
with the Japanese Empire.” Moreover, “hardships are a part of war, and war is an aggression of hardships …
[c]itizenship has its responsibilities as well as its privileges, and in time of war the burden is always heavier.”
This was the first case in which race was explicitly referred to as a “suspect” criterion. Henceforth, Korematsu
was the last case in which a racial or ethnic classification survived the heavy burden of strict judicial scrutiny.
Though commentators have almost universally scorned Kotrematsu as one of the worst betrayals of American
constitutional rights in the Supreme Court’s history, Justice Black did not regard the opinion as aberrational.
Approximately twenty years later Black uncompromisingly defended his decision. Adamantly, he declared:
I would do precisely the same thing today, in any part of the country. I would probably issue the same order
were I President. We had a situation where we were at war … had they [the Japanese] attacked our shores you’d
have a large number fighting with the Japanese troops. And a lot of innocent Japanese-Americans would have
been shot in the panic. Under these circumstances I saw nothing wrong in moving them away from the danger
area.
Justice Douglas also later reaffirmed his position on Korematsu. Almost three decades after the decision he
declared that our “navy was sunk at Pearl Harbor, and no one knew where the Japanese fleet was … the
decisions were extreme and went to the verge of wartime power, and they have been severely criticized. It is
easy in retrospect to denounce what was done, as there was no attempted Japanese invasion of our country.”
Executive Order 9066 was designed to protect against espionage and sabotage, and there was no time to weed
loyal from disloyal residents. Time and speed were of the essence. American blood had been spilled. Military
and government officials acted swiftly in the belief that what they were doing was correct. “We cannot possibly
know all the facts which lay behind that decision,” nor sit in judgment “on the military requirements of that
hour.” That an attack never materialized, and that the great majority of those interned were probably loyal to the
United States, is not the issue. As noted by the Court in
EXECUTIVE ORDER 9066
On 19 February 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued the following executive order concerning the
military security of the nation.
NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States, and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, I hereby authorize and direct the Secretary of War, and the
Military Commanders whom he may from time to time designate, whenever he or any designated Commander
deems such action necessary or desirable, to prescribe military areas in such places and of such extent as he or
the appropriate Military Commander may determine, from which any or all persons may be excluded, and with
respect to which, the right of any to enter, remain in, or leave shall be subject to whatever restrictions the
Secretary of War or the appropriate Military Commander may impose in his discretion…
Source: Richard Conrat and Maisie Conrat, Executive Order 9066 (San Francisco: California Historical
Society, 1972).
Himbayashi, “the extent of the danger could be definitely known only after the event and after it was too late to
meet it.” The judges concluded that “military decisions must be made without the benefits of hindsight. The
orders must be judged as of the date when the decision to issue them was made.”
It cannot be said that officials, at a critical hour, did not act in good faith and with the firm conviction that
public and military safety was in jeopardy. The exclusion of Japanese American citizens, however tragic, was
justified under the war power. Frankfurter’s admonition that wartime and peacetime actions be judged
separately must be emphasized. Thus the internment of Japanese Americans, though morally and socially
wrong, and without the benefit of hindsight, was at the time an expedient and safe way to avert a possible
national security crisis.
–PATRIC O’BRIEN, NEW ENGLAND SCHOOL OF LAW