R. North Essays
BL Add MS 325261
… all observation is pleasing … and …
gratifies us, with a perception of ourselves …
UPDATED/REVIEWED OCTOBER 2014
Bound volume; external measurement, 190x227mm; ff. 1-47, 160x216mm; ff. 48-75, 156 x
197mm; ff. 76-87, 150x187mm; ff. 88-89, 98x152mm; ff. 90-91 120x179mm; ff. 92-95,
115x179mm; ff. 96-107, 138x180mm; ff. 108-116, 150x 184; ff. 117-119, 130x187mm; ff.
120-3, 155x192mm; ff. 124-9 150x187mm; ff. 130-2 164x209. See also further comments on
appearance and condition throughout the footnotes, below.
1
[colophon i]
(inner of board cover)
<in pencil, over an erasure,
388a
566a>
[colophon ii]
(binders' paper)
<stamped: 32,526>
<In ink, lower page:
Purchd at Sotheby's
(Crossley's sale)
20 June 1885.>
<on 1970s printed note [For printed text or notices of this MS. see:- Readers are
invited to notify the Superintendant of the Student's Room of any additions that may
be made to the above.] pasted into middle of page:
In ink:
Add. 32526
ff.130-132 are the last three leaves of Roger North's General Preface to the Lives of
the Norths, the rest of which is in Vol. I of the 10 volume /manuscript\ Life of
Francis North in St John's College, Cambridge.>
[colophon iii]
(binder's paper)
<page blank>
1r2
32526
Vol 13
Red BM stamp
All the original folios have been numbered on the recto at the top right in pencil.
I have followed that numbering, adding r[ecto] and v[erso], as appropriate. f. 1r has
been heavily marked by dust and ink; there is a small hole in the paper on the lower
LH side, where the paper has been compressed and rubbed by an earlier binding.
2
1v
Deus
Non fecit, Sed permisit
Hác Otià3
<underline/flourish>4
RN is often creative (and sometimes lax) in his quotation from other languages. This
appears to be a reference to Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro, 70-19 BCE) Eclogue I,
line 6, Tityrus' first response to Meliboes: Meliboee, deus nobis haec otia fecit [O
Meliboes, it is a god who has given us this leisure], adapted by RN to say: God did
not make/provide, but allows/tolerates, this peace. Otium is a latin word which has
carried into English more familiarly in the negative form, 'negotiate' - the absence
of rest, engagement in and with the world. RN here acknowledges the privilege of his
retirement and opportunity to reflect and write.
3
At various points in his MSS RN draws a line or a flourish on the page. Sometimes,
as here, it appears elaborate and emphatic, perhaps appropriate following a statement
of a general project. In other places they might be smaller, although the effect can
be just as expressive - marking the conclusion of an argument, or the completion of an
essay. I use the form <underline/flourish> to mark the more egregious instances,
positioning it appropriately to the left, middle or right of the page. Where RN
actually underlines a word, even if expressively as on the next page, I have
underlined the word.
4
2r
(V)5
prfando
Insatiable desire to know, ambitious thincking, care of pr=
serving Even ye hints, & Embrio’s of thought /designe of Improving.\ facility, as well
as pleasure, In scribling, and Courting a Style, are a Combina=
tion of Inducem'ts to what you find here, and /also\ Much More
of like fustian, In other places, wch by their solemne appea=
ing In books, seem to have had Somewhat of ye polite, [but?]
In truth are but Extemporaneous Sentiments, from one that
writes Swifter then thincks, and hath No test of his owne
thoughts but his Review after wrighting.
Men of Collegiate Conversation, have often freedome of
comunicating sentiment's, & so test them upon others un=
derstanding, wch where candor dwells, is of admirable [use?]
and Satisfaction [!?] but few ages allow a Sett of Men of [this?]
Candor, to admitt such freedomes without censure, Either [the?]
church or some stage principles may be hurt by ye Conse=
quence even of a truth as they thinck, & then it is discourage[d?]
or Els some state policy, or faction may be Interested, & for
that Cause, truth Is to be supprest, or Els ill Nature, love
of Contradiction, raish raiseth a battery Impertinently, or
a plagiary humour, If a thought be good, to run away [with?]
& then claime it, hinder this freedome of Conversation, [Where=?]
by, In our pudle & Slough of time, that advantage is denyed.
Oh! for the Age of hero’s. Galileo, Gassendi, Pieriesk. [Mr?]
Kepler, /Cartesius &c\ with ye Noble train of humanists, Erasmus /longolius [Quideus?]
\ &c.6 who
sent their thought about by letters. D. Cartes. In /putting forth\ his book.
meditation's, as Goldsmith’s, sent his precious thoughts, to
all ye test’s in Europe, & then publisht them & ye Essay's to=
gether. Now who will not Sell, their God of truth, for ye aim
of Corrupt ambition? therefore If there be any lover’s as I am,
they will be Still; this is /age suffers\ a prsent famin of truth, wch Indus=
try and zeal would, as husbandmen their Increas of corne,
rais for Support of curious Minds; wch Must /now\ languish for [Want?].
<flourish underline>
'V' in pencil top centre. This page seems to have been left exposed with consequent
bad rubbing and wear - especially on the RHS of the page (note also condition of f.
90r, below). There was thus some difficulty in reading and transcribing.
5
The heroes' names are barely legible, they are in abbreviated form, several times
corrected, and, as noted above, the page is anyway badly rubbed. RN lists a number of
heroes of the New Philosophy, plus some humanists: Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), Pierre
Gassendi (1592-1655), Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (1580-1637), Johannes Kepler
(1571-1630), René Descartes (1596-1650), Desiderius Erasmus (1466-1536), I guess at
the last but one to be a reference to either Christophe de Longueil (1490-1522;
unlikely as he hardly fits into the present company) or Christen Sørensen
Longomontanus (1562-1647); I can make nothing of 'Quideus' unless RN is noting a query
(although he would usually write quere or qu). Note the link between the validation of
ideas within the Republic of Letters and the establishment of credit between
goldsmiths (which was the system later developed in banking as settling accounts),
also the notion of test (a word used twice on this page). See also RN's very important
essay on 'Authority's', BL Add MS 32546, f. 207r ff.
6
2v
prjudices.
The root of prjudice is Self conceipt; wee
would Easily fall Into better opinion's, tho
new, If It were not from an aversion to
Conviction, becaus it Imply’s wee were in
the wrong. or Els wee Cannot bear the
thought of defect in our Sentiment's of
thing's, Especially such as are of Most fa=
milliar occurrence. wee hearken to Strang
tales out of India, and doe Not Much de=
cline Crediting them, but wee Resist all
discovery's that /argue\ wee thinck wrong upon
what wee continually Convers with. the
huft is, have Not I Eye, & Ear's, as well
as he? cannot I Judg. &c? And for this rea=
son it is that prjudice takes place most Im=
periously In matters of Naturall philoso=
fy; ffor those are object's of ordinary per=
ception, and obvious In ye Cours of humane
life, wch, as well as rarity's, the artists Call
phenomena, or appearances. And the great
Drudgery of youth, & Ineptitude of age
In a philosofick cours, is Most Considera=
ble In subduing vulgar prjudice; And If
the Mind Can be once defecate of them
Just sentiments of things Enter with Eas.
3r
prjudices.
Agt prjudice In generall, I have to alledg that
It is altogether alien to reason, and a disgrace
to any reasonable creature. and oppose it all
at once with this truth, that Ignorance is No
judg of knowledg. Art and science doe Not take
place in all thing's. Such things as are Incident
to ye Comon practis of life, as walking, Speaking,
lifting, after ye ordinary way, are Not accounted
arts, becaus all Men are almost artists alike.
And any subject fine Spun, If all men know
Equally ye texture, is Not admired, as It would
be If a few discovered to ye Many. therefore
art and science are Supposed to be of things out
of vulgar practise & knowledg; and teaching
is the shewing what was Not knowne before.
then with what face can any censure an art
or science, that are Strangers to the ways &
Notions of it. It is as I sayd Ignorance sitting
judg upon knowledg. let Men attain the
science, and then judg. Men Must Conclude
themselves borne with Miracolous Intuition
to beleev they can have thought's or judgm't
of thing's never prsented to their minds, by
their Senses or discours. and Such are those
who pronounce against arts, upon Casusuall
prjudice, or unweyed Impressions of things
3v
prjudices.
I7 I Intend to Single out to view, some of
our grosser prjudices, wch hinder Men or=
dinarily from Entertaining juster Notions.
1. from agreeableness arguing goodness.
who is Not positive, that what he likes is
best? and In comon dicours, that is the best
reason they are able to give; wch is Exprest
by saying, they like it best. & very touchy
when any one, with Equall authority, declares
ye Contrary. thus Men judg of pictures, buil=
ding, /musick\ poetry, & even Cookery. this latter to
a /high\ degree ordinarily observed, /as\ when Men
cannot bear other's Should Eat of what
they doe Not Relish. So for ornament's.
as too Much, too litle, too wide too high,
& ye like /expressions\ are ready to start /forth\ when any one
looks on a peice of architecture. a Critiq
In his owne fancy, sayd ye portico's at pauls
were Not So hansome, as that at st Clements
becaus ye pillars were too bigg. an artist In
ye Compa. say'd, the great in a close order of
pauls, were as proper, as the lesser with wi=
der spaces at st clements. becaus a proportio=
nable width upon Great is so hard to Co=
ver as it could Not be well done with
strength. then. 2. ye Spaces were wide En=
ough for passage, wch is Regard Mens bodys.
The8
This essay runs a wide margin, RN begins the page with a capital 'I' on the top LHS,
apparently by mistake, starting again with 'I' at the margin.
7
RN frequently uses catchwords, perhaps in imitation of printed books, perhaps as an
aid to reading aloud (possibly an important means of communicating his ideas to
visitors).
8
4r
prjudices
Crittiq heard this, and ye authority's for it, but
was not Converted. beleeving his owne tast to
be the Measure of abstracted good and Evil.
but had he bin so farr Engaged in the study
as to answer for ye Success of a performance
In building, his tast had altered, & he had
bin as clearly Convinc't of the Contrary.
2. Judging that all wch is in our percep=
tion, is in objects, as Colour, tast, motion, &c.
I know No vulgar prjudice so hard to Remove
as this; but keeping possession getts ye better
of all Endeavours after Science of Naturall
thing's. I have often Considered of a Method
directly to oppugne it by. I know the rules
and axiom's generally accorded In philoso=
phy, are clear Enough, & once Enterteined
are Never to be Removed. As that there
is No colour in ye dark; that tasts are va=
grant & Incertain, & Motion is Not as=
cribable to any body; but all yt subsists
In Motion, is that distance, & posture chang,
and such like, wch a right understanding
once touching never lets goe. but they
are maximes, as divers others, so avers
to Comon Capacity's, whose knowledg
Enters by chance, and are not Masters
of their sentiments More then Children
or brutes
4v
prjudices
or brutes, so as to Compare them with re=
alitys, and controul them. but the appea=
rance, as the wind carry's feathers, pos=
sesses their beleif, & passion helps to de=
fend it.
I have thought of this /a\ Method to oppose
this sort of prjudice, And it is by Shewing
more plainely then /by\ ordinary reasoning, as
philosofers use, that all ye variety's of
sence, may be produced by simple Matter
onely Moved; ffor that is the coar they
Cannot digest; ffor say they, how shall
the passing & Repassing of thing's, make
me see blew or Red, or tast bitter or Sweet,
are Not those Quality's rather in the
thing's themselves, wch doe so Constantly
affect Me? I ansr. while the Movem'ts are
of such gross part's, that ye texture and
formes in all variation's of them are dis=
cerned, there is No Sensible Quality su=
perinduced from Such movements. but
when these are too Small to be discer=
ned, then as to our sence the object is
a Confusion. that is Consisting of parts
and Movements wee Can in No sort des=
tinguish. then this Confusion becomes quand9
our
9
i.e. 'quondam'? = 'sometimes'.
5r
prjudices.
our perception a New object, wch is Not in
nature, that is the thing's themselves, for
Nature know's No confusion, for but In all
the Exility10 of thing's, Each part & Movemt
are as distinct & Regular as in ye Greatest,
and our Capacity of distinguishing, or Not,
is No governemt of them. So here is the
discharg of wonder, that wee Should have
prerception's So different from thing's; ffor
our perception is a Confusion, wch is Not in
things, but In our Capacity. Then Suppo=
sing all sence to be onely the Motion's /action\ of /or from\
the object, moving ye Organ's of Sence, and ye
manner & Mixture of such Motion's to be
Indistinguishable; wee have an Idea that
is Chimerik, vist of Confusion onely. And as
the Ingredients of yt Confusion, that is the
forme and action /of them as\ affecting or sences, vary
the Idea must also vary, and we Re=
member, & Noth Note them Into Species
with Names fitted to signifie them. such
as blew, red, bitter, sweet. & ye like /& not know what it is yt makes ye alteration\
to
Instance in Colour. there are some that
are Compound of other's, as yellow, of
Blew & Green & ....11 & blew of [<space>] & [<space>]
wch to our /plain\ sence, are originalls, but with
microscopes, the part's appear distinct
In Colours, and ye Compound Result is Gone.
10
i.e., 'smallness'.
RN actually leaves a line of dots here to indicate the space for something to be
filled in, as he leaves spaces to be filled in later in the same sentence.
11
5v
prjudices.
So12 In Musick. A tone is a knowne Sound, As. in
consort, 5ths. & 3ds. are knowne and have a com=
plexion as certein to ye Sence as Colour, but are found
out to consist of divers strokes, but the Swiftness or fre=
quency of them is such that wee, Not distinguishing,
are touch't with a sence, Not Conforme to the thing,
but our Capacity; Therefore It is No More to be
wondred that wee have Images Impres't by sensa=
tion's, wch Can never be found In ye object's, becaus
they arrive from a Confusion of Many In our defec=
tive Comprehension of things. Wch Justifyes our In=
quiry Into the Nature of thing's by other Measures
then /as\ their apparency's to our sence Informe us.
3. That Magnitude hath to doe in ye possibility
or probability of thing's, therefore on ye one side folk
cannot choos but fancy a minimum, and on the
other side that there are limits of space. And some
things are look't on as by reason of their Exility, of
No force in ye affaires of Nature, others so vast & Immens
as to be as it were uncontrowlable, & subject to No Impres=
sions or alterations, becaus they doe Not meet with their [Make?]
and according to these Notion's, men have Epithites &
words, wch bear such Interpretation, as fancy leads too,
and are a great Impediment to science.
As for Instance, when a philosofer affirmes, that ye
least body moves ye Greatest it can fall upon, as it
doth one not much Exceeding it self, onely Exciting
a less velocity as ye disproportion is Greater; then
one
From here to the end of this essay RN abandons (or simply forgets) the margin, thus
there are more words per page. He also starts using a different pen, apparently
finishing the section to the end of 7r in one, error-free burst of composition.
12
6r
prjudices
One of our beaux Esprits, Reply's, If a flea skipps [shed?]
makes a bump at ye other End of ye world. And this the
faction of shallow jesters Entertein with laughing, wch
Ends ye lecture. It is Nothing but prjudice, wch makes it
difficult to beleev, that the fall of a grain of sand u=
pon the surface of the whole Earth, moves the whole bo=
dy of it somewhat, according to the ration of the Quan=
tity's, ye Earth & ye Grain of sand, with Regard to ye ve=
locity of ye Impuls, Either Actually progressive, or Retar=
ding the Motion it had before. ffor wee find the Effect of
Impulses of body's to hold proportion with the Quantity's
of ye body's; then Iff in some why Not in all? If in a
moderate disproportion as. 1/2 1/3 1/4. wch wee cannot
Examine; why Not in 1/1000000. &c. wch wee can nei=
ther Examine nor perceive? our Capacity wee know
is narrowly Circumscribed, but what bring's the substance
the Effect's & passion's of it within those limits? or by What
Mean's should magnitude create New principles In Na=
ture? In ffine, lett us Conclude that It is Not Magnitude
but proportion that makes all ye differences in ye World.
ffor among all ye variety's of Systemes of body's, wch
have Reciprocall Influences, wee must Conclude that If
the Indevidualls hold ye Same ratio'n to Each other, all
the Effect's are the same what ever ye Magnitudes are. And
there is Nothing Either wonderfull in the Excesses of
Quantity, nor weak In the deminutions of it, ffor
both one and the other, have ye perfect demensions
and have power, or yeild to power, as the Solidity
or Substance Governes on Either side.
6v
Of prjudices.13
Having sayd thus much of magnitude, I shall
litle farther to shew it is No buissness of
of the Intellect to determine of Magnitude,
plain If wee Consider ye manner whereby wee
dinarily determine Concerning it.
goe a
sence, but
as will be
or=
When any object by ye ordinary means, Makes an
Impression on our sence; the Quantum In appearance
is Not gaged by the object, but by that part of our
body wch is affected. As In seeing, the place at ye bot=
tom of ye Eye affected by ye object, wch the Measure of
ye Angle under wch it Enters, speak's the Quantity,
and So ye same body. plac't in all distances, shall
as to sight, be of all magnitudes, from ye Greatest, as
can be discerned, to ye least. So In Comon touch, wee
feel over a body to know how big it is; and deter=
mine by ye part of ye hand it toucheth; when wee say
as larg as a thumb, wch may be called an Inch,
this is an ambiguous account, ffor with a giant
and a dwarf, the notion is farr from agreeing.
for one is. 1/3. more or less. And If those two should
Endeavour to be Reconciled with arguing perpetu=
ally, It could never be Compas't, becaus the Criterium
a thumbs breadth, is ambiguous, and Not ye Same in
Each. And upon like account it is that, wee de=
clare things larg, or Small as they hold proportion
with or bodys. A room wch a child thinck's Spacious
conteining 10. of its length's in height. &c. that
child when Growne a man, & finds Not 5. or 3
of
RN frequently changes his page headers during an essay - slightly altering the
wording, adding a comma or full stop, or even omitting the heading altogether (and his
numbering, when he uses it, can also be eccentric). Such changes often come, as here,
where it seems (as can also be inferred from the handwriting) that he is completely
immersed in and excited by the argument. Headers and numbering are almost always
written at the eame time as the main text, whereas notes and marginalia are often
added later.
13
7r
prjudices.
of his length's there, shall think Streight; It being ye
Same thing as to Sence, whither this room Grows less
or ye person greater, the proportion of ye one to ye other
gives ye Idea of ye Quantity. I may add also, of time,
that It seem's longer to children then to Men; vist
an hour or a day. ffor time is but ye account of Mo=
tion, & that measured by Space, So an animall of
small substance, thinck's ye Sun's Cours longer then
a creature of Greater; and If not directly Comparing
one with ye other, /yet\ the Idea Of ye time resulting may
be so adjusted. but as to time, I have other considera=
tion's. It Suffiseth here, that If wee pronounce of Mag=
nitude from our sences, and the Images Imprest by them.
wee are certeinly deceived. But when Magnitude is
Supposed, such as wee May assume ad libitum,14 be it
what it will. Either Some stated from Experience, as
a foot, a yard, furlong, or Mile; or undetermined
so it have a mark, or Name; it is capable of Com=
parison by ye measure of it Self, as once twice. &c.
and So falls in to be ye Subject of Mathematicall sci=
ences. In wch ye termes of addition substraction convo=
lation, Evolution, & ye like, are knowne, as ye means of
discovering habitudes & proportion's, by all other means
of humane capacity unattainable. And No Mecha=
nick practise can give a just account of Quantity
ffor all actuall measure will be more or less fals. So
that the Intellect & Not sence, is ye arbiter of Magnitude.
14
i.e., 'at our pleasure, or liberty'.
7v
of prjudices.
Another15 great head of prjudice Is our judgm't of force. ffor
say wee, what a prodigious force Is there in a mans arme
lifting Such a weight as he can at stretch? I can ansr,
what an Inconsiderable thing is that weight? ffor why
whither ye weight be More or less, our Striving to ye ut=
most of our power Makes it seem great. that wch wee
can doe Easily wee call light; and that wch puts us
to all our force, wee call heavy, or powerfull. So that
our Owne Muscles & tendon's, are the Gage of strength of
all thing's wee have to doe with. And from hence wee
argue probabilitys, and Improbabilitys in Nature. Wch is
a fals Method. as In Magnitude, So In powers or force,
there is No Calcula to be Made but by Comparison of one
limited or Stated thing with an other; but as to Grandur
& Minuteness of Either, there is No reason pro or Con, but
Every degree is Equally possible in Nature, & the Question
is onely of ye Existence or Non Existence of the thing. Wee
admire ye force of Explosion's, wee may as well admire
the weakness of ye opposition. What is ye force of weight?
None can answer, but Such as wee find by Comparison with
our strength, or some prstated measure; then ye Question Re=
sumes, what is that strength, or measure? So that wee
have No reason to argue any thing possible or Impossible
probable or Improbable, from weight's, or powers; Swift or
Slow, weak or strong, or to Make any account of them
but from Comparison one with another; for as I Sayd, Every
power as well as Magnitude to Infinite Either way is
Equally Natural or possible.
This page appears to be an addition, following upon what appeared to have been a
conclusion. The topic of 'force' is not indicated in the heads of the argument laid
out at the beginning of the essay. It is in a different ink. Force is not a merely a
supplementary topic in the second essay 'on Prejudice' (96r ff.), but is fully
integrated with the argument on magnitude, which gives us evidence for a relative
dating of the two texts.
15
8r
<page blank>
8v
Some Essay's, concerning the
manner of our sence, or perception of
thing's.
1. That Sence is Nice ad Infinitum.
It is Comonly understood that the Capacity of our
sences is limited, and uncapable of Exceeding certein
bounds; as well in ye way of Extent, as in deminution;
So that wee Cannot by any mean's have an Idea
of Such a magnitude, as ye Globe of Earth, or other
planet; Nor of Such smallness as the organick parts
of some animalls, or compound bodys. All wch is true
but from other defect's, then from want of Nicety In
our sensitive faculty's, these having capacity to
distinguish ad Infinitum; as I am about to shew, &
also what it is that thus seem's to Imprison or Senses.
1. As to Immensity It can never make an Impres=
sion upon ye organ, so that is No object of sence. and
the Capacity of sence must be Inquired of with Regard
to objects wch can be prsented to it. And of those, It is
in ye way of deminution, that wee ffind or Sences fail
us, wch hath occasioned artificiall helps, such as Spec=
tacles, microscopes, &c. Whereby wee arrive at ye know=
ledg of particularity's, the naked organ Could Not attain.
2. It is to be observed that there is No gross Cir=
cumscription of senses power by Nature; but Not
onely divers person's (or animalls) but the same
person, at divers times, and In different circumstan
-ces.
9r
of Sence.
-ces shall penetrate or discerne farther than otherwise
he Could. As when ye Sun is absent, wee see starr's
and as ye Night (by absence of planets) is dar=
ker, more & Smaller, of wch by day light, not one
however Intent wee are upon it, cannot be dis=
cerned. So In ye Silence of ye Night sounds are heard
wch are from very small or very distant causes, wch
In ye Noisy time of ye day, make No Impression. The
comon solution of this is, that ye Greater drowne
the less; wch doth Not satisfye, being a Metafor
& Not a reason. Why Should not 2. objects both
In ye Capacity of ye Sence, be perceived together?
let us suppose an unhappy person Imers't In a dun=
geon, the greater time of his life. and it will be Easi=
ly Conceived that he would distinguish the litle Glim=
mering's of light yt Crevices secundarily afforded
with the litle Impression's of sound, made by the
movem'ts of person's, & thing's abroad, wch ye keeper
& all but himself Could Not be sensible off. and
could wee suppose those languid lights & sounds yet
lessened by Many degrees, It cannot be denyed but in
that desperate Silence & Solitude, he would perceive
them. Wherefore I Conclude that Sence is Infinitely
Nice, and search the caus of things drowning one
& Other, from attention & Not capacity of Sence
9v
of Sence.
2. Attention cannot be to divers object's
(critically) at once.
This open's a larg feild of Inquiry touching ye
manner of our perception. I have often Reflec=
ted on the Notion wee have of Continuance, as
opposed to broken or devided moments. Wee know
well that sounds, mixt Colours, velvetts or things
soft to ye touch, seem Continued, but In truth are
made up of distinct points or parts. And In Nature
and reality these severall part's are as distinct, &
remote from all blending or Comixture together,
as stones or brick's In a Confused heap, whereof ye
part's are distinguishable to sence. I know Nothing
that I cann Imagine really Continued but /what wee Call Extension conceived as\ Space
or unbroken body, and /or\ motion of thing's wch /last\ is Ma=
nifestly continued, & Not done by Starts /being the same as Space.\ But yet as
to our Sence this continuance of substance, & Move=
ment is alien. ffor If wee Examine, all that we dis=
cerne is by parts; & Continuance, as wee perceiv it,
Is but from ye Confusion of parts; so that the defect
of distinction makes a new Idea, Not In ye things (as
was observed) but In our Sence of Continuance. all
visibles wee know are by Illuminated parts, and Sounds
by various pulses. And motion it self is accounted, by
ye Stepps it makes passing from one part to another
of ye Comune sensorium. How can this be otherwise
since
10r
of Sence.
Since perception it Self is by artifice of a Compound
Mechanick frame, wch consists of Infinite various parts,
and ye translation of them from place to place, makes
all ye variety of Ideas wee have? So that of Necessity
our Ideas Must be Compounded of minute Item's, or ye
subject or mean's of Introducing them is. And when the
Stiffness of our parts lett us Not distinguish them, then the
Idea hath a shew of Evenness, or Continuance. I have
more then once hinted, that distinguishing In our facul=
ty's, will goe No farther then wee can point too by Some
part or member Moved.
But looking Into ye retired seat of our faculty's, Some
/certein\ part of ye brain /& its appendant strings or nerves\ wee must know that all
sensation's
whatever Respect ye position's of ye parts there. and If in yt
there be No Chang made, there is No Sence, and Every
chang there is a subject of perception. so that sence is
In ye Instance of ye chang, and takes account by Compa=
rison of ye last & prsent posture; and If account is taken between the last, & that before, or any prceeding
postures of ye brain, It is Not sence but Memory. then
this Recess of ye sence is managed, as chimes in a steeple
by String's, or Nerves, whither vessells or Not, wch stand all
under Such tension, that No part of any one is touched but
ye sensorium Resents it; and ye Most Nice sence of all is
from ye Extremity's of these Nerves, as In sight; where at ye
bottom of ye Eye, numerous Ends of them appear in ye liquid
to be kept tender, and touchy at ye Weakest of actions, light.
10v
of sence.
This is noted, to shew that ye sence is touched by points.
and that the changes In ye Sensorium, wch are ye Imme=
diate object of Sence to ye mind is by pulses, or distinct
articulate or figurate changes of position In ye Sensorium
wch ye Mind discernes by alternate Comparison of ye one
with ye other, and the Succeeding by variation from ye pre=
ceeding, & so Continually. whereby I Recollect that
the knowledg of Sence or life, is but a Continuall Succes=
sion of these perception's of chang in ye posture of the
Sensorium. And that time or duration, is but a Conse=
quence of them; So as If wee could suppose, a Minute
hour or age to pass without any such chang, that
Intervall would Not add to our acco of time; but have
no other Impression then ye Momentaneous Changes have.
And the action of life, wch wee perceiv so well, but un=
derstand So litle, Is nought but the continuall tran=
sition of ye Mind from one, to another among the various
position's of things In ye Sensorium. that is a Series of
Successive perception's; wch ceasing life is at an End.
I have laboured in this desert track, to Compass a fa=
cile Solution of the buissness of attention. It is /from ye premisses\ certein
that the mind Can attend to but one thing at ones,
and that wch seem's composed, as when wee delibe=
rate of divers thing's, Is in truth No other, then a Swift
transition to, & fro; but each passeth In its turne ye
whole mind. Then 2d. Attention is partly In our pow=
er & partly Not. and So much as is in our power
is
11r
of Sence.
Is often so Influenc't by or passions, that it is altogether
Engaged by them. If thing's are homogene, as light, whither
of ye Sun, starrs, candles. &c. and Engage onely by their
Eminency; wee have Not power to attend ye lesser, but
must off Necessity observe ye Greater; where ye dispropor=
tion is vast, ye lesser are lost. as Starrs, ye Sun shining.
But of this there is a farther reason; the Sun doth
so Illustrate ye air, (from ye Effluvia In wch. ray's are Reflec=
ted to our Ey's) that ye light from thence Surmounts yt
of ye Starr's; wch differs onely in this. that ye light of ye
Sun might be so farr /aside\, as a starr May be seen, If the
air Shone Not. but when ye Surmounting light, is all
around and greater, It is Imposible that ye attention
can fasten upon a starr. at ye bottom of a well ye
air is dark, there (they say) starr's are Seen.16 But yet
what Ever ye light is audibles Shall be perseived being
heterogeen Impression's, ye attention passeth from ye one to
ye other. But among audibles, If some are very Im=
portune, ye attention Cannot leav them for lesser, unless
they are of another Species, and among drum's &
trumpet's, a whistle may be heard. All wch shew's
that Circumstances of dissimilitude as well as Eminence
draws ye attention. and according to the degrees or force
of these causes, our attention is More or less in our power.
but ordinarily among Indifferent objects, the attention
passeth from one Idea to another without our will or
fatigue with a sort of Casuall prcipitancy. But If
our
This is an old chestnut; why did he not experiment for himself? (The answer is that
you cannot see stars in the day sky from the bottom of a well that you would not see
from the comfort of the top of the well).
16
11v
of Sence.
our knowledg, and the Emanation of that concerne
or passion, as In Sentiments of strong hopes or fears,
the attention, as to all other objects is Quasy amor=
tised, and one may Speak, call, strike, or doe any
thing beside ye occasion, wch at other times would
make a Quarrel, but then Not be observed. Wch is
Not from want of Sence, but of attention. ffor all ye
forces of sensible objects have their Energy, but ye
Mind is not at leisure, So that Such Impression's, or
at Such time, are cyphers.
This is Caused principally becaus Naturally ye Mind
is Not capable of attending more than one object at
once. If you Say, more, as 2. 3. &c. I ask how Many?
or where is ye limitation? Why Not all things In=
stant at once? Wch wee know is Not so. then the
bounds must be In unity of thought; one thing at once
& No More. and the Notice or comparison of divers
things at once, is as I say'd but transition to & fro.
and that is ad libitum. If it be objected, that wee
conceiv at once certein numbers as. 2. 4. 8. 10.
and Can add Substract. &c. but Greater Numbers
as 1000. 2000. &c. wee Cannot Conceive but in hy=
pothesi, nor can add. &c. without artifice, and
Not Intuitively. I ansr. that is becaus wee have
knowne Numbers within 10. or. thereabouts, disposed
to Make a figure as. ... :: :.:17 & ye like, wch
figure In our Reflection is an unity from ye shape.18
RN sets out the dots in these numbers in shapes like the patterns of marks on
playing cards, something that cannot be done in MS Word.
17
This assertion that numbers imaginable as shapes, what he calls on the next page
"Images of Number", can be calculated intuitively, is also made elsewhere, see ff 30r
and 64v, below.
18
12r
of Sence.
And without Calling up In our memory's these Images of
Number wee Can conceiv Intuitively no more small then
great Numbers.
Now Supposing as I argued our Sence, to be unlimited
as to its Capacity of perception, yet by reason of our being
Conversant in body among objects continually Impressing
and those of a certain determinate force, such as ordi=
nary light, Sounds, &c. And that wee cannot Comand
our attention from ye Most Eminent or distinguishable
of Each sort, there follows a sort of Restraint upon our
Capacity, becaus wee have No Regard to Minute Impres=
sion's, wch cannot be taken aside from ye Greater, Either
prsent, or Remembred. But I doe Not Inferr that our
Capacity of distinguishing is so Naturally unlimited. for
distinction is Not Necessary to perception. I see a thing, tho
I doe Not observe its texture; and the Impression on My
organ is No less strong, becaus I doe Not so distinguish.
but distinction hath, as I sayd, its rise from action of
the part's of our body, whereby wee point to ye Severall
parts or Item's of ye object; as In ye action of telling. &
If ye Members will Not wagg, or point so Swift or exac[t?]
as ye object is devided, it is confused, that is Seen under
an Idea of Continuance, & Not distinguishable. Wch is
all I shall alledg on this subject, of the power &
Nature of attention.
12v
of Sence.
3. Some farther deliberation's Concerning
sence & attention, In order to Investigate
ye Nature of Sleep & dreams.
I doe Not thinck that attention & Memory are Inci=
dent to sence, but that a creature may be sensible
of numerous objects, and (If I may speak in a vulgar
phrase) know Nothing of ye Matter. Sence is only Ma=
teriall pulses upon ye organ, Influencing the posture of
ye parts In ye Sensorium, with Constant order of Chang.
ffor there is not ye least Stroke upon ye organ, wch hath
Not its ecco In ye Sensorium. but If they are Not So
Important, that is Either by Materiall force & Repe=
tition, or els by Information of consequences, to Engage
ye passion's, No as to awaken attention, Such Sensations
are nude, & vagrant, as to ye Mind all one as if No
such had bin. of this sort is the light of Starrs, thro
the shining Ether, wch touch & strike ye Sence as at Mid=
night, but unregarded; So when one is in profound
thought, or In admiration of Some Spectrous Image
or Miracolous Shews, and is tweak't by ye Nose, wthout
perceiving. the Sence from that violence is ye Same
tho Not Regarded, as at other times. And I may add
that accidents to person's asleep are of ye Same Nature,
ffor Such person's will bear utmost violence, &
Especially children, who are drest & undrest, &
know No Item of all ye process. wch is Not for want of
Sence, for that is Exquisite & Nice ad Infinitum, but
ffor want of attention.
13r
Of Sence.
I am Satisfied, Sence is passion, & attention action, of the
body & Mind in ye Center of their union. ffor one Cannot
help feeling, but May in very many cases, Comand at=
tention, So as to Regard it or Not. And when Multitudes
of Sensation's of various sorts obtrude, as in ye Case of life
wch Either from Intesstine or Externall action, omitting
Memory, is Never free from Sensible Impulses; yet the at=
tention waits as ye pleasure of ye Mind Invites, upon one
sort, or other, & Neglects ye Rest. Why Els are Even paines
alleviated If Not removed by Engaging ye Attention Els=
where, by that wee Call diversion. Then there is No Wea=
ryness or Satiety in the Sensuall part, but ye More ye Sence
is touched ye More light & aiery wee are, and better pleased.
but attention is labour, and like ye body will will tire. and
there needs some fruit Expected from it, to hold it in duty.
wch Makes Many mistake, & thinck our faculty of attention
to be Corporeal; but I conceive the Contrary.
for if Nothing Interposeth to Controul ye attention that will
tyre as litle as ye Sence; for wee find that when Resigned to
ye rowling of or thoughts without Comand the attention passeth
In ye current, touching here & there, & gives us No paine
att all by its working In yt free way. And this is Naturall;
The holding it to duty upon Certein Matters, Mal-gree
ye tendency it hath to be running after New Sensations
or various memoires; is an action of Some difficulty. and
is done by ye help of memory. This is that wee call Study,
such as my prsent Engagem't is, continually calling
back my attention, to ye Subject I deliberate upon.
13v
Of Sence.
That ye soul or mind hath power of moving or Influ=
encing the movemts of the Intestine parts of ye Sensorium
and by ye Interposition of them ye Rest of ye body, as is
manifest by passion's, raised onely by thought, is but ye
Revers or Counterpart of the motion's there Influencing
ye soul or mind. How this misticall union, and Influence
may be, I have attempted to Shew, In an Essay on that
Subject (ye Same whereof may be Inserted among these
deliberations) whereby it is made probable, that ye
soul & body, tho one be Extended & adamantine
& ye other Not, may yet Influence Each other and
Excite passion's and action's Such as wee know arise
ffrom ye union or Commerce of them.19 But whatever
power yt of ye Soul is, or however it works, It is certein
that it is Not unlimited or allmighty, but as ye
part's of ye body Immediately Concerned with it, are
more or less apt, so ye power of ye mind is more or less
strong, & pertinacious.
Now I Consider that when the attention fastens u=
pon any object, either of Imediate sence, or secon=
darily by Memory, these parts of ye sensorium, over
wch ye Mind hath power, or on ye other side, wch doe
Imediately /from ye object\ Influence ye Mind, doe Imbrace, and as it
were (or let it be, actually) touch that ffigure or pos=
ture in ye Sensorium (perhaps other & Grosser parts
of it) by wch ye mind is as it were touch't, or made
sensible of that figure, wch is ye Immage or Idea
wee have by thincking. This action of touching
or
RN
This
been
with
19
is likely referring to his essay 'of Humane capacity', below, starting at f. 34v.
is 'internal evidence' that this set of essays, or at least some of them, had
intended by RN to be read as a set, that they had been prepared in association
each other.
14r
of Sence.
or clasping the figure, whereby ye Mind is apprised of it, is
an action constrained by ye power /wch\ ye Mind hath over that
Matter, and opposed to ye tendency of the Incessant acti=
vity there, wch would carry the parts away thro ye Meanders
of various Images, If ye mind held them not to it. Now that
wch lives, is ye wasting of these Energetick parts. ffor how=
ever applyed they are to some one posture of ye Sensorium
by ye power of ye Mind, wch is study or attention, yet Much
of them will wear away, loosing their Station & diver=
ted as Excrement or otherway's to other porposes. & there
the mind looseth Ground, & att length is forc't upon
other movements, that ye Matter may Reemit for studdy
againe; as Comon Experience of diversion Shews.
I know well ye darkness of ye vault I am in, but hope
that a slow pace, & Groping. If not loosing ye way, In Such
circumstances May be Excused. but wee must goe on,
and try by ye light, If [once?] wee come at it, Whither what wee
gather be usefull or Not. Willis20 and others that use the
terme animall Spirits, seem to Intend ye Same as I doe. but
yet I subtileize more. ffor be those animall Spirits the
fruit of ye brain, and Instruments or rather Inspirer's
of locall motion of ye parts, they are Gross, to what I Sup=
pose to be Concerned in thought, and over wch I suppose
ye Mind to have power. but that Such are in Extremity,
(I dare not Say Infinity) of litleness. and how contract a
Space in ye brain this Sensorium may possess or where it
is, wiser than I doe Not prtend to Shew, since the pineal
Glandules is layd aside. but whereever it is I must affirme
of it
Thomas Willis (1621-75), physician and natural philosopher, one of the Christ Church
Circle at Oxford in the 1650s, and a founder member of the Royal Society. Willis wrote
on the brain and the nervous system, undertaking his own anatomical research, and
developing the range of topics that would later be grouped together as psychology.
20
14v
Of Sence
of it, that it is an aggregate of thing's of Most Contract
Condition Every way, and perhaps a point so Small as
may deride even Miscropes; and yet be Sufficient ffor all
the porposes & variety of Sence & attention. And what
Malpigius21 hath discovered, that ye Corticall part of ye
braine is made up of Indistinguishable Glandules, & ye
medullary part to be but bundles of Strings or pipes.
Speaks onely a Contrivance, of Sifting & Separating, Nutri=
tive & Spirituous Juices, to be Conveyed to ye parts, and assi=
milated to /as\ uses there /demand\. but No light is had Into ye Seat of
thought. That sudden death follow's a puncture in ye
cerebellum, or cerebrum In some parts, argue Not so
wide a space for thought to dwell in. ffor touching ye
Spinalis medulla doth ye Same. ffor the living Engin
and ye Seat of thought, upon wch it doth Not Much de=
pend tho Influenced occasionally by it, are two things.
one may be dissolved, & the other fall consequentially
as when an hous falls, the dyall upon ye chimny, wch
was a mean's of Many orders in ye hous, is Confounded.
So When ye body /as to life\ is Gone, the seat of thought is humbled
downe. but on ye otherside the seat of thought Shall Suf=
fer Extreamly, so that all vertue of it be lost, as In Cases
of fatuity, Stupidity, & ye like, and ye Machine of ye body
at ye Same time as to all apparance flourish & be as ve=
get as Ever. Therefore this Residence of thought, May /be\ &
probably is in some very blind Recess of ye brain, but
So as there shall be a concentration by Invisible Connex=
ion's to it. I cannot Resemble ye Seat of thought
better then unto ye object convex mettall In Mr Newtons
Reflecting telescope. wch is less then ye head of a pin, yet
Marcello Malpighi (1628-94) physician, comparative anatomist, and early microscopist
who worked for much of his life in Bologna. He was famed not only for the astuteness
of his observation and interpretation, but also for precision and clarity of his
drawings. He was a a member of the Royal Society in London from 1669.
21
15r
Of Sence.
Takes in the whole visuall angle, & all ye objects resident
In it and faithfully transmitts them without Confusion to ye
Ey. let ye Ey be ye Mind; & ye convex the sensorium, the
lens Convex at ye Entrance of ye tube, ye brain, and the
objects comon, & you have a lively adumbration of ye Com=
mune Sensorium; I doe Not argue Extention,22 or locality of
ye Mind otherwise then that it hath power over this par=
ticular matter, to wch In Every humane body it is affix't.
I cannot deny but as ye mind hath power of Moving Mat=
ter (as I Crave leav to say) Infinitely small In this systeme
of a Sensorium, so it May have power over other Matter
as passive, from its [Infinious?] litleness, as that is; but then
it Comes to No Effect, without Such an Engin as an hu=
mane body is, Capable to be actuated by Explosions or
Such Mean's, as from Most small beginning May
produce ye Effects of visible movem'ts of ye Grosser parts;
And after that Engin destroyed, ye mind Cannot be said
to be departed in point of place, but to want ye Success
of its Influence, as It had from ye Mechanisme of ye body.
as a Spark of fire is almost nothing In power, but Mee=
ting a Magazin of Gunpowder, is an occasion of Most
tremendous Effects. but otherwise is Soon vanish't & lost.
And whither this mind be capable of actuating ever after
any other body's, pythagorean's may dispute;23 but our
Religion determines, Not. but it is No wonder that
whence a Mind hath possession of a sensitive Engin
holds to it & is loath to part; ffor In that it hath
a Knowledg of ye Materiall world, wch otherwise is Not
In its Sphear. but what directs, creats, or transmitts
In not insisting upon the minds 'extention', RN is saying that, effectively, and as
far as his natural philosophy is concerned, the mind does not exist in any material
sense; the brain exists of course, but the mind is something else, like the 'communis
sensorum', not localised to any organ, although it is a functional 'part' of a person
or animal. The implicit analogy, therefore, is to the soul, or spirit, as we come to
see lower down the page.
22
Pythagoras (c. 6th century BCE) and his followers believed in metempsychosis, or the
reincarnation of souls. RN returns to the matter of the nature of the mind, and the
origin of the individual soul in his reflections on generation (below, f. 24v ff),
coming up with some fascinating and heretical observations.
23
15v
Sence.
Minds into body’s, oh that I Could know! there is Some
secret In generation, ye world May admire, but Will Ne=
ver understand. And how Should it, Since wee want
all knowledg of thing’s but by means of touch. wee
know wee have minds, yt In Some Sort command our
body’s; but wee have Nothing to Collate with them
whereby to make Comparison, or judg att all of
them. so that, Essence, is all wee can say. the how
the why, & ye what; will be mistery’s. therefore I
dare Not offer any Conceipt, how I thinck minds
may be derived from each other as body’s are. I have
bin adventrous Enought, & hic sisto pedem.24
An Argument ffor a soul Moving ye body, Ex=
planatory of somewhat touch in ye foregoing Essay.25
As body's deminish the action /or Resistance\ (wch is from substance) is Wea=
ker, and ye passion /or yeilding\ (wch is from superficies rationed with ye
substance,) is more. - vide ye phisicks, there demonstrated.
Matter is Small actually ad Infinitum.26 that is No part
or place can be given so Small, but wee Affirme matter is
yet smaller. this proved there also.
Then the progression of Matter In ye way of Small=
ness ad Infinitum, hath no yeilding action or Resistance
but is all passion or yeilding, ergo may be wrought on by
a being not body;
The reason Why a Spirit, or Non Corpus, cannot Move body=
s from ye power of action or Resistance yt is in body. take
that all away, as at the Evanescence of its Quantity ye
case is, why should Not ye first move ye. 2.
By what Means this may be done, I cannot say, but
If Nothing Rest Resist, I argue it may be done.
24
i.e., 'I check my foot', i.e., 'I go no further'.
The following notes have been added later, in different ink, and in smaller
handwriting, so as to be crammed into the rest of the page.
25
i.e., 'to infinity'. If matter can 'become' spirit at some point of infinite
tinyness (ie., becoming 'subtile' or etherial and thereby escaping material grossness)
then the link between matter and spirit (say, 'brain' and 'mind') is enabled. This is
the linking of ether to spirit to bodily fluids to body itself employed by Descartes
in his theory of the passions where such infinitely fine spirits operate within the
body. This notion of the infinitely small is a key part of the biology, as well as the
cosmology and general physics, of RN's project. It is a concept that must be
understood in order to approach his politics and his economics, as well as his science
and his aesthetics
26
16r
4.27
Of Sleep, & dreams.
I have taken ye freedome to Suppose, that sence is the lo=
call motion of ye organ, whatever it is, comunicated by Inter=
posing Materialls to the sensorium, In wch the matter resides
over wch ye Mind hath power; and a Correspondent locall
motion, (or variation of ye position) of the parts in the sen=
sorium, by means of the sensible matter (If I may so
terme it) is made knowne to ye mind, and as that admitts
variety, and is done with more or less force, or is Effected
by greater or lesser degrees of chang, the mind hath No=
tices agreable to it, and wee call it seeing feeling hea=
ring, & subdistinguish In colours, sounds, &c. Indefinitely
And this subtile & sensible matter Resident in ye Sensorium
is so Imediately ye Seat of ye Mind, that one Cannot be Con=
cerned without ye other. as the passion's of ye body affect ye
mind, so ye passions of ye Mind Retort Influences upon ye body.
ffor all Influences must be Reciprocall. so Motion or Collisi=
on of body, Effects as much by Repercussion as by action.
and ye Resistance, is as positive as ye force. Wch may Explain
the action & Repercussion So Manifest between ye Mind
& body. What Els Should rais Such Convulsion's seeming
out of Nothing but a faint sound or view, as wee See
in Shame and fear; so diseases often disturb ye Mind in Strang
visions & dreams. and ye very memory of thing's act as
If the Reality were prsent. And the holding the sensible
matter to a certein Image, or Some peculiar & Correlative
Images in ye Sensorium, is an act of ye Mind, constraining
the sensible matter wch Els would flow variously about, wch
is Intention or study; but ye Matter wasting, & Not recrui=
ted, unless sett free, causeth wearyness. and at length
may be starved & destroyed, and ye Mind want Subject
27
RN's own numbering system indicates a plan of ordered, successive essays.
16v
Of Sleep & dreams
matter to manage her Machine with that perfection as
usuall, or occasion corruption of it, whence proceed fatuity
or diseases; and when ye matter is active beyond ye power of
the mind, Maddness & fury. and that this Sensible Matter
must wast & Nourish, as other animall members doe; wch
is Not done but when Resting. ffor the action of them is
Expence, and nutryment suceeds when they are Reposed. that
the Mind Comands the attention as to time, as it doth the
Motion of any member, wittness ye holding out an arm, but
It will Grow weary, and come to be continually More difficult
and at length a great pain, If Not Impossible to Continue it.
But as to thing's, the mind hath Not so absolute a Comand,
but must goe from one to another, as they are In Memory
Succeeding in order, Either as they were originally per=
ceived, or as they have bin often successively Remembred,
wch they Call ye chain of thought, but while ye Mind is
upon Inquiry or Study, It letts ye thought's Ramble, and
catches them at some probable place, & there holds Some
time, but If No discovery follows the string is loosed again
& away they flow, upon a new search.
This rambling and Stop of thought, deserves to be Well
considered. ffor If wee doe Not hold our attention with
designe, the thoughts pass strangly In tracks from one
thing to another, not absolutly discharged of attention
becaus, wee are aware and op observe, and when any
comes, that toucheth our passion's, there wee stop, & attend,
& then lett goe againe; wch I cannot better adumbrate
then when ye ballance of a watch is out, one May by
ye Next wheel, comand the running of ye Movement's
to lett 'em goe at full speed or stop as wee See caus. so
when wee walk or ride thro a Strang place. a world
of
17r
Of Sleep & dreams.
objects pass us with slight regard, but scarce any without
some the Cursory Notice, but when ought comes more Strang
then ye Rest we hold on our observation, to know it as well
as wee can. So it is with ye Mind In ye landscape of ye Comune
sensorium, by Interposition of this subtile or sensible Matter,
applying to ye divers system's and Configuration's in it, wch
have bin Imprest from Sence, & Repeated Reflection's. giving
ye Mind frequent looses, but Not delivered up; this is the
State of being awake, ffor ye Mind hath a designe to
know, search, & Governe, and works upon ye Subtile Matter,
keeping it in Exercise, whereby it is Continually wasting.
and that breeds a lassitude, or a disposition of ye Mind, wch
I may call ye will, to attend No More /longer\, that is to urg this
matter no more, and then there succeeds a Resignation of
the mind and its Instrumt the Subtile Matter, to its free
Cours without stop, or Restraint, or designe So to doe. and
that is sleep.
I doe Not take sleep to Reside In any part of the bo=
dy properly but in this subtile sensible matter, wch is ye
medium Effective, between ye Mind, & ye Sensorium, from
whence, Influnces are transmitted, to Comand ye Machine
of ye body. Nor is it so Much Rest, ffor such matter as that
knows None, but freedome to Move without Restraint. Where=
by, as to ye action of the Sensible Matter; Wake, & Sleep
differ onely In deteining the passing of ye matter about
thro ye Sensorium, or letting it pass freely. that is In ye
time, or attention ye Mind will's to use in any Sensation
or Reflection, or In None; but In /not\ Exerting No /any\ will att all
as to action at least.
17v
Of Sleep & dreams.
The disposition of this cessation of ye will, proceeds, as I said,
from the wasting, or weakning of its Engin ye Subtile Mat=
ter; ffor when to use it longer is paine; It is layd aside
and then it Gather's Recruits, & is Nourish't as a resting
part of ye body after labour, or ye whole body, If wee
may Compare things so great with So Small, as this
sensible matter is.
I deny that In sleep, the Sence ceaseth; ffor this Sub=
tile Matter is In Continuall action passing about the
sensorium without coersion with Incredible Swiftness,
according as very Subtile and active Matter, is found to
doe. where ever it is. And object's of Sence, being applyed
have the Influence by Impression's made, as when awake.
but for want of regulated time of ye one & other, there
is No Such Impression, as ye Sensorium can Retein distinct
as a figure or Image to be Remembred. ffor time hath a
Share in sensible Impression's, as well as thing's, and
Nothing is more comon, then that strang things pass by
so swift that, wee know onely there was somewhat, but
cannot tell what. becaus to Compleat ye Image of a thing
to be prserved in Memory; It is Necessary to pass with
ye attention from part to part, as our organs will allow
wch is not done but in Some Considerable time. there=
fore these rouling Impression's during Sleep, when ye
mind hath No attention, or will to hold its authority
over yt matter it works by; then is No Sence att all
of time, but that is gone, & lost without account, as
If wee had ceased all that while to be.
18r
Of Sleep & dreams.
Now after ye Subtile matter is by liberty recruited, It It gathers
fforce, & Grow's Importune, and Exites In ye Mind a will to at=
tend, for from a paine it is become a pleasure so to doe,
So it is when any Externall violence or Strong Sensation's
Importune ye Mind, the will shall Exert it self, to In=
quire how Matter's stand; & this is waking out of sleep.
many times the mind shall be so Concerned, Either from
passion, or curiosity; and Not Seldome deseases are So
Importune, that the mind cannot, or will Not, give up=
attention, so as to Sleep; altho the need of it is Great.
And as there is being broad awake, & fast asleep, so
there is a Midle state between both, wch is Called drea=
ming; and ordinarily happens thus. In the ocean of Images
ye Mind Rolls thro during Sleep, Some are such as touch our
passion's; as love, fear, hate, admiration & the like; and
In those ye Mind gives Some check's to ye [Carere?] and al=
lows short attention's; but ye Cours soon proceeds, and upon
like occasion hath some short Interruption's, whereby some
faint Impression is made upon ye M'ory, Memory, so as
wee have some knowledg of them, but allwais faint and
feeble as ye Impressions were, & Strangly Incoherent. ffor ye
mind takes notice but here and there; so it is that wee
dream of Some State out of wch wee are removed; as at
ye university boys dream of being at scool; and folk yt
are marryed, of being marryed again, & Such like Non=
sence, for want of Continuall attention; but being in
nice affairs yt touch ye passion's, there Shall appear Great
movemts and Concerne upon them, wch holding or Enga=
ging
18v
Of Sleep & dreams.
-ging ye Mind in more attention, the dreams are yet
Stronger, till object's of Sence, wch are Much stronger
then these faint memorialls are, take possession, &
oblidg ye Mind to perfect and Continuall attention
wch is being awake. So that dream's are but Snatches
of attention, and upon touching Images of half worne
out Memory, and being awake, is a continuall designed
attention, and of objects yt have ye Greats force of Impression,
I mean, those of actuall Sence. It is No wonder that ye
body is at rest during sleep, Except such parts whose
motion's depend not att all upon our wills. by wch Con=
trivance Creatures are Not allowed power, wtever their
will is, voluntarly to dye, as when they goe to sleep.
from pure wearyness of life. but If the Motion's Necessa=
rily Conducing to Nutriment & life, were not Regi=
mented apart, so as to be out of ye power of ye will,
men Might have willed themselves to dye, as they
doe, when they give up ye Reins to sleep.28
Now that life it Self depends upon Sleep, as well as the
attentive power of ye Mind, is reasonable from hence. If the
sensible matter be not Nourish't, or Recruited; It May as
other things grow, Not onely unfitt for ye use of ye Mind, but
actually corrupt, & Gangreen ye Sensorium, & yt the connext
parts. whereby a deliquium falls on ye whole. So When ye
body perrisheth, as by loss of blood, the matter yt ye Mind
works by failes wholly, & theres an End. If the brain be dis=
ordered In ye least, that reacheth ye Sensorium, and ye Econo=
my of that & ye subtile matter is broke and undone, so ye
person dys. that is ye body is uncapable of being wrought
upon
28
The topic of suicide is returned to below, at f. 125v.
19r
Of Sleep & dreams.
Upon by ye Mind; Nutriment Ceaseth, & Corruption (or Na=
tures generall Nutriment) Succeeds. It is observable, that
Hott diseases hinder Sleep; ffor ye matter is held up in action
So Strong, as forceth attention. that cannot well be given
up, but in a state of Eas, & health. And Cold promothet
promoteth Sleep; so as men who dy of cold feel No pain
Els, & falling aSleep dye. If diseases begin in ye blood or
ye grosser part's of ye body, they often hinder Sleep, becaus
the heat they caus, Exasperates ye Motion of ye Subtile Matter.
but diseases yt begin in ye head, In or Near ye Sensorium,
take ye Shape of Sleep; wch is a Symptome of ye diseas, as in
apoplexy's. Men yt dye of long and painefull Infirmity's
are often for many day's, or weeks, deprived of sleep, as
the gout. and as the /sensible\ matter Grow's less unfitt for ye Mind
to use; they delire, & faint. This Makes men troubled
when they doe Not sleep. becaus they look upon it as
a bad Symptome of health. and their Minds or passions
shall be so Engaged In thatt apprehension, that with a
full perswasion of being awake, they shall often dr
sleep very fast, and all ye while dream & frett that they
are awake & cannot Sleep. In Short the troubles of the
body by degrees reach ye Mind, and destroy its Regiment
So on ye other side, the disorder's and affection's of ye Mind
going to Extremity, by passion's disturb ye body and
destroy's the Whole. this is what hath obtruded upon Me
to write Concerning Sleep & dreams.
19v
5.
of pleasure and pain.
There is nothing of More Constant Concerne to us then
these opposite passion's, and Nothing less Inquired Into,
I mean for discovery of the reall foundation or principle
of them in our Natures. Many have treated of ye pasions
as love, Envy, greif &c. wch are but branches from these
Comon stock's, and those have Escaped scrutiny. Wt
is it to know that love is an opinion that a thing
is pleasant with particular Regard to orSelves; unless
wee know somewhat more then by Experiment /practise\, what
pleasure is; And, /thus\ In Short, In this manner, all the Science
of temporall good & Evil is Resolved Into ye generall
notions of pleasure and pain, and If ye truth of them
could be dugg up, & viewed, It would Not be hard to
determine of the philosofers Summum bonum.29 there
I have Ever thought ye Inquiry So Important, to Such
as are Curious In ye philosofy of life & sence, that, as
an Incouragem't to others to Sink deeper, I have re=
duced into ye following order, my thoughts upon the
Subject, and to Say truth, they have bin so Importune
with me, that I have not had Eas till I had reduced
them into wrighting, altho at ye Same time I have No
better opinion of ye product/cess\, then as a mean's to Evacu=
ate a p caprice, or Itch of Scribling.
I begin therefore, with ye Consideration of two ori=
ginall notion's wee have Concerning orSelves.
1. of our being, that wee are.
2. of our condition, how wee are.
29
i.e., 'highest good'.
20r
of pleasure and pain.
1. Knowing that wee are, is pure perceiving, for If wee were
not (as Cartesius argues,) wee could Not perceiv; and this is
the most clear & pure as well as Indubitable notion that
wee have, or can Resolve upon. And it is what is present with
us upon Every Instance /or act\ of Sensation. This perception of our
owne being, I fix upon, as the Center of all ye pleasure
our nature is Capable of. It will be granted that it is
better to be, then to have no being; Some have held
it better to be Miserable, then Not to be att all; wch is
farther then I need to travell. It is Enough if it be good
to be. If so, then the sence or perception of our owne
being Must be pleasant, becaus it argues possession of
a good thing. Those that have held the cheif good, or
pleasure to Consist in Indolence, did Not Consider the
difference between a being that hath No sence of it
Self, and one that hath. a stone is an Indolent being
but not sensible of it, and knows no good by it. a
being that perceives it Self, hath More then the Stone,
Indolence, ffor the very knowledg of its being is a fru=
ition, wch is a positive Sence of good, & goeth far beyond
Indolence. It cannot be alledged, that our very being is
painefull, and the pleasure wee have, [to?]proceeds from ye
circumstances of life, so as paine is ye positive, & pleasure
accidentall. ffor If a being is painefull, it must Imply
defect, or an Essence Imperfect, wch Cannot be; If wee have
a being, It is compleatly so, & Not half or 3. quarters of it.
therefore our /very\ perception that wee are, must be a pleasure.
20v
of pleasure & paine.
If wee consider well what sence is, wee Shall find it
is not of the things perceived, but by ye mean's or action
of them we perceiv our owne being, and that is it wch
Makes objects of sence, Memorialls, and thincking very
pleasant, for all that while, wee are Sensible of our Essence,
wee may Imagine yt angells, or Spirits, Such as are not af=
fixt to body, may have an Intuitive knowledg of themsel=
ves, without Externall helps. but our Condition is Such, as
Renders us unable to know our selves, but by ye act of
perception occasioned by Externall objects. And from hence
wee translate (as ye Comon Mistake is) that wch resides
In us, to ye object. and argue thus, upon ye Sence of this
object, I feel a pleasure, therefore ye object is pleasant.
or More particularly, upon prsenting ye Object, I see a
glorious scarlat, therefore that Scarlat is In ye object.
wch Inference is fals. ffor the object is ye occasion of the
Idea our mind hath, but that is within us, & Not in
ye object. And it is but the sence of our owne Existence wch
wee have, diversifyed according as objects. are Circumstanced
wch are the mean's or occasion of it. All wch, as I sayd, is
done by moving the organ's, & ordering Chang of position
In ye Sensorium, Conveyed to ye Mind by Intervening Sub=
tile matter, obnoxious to ye power both of mind & body.
Now Considering that this perception of or selves, is Mo=
difyed by ye objects yt caus it, and with them I must
concerne ye state of ye body, thro wch Sensations being
conveyed, the temper & Complexion of it, may vary
the Mode of opp Sensation's, as well as diversifying
ye object. so Jaundice makes men See yellow.
21r
of pleasure & paine.
If there be variety In the modes of our sence, where by
it Wee know & feel our Existence, there will be better and wors,
and degrees of both; wch once for All I may denominate
pleasure and paine, Meaning onely that Sensation's are Made
by Movements of body, wch gives a serception of our being
with Some advantage, or disadvantage, and accordingly
ye mind is better or wors, as I may Say, pleased.
The Mind is an ambitious being, and wee May Suppose
it pleased or displeased as its State appear's better or
wors upon any sensation. and therefore It may be Con=
cluded that, there is a designe of ye Mind to be gratified
as well as ye body to be nourished. I Call it designe, tho
It May be More properly Sayd tendency, or propens, with
out other Impuls then its owne Nature to drive it. and
all things wch Gratifie this tendency, must be pleasant
and what is avers, painefull. therefore wee must look
Into as well ye State of our body's, as the Conditions of objects
Whereby Sensations are diversified, to see how those variety's
can affect or gratifie ye Mind, or otherwise give it paine.
The variety's of Sensation's, Respecting pleasure & paine
May be determined in ye Mind wholly, or Els In ye body,
If in ye body Either Respecting appetites, or diversion.
Those wch determine, or are Caracterised In ye Mind, and
rise to pleasure, are ye Most Exquisite. and of them
take the following account
Since it is So that perceiving our owne Existence,
is a joy or pleasure, and this coming from Externall
21v
of pleasure & paine
objects, Such as have most frequency or variety are Most
pleasant, becaus wee are So much More Sensible of
our being. Secondly, Such as are most distinct and
clear to ye Mind, must needs Content it, More then
others, that are Confused and obscure. ffor this reason
Knowledg is a pleasure, and the desire of it Curiosity
also; and on ye Contrary doudbt, or falsity are both
troublesome, so therefore painefull. Then In ye body
all Sensation's wch hold Not a just proportion with
ye Nerve or strength of ye body are painefull. as the
light of ye Sun at Noon, Enorm /&\ tremendous Sounds &
ye like. ffor these are Convulsive at ye Sensorium, &
ye Subtile matter, and Make it unffitt ffor the action
ye Mind Requires of it. or Move it against the dispo=
sition of ye Mind or Will. Wch is that wee Call actuall
paine, and (when Excessive) Shall from ye Sensorium
disturb ye whole body, & rais Convulsions & Contortions
& cry's, wch are ye ordinary Symptomes of paine.
It is Comonly Sayd that whatever tends to a disso=
lution of ye frame of Nature in animall body's is
painefull. It is generally so, but Not allwais, Nor doth
that observation Insinuate ye Caus. ffor wee May
observe that Exquisite torments are Inflicted, at ye
very Nailes, or fingers Ends. Wch Cutt off, doth Not Make
any Impression Imediately tending to dissolve ye
fabrick, till Gangreen Comes for want of Cure.
and on ye other side, men are Stabbed to ye heart
& In
22r
of paine and pleasure.
And in few Minutes dye; but In ye Interim Express No
Sence of Exquisite paine. Men broke on ye Wheel, have
Complained onely of Cold, other's In ye Case of the tar=
peian Rock, have Complained onely of Drought. Where=
by the Consequence as to dissolution or Not gives Not ye
Measure of paine. but the Importune vellication of ye
Sensorium, wch putts ye Mind aside ffrom its buissness & at=
tention there. and this allwais happens when Sensation's
are too violent. but if they Are from part's unused to be
touched In a Certein Manner, are Importune and part=
-ly pleasant, but Continuing, painefull, as tickling. And
when ye Extremity's or Most Energetick of ye Nerves are
touched, and violently; the Importunity & disturbance
at ye Sensorium is very much, and this is ye ordinary
actuall pain wee feel. Such as pricking & wounds in
ye flesh, Especially by ye vegetation of ye parts, when ye
Cours of humours is Stopt, swelling's, and often Corruption
follows, wch draws ye Nerves as outward violence doth.
and Impresseth ye Sence of paine. And So Many Infelici=
tys are ye lott of human body's, from defect's & diseases.
that It is hard to say that wee are att any time free
from bodily paine. ffor at best wee are Restless and un=
quiet Ever changing posture, & waiting for better.
This Condition creates that pleasure, called diver=
sion; ffor thick and various sensation's are pleasant,
not onely as filling us with a Sence of our being, but
as they take ye attention of ye mind, ffrom bodily paines
or thoughts, that are Not Excessively tormenting.
22v
of pleasure & paine.
I Need Not run over a catalogue of diversions to
prove this, wch is So Notorious, So I leav it to ye Conside=
ration of Every. one, as Enough acquainted Wth them.
So Much as to Impute all Monsters, shews, chases, Games,
& ye like more to ffilling of time, then any vertue or
perfection In them, to Render them aggreable. If there
be found any part, wch look's like knowledg gathered
as well as time Spent (for thing's will have Mixtures)
I must Reserve it to be considererd anon.
The next Class of pleasures I may Refer to appe=
tite; but taking that to peices, It will /be\ found to Re=
solve Much into ye other branches touched upon. vist
Diversion & knowledg. There seem's to be Somewhat
actuall, and very Engaging in certain pleasures de=
rived from regular objects, as musick, mixt Colours,
and (perhaps) tast. I shall consigne these to the Class
of knowledg, & dismiss them at prsent. there are others
wch I may Style oneration's, and Exoneration's, under
wch titles Mr Hobbs is pleased to dignifye all pleasure.30
As to these, one Consideration goeth a great way in
ye Resolving them that is Remedy of defect. ffor Nu=
triment, to begin, hath upon ye first tast a vertue to
Recruit ye brain and its active Spirits, wch Renders them
more ductile to ye porposes of ye Mind. this is Notorious
In high Cordiall, wch stay's not for digestion's as Grosser
nutriment doth, but Is at ye Center of life Immedia=
tely; Nay often No drop Ever comes at ye Stomack,
and yet Invigorates a dying person. this Is In some
degree
RN refers to Thomas Hobbes' (1588-1679) argument in Leviathan, London, 1651, chap.
VI.
30
23r
of pleasure & pain.
Degree upon ye tast or Even ye Smell, of proper Nutry=
ment. Most Creatures distinguish onely by smell, and if
that test answers, Eat without farther deliberation.
Men have used themselves to Criticise by tast, & Sight
as well as Smell, wch is the product of Experience in
Luxury. And while the Mind finds its seat & action
made Easy, It must Needs have satisfaction, that is be
pleased; as for Improvemt of tast by Cookery and Con=
Confectionary, by wch much is added to the foregoing
acceptance, I must Consigne somewhat to knowledg, as
In due place. But In ye Mean time affirme that the
ackme of these pleasures, is Not from thing's altogether,
but very Much from opinion & prjudice, or Els from Cus=
tome. wee find /with us\ Strang aversion's to things odd, & New,
as froggs, Snails. &c. wch in Many climes are ordinary
or rather delicious food. The force of Custome In Matters
of appetite & pleasure /becaus universall\ I may Consider in due place.
It is Enough here, that Naturall appetites Gratifyed, have
Immediate & cordiall Effect In ye Intimate Recess of ye body
where ye Mind Resides. But that Nutryment ordinarily
hath any Native or Ingenit vertue, that makes it plea=
sant, beyond that Efficacy, I deny. ffor when ye vessells
are filled, and ye brain Comforted, as farr as that can;
then ye best food is loathsome, wch could Not be, If ye
vertue lay in that, & Not In our defect of it to Supply.
This is found In Satietys by Repletion, and ye opinion
as well as Relish is changed, for it Seem's to Reject 'em for Ever.
23v
of pleasure & pain.
So Much for oneration; all Instances, have their oppo=
site, as this hath disoneration, of wch their is a plai=
ner acco. ffor the want of them Induceth paine; as
when the secretion's are perfected, and the unffit
matter Collected to be throwne off, In Case the Issue
of it be hindered, there is caus Enough to disturb ye
nerves and Consequently the sensorium, and the sensi=
ble matter there, rendring them unffitt ffor ye porposes of
life, as well as of ye Mind, all wch is seen In Extremity's
as of Costiveness, suppression's, obstructions, agt wch If ye body
hath Not Eas & Remedy, the whole frame is dissolved.
And one difference there is in all Sensuall Cases be=
tween the pleasure & pain yt Men have, & that wee
suppose other animalls have. ffor Men's knowledg
of themselves, and their occasions, advantages or defects
makes their resentm'ts more Exquisite, wch is from Me=
mory. and may be Considered under that head, and
here look upon Nude sensation's onely as Comon to
men & brutes; And of these ye Most rema/r\kable, In ye
way of Exoneration is venery;31 wch deseres deserves
most attentive Reflection's.
By ye fabrick of ye part's Relating to that action of
nature, It is observable, that the matter wch chargeth
ye body, & is so urgent to Explode, is Not ffitt, but
after most particular methods of digestion. It is doub=
-tfull whither, ye digestion In ye brain it Self, be more
Exquisite then that; so that there is somewhat of
subtilety
That is to say, sexuality (or 'Generation' as he terms it at the top of f. 24v), the
indirectly addressed topic of the next paragraph. RN seems only to think of sexual
desire as a masculine topic, ending in ejaculation.
31
24r
of pleasure & pain.
Subtilety or Spirituousness of ye resulting matter More
from that then other Instances of digestion. Another
thing is, that there may be channells of Comunication
between ye very sensorium, & ye part's where that Resides
and who Can tell, but Even ye subtile matter, wch I
Suppose to be ye Immediate Instrument of ye Mind
may have some union or Continuanc with it. Ever have
Many arguments of guess for this, but Anatomy will
never disclose ye Mechanisme of one Sort, More then
It hath done of ye other. ffor when animalls are adult,
there is more manifest vigor of body, wch upon this
Evacuation, sinks Even to dejection, and Req Recruits
againe ffrom Nutryment, untill the Evacuation is Re=
pented; so alternately till age makes all things, as well
as this power decay. but more or less It lasts as long as
life & health continue. And after all the Quantity of ye
substance discharged, doth Not Merit all this bustle.
Besides the mind is No less engaged then. ye body. all
wch consideration's are so obvious I need Not Inlarg.
but Conclude ye Mind is More Immediately Engaged
In this action, then any other appertaining to life.
Then It is No wonder Since it is ye occasion of Nature to
Effect such discharg, and is so allyed to the mind, that
not onely ye act it self, but all approaches to it, are So
aggreeable. Nay ye Image of those approaches remaining
In memory, without the reality, shall have ye Same Ef=
fect upon ye part's, to produce it, as ye Reality hath.
24v
of Generation.
of pleasure & paine.
Now give me leav to lett goe a Conceipt. the locality
of ye Mind hath No determination, but as ye Matter, is
plac't over wch It hath power to Influence, and being
united with other matter so Mechanically disposed
as to be made Sensible of ye workings, & Motions of it
It is sensible of its owne being, by other Means, then
such as wee Imagin spirits have, and I have called
(for wee are at a loss for words) Intuition. and this is
such pleasure to ye mind, as wee know in life, and
makes it Continually remaine so acting, & Recei=
ving Impression's, so long as the life of ye Machine
that is, ye structure & Composure of it, apt ffor this
porpose, Continues, but when that is dissolved, I can=
not say ye mind is gone, or that it hath less power
over matter, there or Elswhere, Infinitely Small then
It had before, but for want of ye Compage organised,
as in animalls, ye Mind hath No particular Impres=
sion whereby to perceiv it self. To adumbrate this.
when wee move our hand thro ye air, that yeilds &
moves but wee are not sensible of it becaus it is
loos & flux, & goes Every way without order. But
If wee give fire to a Cannon, or traine, that Inspires
a Stupendious firework, the result is so Considerable it
toucheth ye very Soul. so when ye Mind Moves this
or that subtile matter, & it passeth without order,
that is Not life, or sence, but when it is organised
so as to work stupendious effects, it gives ye Mind a
mean's to know it self, & its power, beyond the vagrant
ordinary matter of ye world.
25r
of pleasure & paine.
Then taking away ye locality of ye Mind, as In it
Self, being without Extension /is undetermined\ and that it Supposing it
to be with ye body onely upon account of aptitude, the
Quantity or demension of it, is gone, and so Number
wch is but the Image of Quantity. and Wherever In ye
body or out of it, there is subtile matter to yt degree
as may be Comanded by ye Mind, Even one and ye Same
mind May Influence, Now Now why should Not ye Mutuall
act of generation, Confer a substance In some Measure
organized so as to be apt ffor ye Mind to perceive it Self by
that is to make it active and passive, wch loos and un=
organized matter will Not doe, and there ye Mind Conti=
nues so long as the machine serves its turne?32 & thus from an
Egg, wch is the beginning of all animalls, In a process of ve=
getation, one Shall Grow up to maturity, & performe ye Same
offices as ye parents did? And this Not be an Increas /creation\ of Minds
but ye same as ye other /derivation\, onely actuating various Engines. /as animalls
part & devide into severall?\
Thus wee may Suppose at ye beginning minds created as
well as body's (if there were more then one mind, yt is Man)?
wch minds, as to body or locality, being of another Nature
not Extended, have No Comparison, place, magnitud or
Number. and tho Not omnipresent as to power, wch onely
with ye Creator, yet may actuate severall Machines. nor
is it materiall. whither In our sence, they are neer or
remote. but Many miles off may be ye Same, as an hairs brea=
dth. the onely Requisite is organization, by mean's of wch ye
mind feels it's being, and If by chords or channells, the substance
of humane body resident in ye brain or sensorium, as the Means
The following section is much corrected, as can be seen. I have interpreted several
ambiguous punctuations as question marks, which are quite in keeping with the
exploratory direction followed in RN's tactful enquiry into the creation, through
sexual reproduction, of something as immaterial (or 'subtile') as a human mind. This
problem lies at the heart of Cartesian biology which, as here with RN, and as in
Descartes himself, is not quite so robustly or reductively dualist as it is usually
characterised.
32
25v
of Generation33
Means of connexion between ye Mind and body, be Conti
nued to ye parts of generation, In ye very act, the Mat=
ter May be so organized as ye Mind may Remaine with
it, from ye germinall to ye dissolution.
This Consequence May be Inferred, that at the be=
ginning onely one mind was created, Called Man;
wch Might, being a Spirit, & heterogene to body
be in a manner be without place, or ubiquitous, wch
is almost one & ye Same thing. then a ffitt Engin was
Made for it to act, & be passive in, called Adam
and from that another Miracolously derived Called Eve,
by mean's of which others, & So In a continued series
to this moment. Not Multiplying minds, but body's
all wch are actuated, by that one created being, Called
Man, (Respecting ye Mind onely) but devided into
severall Engines or mean's of Sence called body.34
Now there is a vast body of objection's ready to
powder downe upon this notion. I Intend Not to propose
all, but onely one or two of ye cheif; as. 1. Say they
If all mankind have one Soul or mind, how Comes
it they know so litle of Each other? and are so farr
/as they are\ from being freinds as /being\ of one mould, but /that\ homo homi=
ni lupus?35 I ans. first that it is No wonder the mind in
Severall Engines doth Not (In our way And meaning)
know or observe it self, and ye Relation; since in one
& ye Same body, the mind shall be clouded & not know
it Self there, as in swounings and Infermity's, where after
perfect Recovery, many hours Shall be pick't out of time
and ye Mind know Nothing yt was done to ye body in that
time, tho much violence was used, by ye tormentors Called
33
RN changes the header for the next two sides of the essay.
RN is playing with the mystical concept of Monopsychism here. This is a heresy
traditionally associated with the Spanish philosopher Averroes (ʾAbū l-Walīd Muḥammad
bin ʾAḥmad bin Rušd (1126-98)), and hence is also known as Averroism.
34
35
i.e., 'men are as wolves to each other'
26r
of Generation
phisitians, to it, Even to death. Why should ye Mind Not
know it self in severall engines, when In one & ye Same,
where it is & must be agreed to continue one & ye Same,
It shall as to all sence knowledg or memory loos it Self, &
[yeet?] ye body Not dissolve & dye? answer me that & I will
ansr ye other. But there is a Great fallacy in that wee Call
knowing, wee are Not Sensible of other knowledg but /then\ by
ye Interposition of body; that knowledg wch is abstract
whatever it is, is past our Examination. If it Shines
In any thing it is in our being sensible wee have a Will, &
power, and If any thing be an Index of the abstract Essence
of ye Mind, It must be that Reflection Ever soul in ye World
hath that his will is free, Mal-gree all ye power of Body,
that is, ye World. ffor there is No violence to humane Na=
ture that malice or ye Skill of tormentor's Could Ever In=
vent, but there have bin Some, who Willingly have
undergon, and with Intire comand of temper & passion,
wch Could Not be if ye Mind were all one with ye body.
Here ye Will is pure, but ye knowledg is derived from body.
I might argue ye Same from Councell & Reason, In order
to Election. as that If ye Mind had not a distinct Existence
it Must yeild to all ye prsent Impulses of body, and Not
stand, Shall I, Shall I? deliberating, whither, after a Stroke
it Shall move or Not. But still, however wee are Convinct
of the thing, ye Manner is altogether unknowne. and It
may be a Spirit In ye abstract, hath No Mean's of know=
ing it self, that May be a perfection added by ye an=
nexation of body, as an Instrument of its Information,
and yet be Exquisitely happy, in knowing its Creator
wch
26v
of pleasure, & paine.
wch In body May be clouded, & therefore assisted
with ye Mean's of Naturall & Revealed Religion.
And that to a Will Not depraved & corrupt doth Suffice
In a tollerable manner.
Therefore the being strang to one another is No
argument that all ye minds yt actuate ye bodys of
Men are Not derived out of one comon stock of hu=
mane soul, according as organ's or Machine's, wch wee
Call body are devided, or propagated in a seminall
way, wch is by detatching, an Integrall, or rather an
Exquitely organised part, how Small Soever it be, In wch
a mind may be active & passive, No Matter how litle,
If any thing. Now lett us Consider of some mean's to
Expose this speculation to or fancy, to See If it May
have No desperate absurdity in it. I have heard of
two person's Growing out of one stock, as having different
heads & armes, but Conjoyned in ye bowells, & Inferior parts.
and that ye Sensitive power hath bin devided, that
these, as two, have knowne each other, & had freind=
ship. and one dying ye other Could Not survive from ye
Noisomeness, as well as greif for ye loss, of its brother and
freind; whither this were so exactly or Not yet let
us suppose it to be so, as by ye laws of vegetation it
Seems Not Impossible. then If by any mean's these were
parted asunder & made to live, they were as much
different person's and Minds as any two in ye World
Could be. As these minds, severall as they were, Con=
curred In one vegeto frame; and both having equall
power or degree In it. that is of Equall Growth of body
27r
of pleasure & pain.
Why may Not ye Same thing Subsist, when one Side is
adult and ye other Infantine, or rather Seminall, that
is of so Small Conception of parts, as Not to fall under
our Scrutiny. such as wee may Conceiv in an Egg, when
first growing out of the membranes of ye creature.
To Illustrate this, the Seed of a plant, wch is, as to vege=
tation, comparable with humane body, is No other then
a perfect In tire plant of that Species; wee know a budd
is ye like, but More visible to us; wch growing out formes
all ye Shapes peculiar to ye plant. ye Seed is a budd, but
very Small & tender, & is therefore Involved in pulp, for
its prservation, & Growth, till It hath Strength to grow
from ye Earth. the tulip Seed shews Manifestly a formed
tulip within it, from whence wee May Conclude all
Seeds have ye like, If wee Could discerne them. the taking
this seed and planting it, is No other then taking a branch
and Setting it, as to all ye Consequences of Growth and
production. and probably all plants were originally So
propagated, as Either by Seeds pruned branches or roots.
Now in animalls, there are some parts of ye frame, Essentiall
to ye vegetation of it, wch wee may Suppose would Subsist
without ye Rest, as ye body will live without without hands or
leggs. but Not without heart & brain, & perhaps Some
membranes or channells. Nor is it Necessary to life yt the
heart & brain be of that Quantity forme, & Shape as
In adult animalls, but If there be that wch answers ye use
of whatever Shape, or Magnitude it is, It serves ye turne,
and vegetation will Increas & harden them. then in
the Seminall, wch in animalls, is called an Egg, there is
conteined
27v
Of Generation.
Conteined these rudiments, wch want onely vegeta=
tion to produce a perfect animall; the greatest dif=
ference is that, some are devided before vegetation
beginn's, & other's after, & some more perfect then
others, the Species of fouls, lay the seed /very small but Joyned\ with a body
of Nutryment, to /last so long as may\ Render it Capable of gathering
food; So Insects & Reptiles, Some of wch vegetate
onely from ye warmth of ye air, others from Incubation.
but ye Greater animalls, of wch Man is ye lord & cheif,
contein ye Egg in ye body, and is Extraordinary Small,
but hath in it, as ye [bread?] (as they Call it) of an Egg
or ye Seed of a plant, the perfect rudiments of an
Animall of that species, wch with due Concurrent's
takes root (as I may say) & by vegetation Comes to
its perfection, at ye End of wch, the like seminall is
bredd, & so ye Species continued.36
In human kind, wch wee know to be Imbued with a
Mind, this Seminall, while united & Impregnated, hath
Such a participation, as the twin's I mentioned; that is
the parents mind wch is in the adult part of ye body
Is one, and the mind in ye Seminall, is another, Co=
alescent in one vegitable frame. and tho ye former was
practically Impossible to be separated, yet these in ye
Cours of ye vegetation, separate of themselves, and of one
frame become. 2. with severall minds, as Much as
minds can be severall. And If it be asked what Makes
a mind to fix in this Seminall, I ansr. aptitude. the
This series of reflections upon the nature of reproduction, and the idea of
conception by implanting, is close to that proposed by Nicolaas Hartsoeker
(1656-1725), a mathematician who had studied the making of microscopes with Antonie
van Leuwenhoek (1632-1723). Leeuwenhoek had previously thought he could see a living
creature 'inside' the head of sperm, Hartsoeker went further and described semen as
containing tiny pre-formed creatures, or humunculi, which he illustrated in his Essai
de Dioptrique, Paris, 1694.
36
28r
of Generation.
Same as makes Soul, & body hold together. If it be asked
whither it be ye Same mind with ye parent, or various
I ansr. It is derived from that; and from ye time that the
derivative part, finds a passion where it is Seated, apart
ffrom ye passion's, to wch ye prime is Subject, It beginds
begins to be several, but Simpathizing till a totall
separation; wth wch Notion, I thinck ye Cours of ge=
neration & production, doth Not disagree.
2. This priveledg I have allowed humane Spirits,
to be Ubiquitous, wch may be also Called omnipresent,
may seem too Much, and to breach on an attribute of
ye Creator. As to that, I must crave a world of abstrac=
tion in thought from this world of ours, wch is Materi=
all & Extended; ffor wee knowing all things under
Extension, cannot Conceive ought with out it. I would
know what is ye difference between Every where &
No where, ffor both are by ye word where, of Extension.
wch to thing's Not Extended is Nothing. and I May
Say Every Spirit is Every where, becaus it is Indifferent
to all place, and hath onely being, but Not place.
Suppose all Extension Gon, as if it had Never bin,
And then, time, space /place\, Number, and all our Ideas
& Specices are gone, & No part Remaines. If so, and all
these are but Extension, that wch is Not of Extension,
is free from all these termes, or ye Ideas of them, and one
cannot without Impeachmt of Nonsense be applied to ye Others
28v
of Generation.
3. Another objection May be that this Sceme
Makes human kind have but one Soul, and then
that It must at ye End of beings in ye world, all Must
Relaps Into one, as upon Every Instance of Mortality
the part residing there, falls back Into the unity of
humane Soul againe. Whereby there Cannot in a=
nother world be any distinction of punishmts, becaus
of ye recoalition of Souls or Minds Into one. I ansr, per=
happs the minds wch once have annexation to body
may be for Ever seperated In being, as well as
function, during ye Continuance of that state. Whereby
that Mind, wch at ye Creation was one, at ye Judgmt,
May be Numberless; and the particular's derived
as I say'd, by almighty decree kept severall. What
Els Should occasion ye Resurrection of a body, but yt
ye Mind being annexed againe Might Suffer or
Injoy it self, with ye like Interposition of body as it
had, when it acted in ye World. but arguments pro
& con, have like force, ye Subject being altogether un=
knowne; So I drop further disquisition about it.
<flourish/underline>
<Red BM Stamp>
29r
of pleasure & pain.
But Now after this digression, to Resume ye former thred
wch Is to declare, the pleasure & pain that Results ffrom
knowledge, and to disclose the very root of it. I must Re=
member I touched so farr, as to Say that knowledg
was pleasant, being a frequency and variety of distinguishab
Impression's, becaus they filled ye Mind with the sence of its
owne being More, then common & ordinary objects and of
dayly & continuall recurs doe. are /or\ More closely, ffor ye
same reason ye Mind delights in Sensation's, (wch is becau
those are a feeling of its owne Existence, rather then
of ye object yt is but ye occasion,) the More frequent and
distinguish't those sensations are, the More is the Mind
delighted, ffor it is by so Much More sensible of its owne
Existence. Then It ffollow's that the more lucid and dis=
tinct the sensation's are the Greater ye pleasure. this I
may call Knowledg, for that consists in variety and
clearness of thought. And by ye Way, I must borrow of
a Section Intended Concerning Memory /so much as to prsume\ that In all yt
I have hitherto discourst /or May discours\ of Sensation's, memorialls &
Reflexion's, have ye Same place, as originall sensations
have. To proceed; The opposite of this pleasure the
Mind hath from knowledg, is a Confinemt of the Sences
to ye Same Cours of objects, such as some of ye poorest of
mankind are bredd in, who are said to know Nothing
but of ye Smoak of their cottage chimny; or When any
object is Repeated to a Satiety. but I Cannot Call
this a positive pain, so much as a negation of plea=
sure, wch is the positive of the two. but In one Respect
the
29v
of pleasure & paine.
the same force on our Spirits as If it were positive too.
and that is Comparison. ffor to Such as know No better
the Comon variety's of clouds, Grass, trees, flowers, & stones,
wch they, for want of greater variety attend to. as
also ye alternation's of light, & darkness, Cold & Warmth,
hunger & food, toyl & Rest, wch are Comon to all, are
Sufficient variety to Imploy ye Sence, & Gratifying ye
Mind with ye perception of its Existence. therefore In
this Respect, one May say all ye sane & veget part
of Mankind are in truth Equally happy;- and that
difference yt is, Moves onely in our Conceipts by Com=
paring our selves one with another, then and is Not
In things themselves. But when one hath found that
there is such variety, as Citty's, courts, feasts, structures,
chases, books, History, philosofy, kingdomes, climates
arts, Merchandises, battells, & what Not wch ye buisy
world courteth, and finds the Impression's of these Noveltys
so Much more vivid & efficacious, then plain Clouds
trees, & hills; He will Not stay at home but goeth
Hunting after them, Insatiably as to Novelty and va=
riety.
Now ye use of thing's In humane life, Makes us distin=
guish of the composition, End, and use of things /them\, and
to Say will it doe Me Good or Hurt? What is it
made of? & ye like. this In Consequence call ye passions
up, as hope, fear, desire, &c. wch passion's are all live=
ly touches upon our Minds, and as Efficacious to Im=
print a Sence of our being, as the Most Considerable
object
30r
of pleasure & paine.
object of Meer sence therefore doubdt, yt is Ignorance
must needs be a pain, becaus ye passion's are undetermi=
ned, and perhaps that yt is Most painefull fear, Succeeds.
And upon this account Knowledg is a pleasure, and Ig=
norance, when ye Mind is arrect to know, Is a paine.
There are a Sort of objects In ye World, and very fre=
quent in our way, wch are Compounded of Many dis=
tinct parts, wch understood Might afford variety of Sensa=
tion's; but when the part's are discerned, but Not un=
derstood or Comprehended, there is doubdt of them and
Consequently paine. This distinction of perceiving and
understanding or Comprehending, I Illustrate by ye Case
of Numbers, or Geometrick figures. If there be 1000
spott's on white paper, ye Mind perceives ye Spotts, but
knows Not the state or habitude of them, so as to Com=
pare, one parcell with another, or an other paper
So Spotted. but If it have 2. 4. 5. or but a few More
Spotts, as upon Cards of Game, the Mind hath a figure
by wch it knows them, and by ye act of telling, add to
the figure they make, a number of units Conteined.
The caus of this defect, & ye Remedy's I may propose
In a section of humane Capacity.37 but lett Me Suppose
These Spott's so plac't, as from Regularity or unifor=
mity the Eye, or ye Mind Gather's & Retein's a figure
or Image of ye Whole, by wch It Can Retein & know it
againe. the Curiosity or pasion is Gratified In Some Mea=
sure. but when there is No order among them, and
Each
see the next essay, 'on Humane Capacity', f. 34v ff. For the spots analogy see f.
11v above,and f. 64v, below.
37
30v
of pain & pleasure.
Each Spott with ye adjacent have Such Numerous dif=
ferent habitudes, that ye Mind cannot Contein, as
It doth when it can say, this is ye Same as, or like
that, they are strait, round, or ye like. ye object
hath onely ye Ordinary force upon ye Mind to feed it
with litle variety, but Not that Efficacy, as If a
Comprehension of the habitudes also were joyned
with it, Especially when Relating to ye uses of life,
for ye Reasons Given. One Sees a Geometricall tryan=
gle, and is pleased, as at a Comon object, whose parts
are distinct, (I may say more then at ye sight of a
Multangular figure,) but he that knows also that
ye 3.ang = 2. Right, with ye rest of its property's, hath
much more pleasure, becaus upon one object prsented
many Important ones secretly obtrude to ffill and
delight ye Mind.
Therefore it May goe for a setled Maxime, that
knowledg is a pleasure, and doubdt, or Sensible Ig=
norance a great pain. Nor doth admiration, as Some
thinck help out ye latter, ffor there is Small Joy In =
miring wee know Not what, whither it Comes for our
joy or Confusion. but When thing's are understood &
Comprehended, then ye admiration of ye Immensity
or power of them, is a sublime joy of ye Mind. of this
Nature is astronomy. It is Granted, that ye Sun with
its day, & ye Night with its planet's, & starrs, are
Glorious objects to Refresh, & delight ye Mind, and
Sut such as from Ignorance of them Ever did provoke
Idolatry; but to a philosofer, yt Considers the
Imensity
31r
of paine & pleasure,
Imensity of their walks, & their Grandure, with the
order of their Courses, the reason of their phaenomena
and ye other heavenly Notion's of the universall Systeme
Now made Indubitable to the philosfick World, hath
Incomparably More pleasure, then the bare objects
afford. And If it Should be brought about, that a right
thincking philosofer, should be reduced to a rustick Ig=
norance of all thing's, and so Much left him /yet\ as to be
convinced so Much was knowable, but he violently
kept from it, however Easy a plain man is under that
Ignorance, he would be Most Impatient & Restless, and
Esteem his condition Most Miserable, & so live in
actuall paine.
Upon this foot it is that all order & Symmetry are plea=
sant, and disorder & confusion an offence. Wch I Instance
In two things. 1. building & Garden's. 2. Musick.
1. As to building It will be admitted that Whatever
appears usefull, will pleas ye Mind; and Such is Strength,
proper abbuttment's, Sufficiency & No Superabundance,
of any thing. ffor all those thing's are Sought where they
ought to be, and If ye Contrary be found ye object is offen=
sive to ye Mind, as a dissapointm't. this is that wch Governes
the demension's of Columnes, ye Superstructures, ye peers
apertures, rising In ye midle, and Equally Sinking
lower on Either side, & ye like, comon decorum's of fa=
bricks. but More then this, If ye part's are So placed as
Not to have Symetry, Equality, or order, as here a Columne
there None, here a larg aperture, there a Small one &
so
31v
pleasure & paine.
So all things unequall & Confused, ye Mind is in a
Sort of doubdt & paine, Not knowing ye Meaning
of any part, and wee Instantly say it is ugly. Wee
know more of an uniforme peice, as In ye Spotts on
ye paper, then of one confused, for of the former
wee Can Say, alike, Equall, level, strait, & ye like.
wch Retrencheth ye Number of particular, & digests
them, Into a Compass apt to be Comprehended, wch
In Confusion Cannot be. And therefore, as Elswhere, I
have More largly held forth, beauty Is Not In Nature
for Naturally all thing's are ye Same, but ly's In the Cir=
cumstances of our capacity, and is determined by ye Eas
or pain wee have to understand them.
So for Gardens, and walks. trees & plant's out of
order are an aggreable variety, but When we Can
take up in our Conception. & Memory, the figures
they compose, those Conception's are an Increas of
the Sensation's Sut Such objects afford; and one can
say strait, Equall, uniforme, & ye like, wch are all objects
superInduced on Nature, by ye order, & disposition of
them. and Surely None can Say it is ye Same thing to
them, when they see a comon landscape, and when
a curious city with its Garden's, Rivers, &c. as for In=
stance Coopers Hill is a good prospect, but Greenwich
better, ffor It hath ye park, ye, citty, ye River and ye
Navigation; and as ye latter gives ye Soul More touches
So Much more pleasant it is. I know a late knight
in his discours of gardens, observes a designed Irregu=
larity In Gardens In China, yt Exceeds all our
32r
pleasure & pain.
Regularity's. with his peace be it Spoken, that de=
signe he Mentions, Spoyles ye observation, as to our porpose
ffor I must suppose thing's plac't so as to make them
conspicuous, and that however odd & Extraordinary by fil=
ling ye Sence, with distinct Impression's must be pleasant. but
yet, If wee Supposed Even there, So Much of art Supp super=
added, as should give a comprehension of ye designe as well
as ye object, that would Increas the pleasure.
I Must here lastly observe, that all prospect is plea=
sant, nay Every Moment of sight, how plain soever
the object is, is a pleasure, but when wee come to Exalta=
tion's whereby comon thing's are layd aside as Insipid,
they have their vertue from knowledg, and thus their fault
or pain, from obscurity.
2. Musick is another Means of pleasure to Sence, and
depends wholly upon Regularity. a Single Sound is like
a plain object of sight, carrying No more then a Single
Sensation, whereby wee perceiv our being. but when sounds
Come to be Compound, and, (as wee thinck) Continued then
is the Exaltation, wch so Much Engageth or attention.
I shall first take Sound, as it is Repeated by sensible
Intervalls, and when ye Intervalls are Not distinguish=
able. wee know well what time /in\ and Musick is, and
how Much it is varyed, as by dupla, tripla, Swift, & Slow
alternating, for making a Notoriety, or rather the va=
riety to be Sensible; and that the Excellence of Musick
depends Much upon the Conduct of this Regular Mea=
sure of the Sounds and the changes of them,
32v
pleasure & paine.
The reason is, by what's past wee know whats to
Come, & so Injoy it, till Novelty comes to be wel=
come, & then by ye Skill of ye artist ye Modes chang.
but still regular, tho of another sort, so as wee are
not wildered & confused, as When changes Come too
fast. Wee know also, that the musick continuing
ye Same by Repetition's & Retornellos, is More pleasant
then when without them. one reason whereof is,
that ye Mind will have some time to Comprehend
things, and If they come, and are Gone, ye Mind is Not
so well Contented, as when something Repeated, by wch,
the matter is better Comprehended. I doe Not know
any thing better Explaining all this theory, better then
the Instances of the clapping of doors, and the dropping
of water, or Motion of a bell or clock. the first is
most Insufferably offensive, and it is Wholly from the
Irregularity of ye pulses it makes. ffor being guided by
ye Inconstant wind, it Comes Either Sooner, or later
then wee Expect; whereby ye Mind is held in suspence, &
allwais dissappointed, so must needs be painfull. but
If it it went & came at certein periods, so as the
mind could Calculate ye time, & Not be dissappointed
of ye Stroke, It would, perhaps, be rather aggreable
then Such a Nusance as it is Comonly accounted on
ye other Side, the droping of water, or Swing's of a
clock. wch are Isocronous, doe rather pleas and
lull asleep, then disgust any one, and ffrom reasons
Enough toucht upon to Need Repetition
33r
pleasure & paine.
I might here Enter upon a Nicer anatomy of visibles
and Sounds, shewing that many Indistinguishible objects
Such as Mixt Colours, and harmony, wch wee know to be
Composed of part's In Regular Manner, but Not to be dis=
tinguish't by our organ's; Have in Sume a like, tho Not ye
very same Influence upon or Minds, as to ye delight or
pain of them, as When the distinctions as well as the
compounds are perceived; but it breaches on another
subject that I am about Examining humane Capacity. but
In fact It Must be taken for Granted, that the beauty=
full colours, Especially Such as are Called Changeable,
are by Microscope's found to be Comixt In a regular way.
So as In various postures, by Mean's of ye texture some are
Exposed & other's Covered; And that tones & harmony in
musick, are a Compound of Regularly Comixt pulses,
made Each In Equall time; but Neither Manifested by ye
organ, but discovered from art & Experiment. and yet these
Indistinguishable Regularity's operate for pleasure or
pain upon ye Soul, as those Most distinguish't. the laws
of wch Must be Referred to ye Regularity, and that to ye
Comprehension or knowledg, tho wee doe Not perceiv or
Reflect upon it. but It was Necessary to take Notice of
so much here, becaus I must Refer to ye like caus ffor
much of ye pleasures wee have by tast's & touch. ffor there
may be some Secret regularity In ye Composition, wch wee
cannot prove, as by colours & Sounds wee can, that Effect
a More pleasing Sence, then simples doe, and May Solve
all of that subject, wch will Not fall under ye Conside=
ration, of oneration & disoneration.
33v
of pleasure & paine.
To Conclude then with an Epitome of all. all Sensa=
tion's are pleasant, becaus by them wee know our
being. consequently the More of that knowledg wee have,
the More are wee pleased. And it is an advantage yt
ye knowledg be clear, & Not Confused, therefore doubdt is
a pain, & learning, or discovery's pleasant; So also re=
gularity's rather then Disorder, and [elst?] all things wch
profit, or relate to use, or Engage ye passion's when for
or Good pleasant, when otherwise ye Contrary /so Eas of paine goes for pleasure\. and
that
the /this knowledg\ Condiscends to Minuteness, past Scrutiny of Sence.
as Mixtures of light's & sound's. In short all /pleasure\ ly's in know=
ledg first, that wee are, 2dly that wee are Well.
<flourish/underline>
34r
of pleasure & paine.
<rest of page blank>
34v
of Humane Capacity.38
This may be Referred to actions, 1. of ye Mind. 2. of
ye Body, but In Regard ye Mind hath No Mean's of know=
ing or acting but thro ye body, It is needfull to Consider
that first. I shall not undertake to Resolve ye doubdts
that ye dark science of anatomy hath raised, being
too Much to undertake, since there is So Much Extant
of yt subject, and ye practise is for ye latter authors39 to
dispise the former, & [Introduce?] wors Solutions then they
prtend to overthrow, and to Say truth, all ye discoverys yt
have bin made, have gone, but from one degree of wonder
to another, and the last researches given More Caus of
doubdt, then was Ever before. but I Shall Suppose Some
generalls as I have occasion, In my progress, to observe, for
understanding ye possibility. If Not ye probability of what
I shall goe upon.
All our Capacity lys. 1. In ye use of our Sences, 2. In the
movement of our Members. and from these two are to be
deduced the understanding of all humane things. I Shall
as before undertake the latter In ye first place. the power
of Moving our Members, is Comonly distinguish't Into
voluntary, Involuntary, & mixt. but looking to the
root of this faculty, the distinction seem's rather to
Grow and be Setled by Custome, then Establisht In Nature.
however anatomists are pleased to assigne a Cerebellum
on porpose to subserve ye Involuntary Movements, wch
they account are those of ye viscera & heart; to wch
wee May add of ye Whole body also, that is the very
artereys, vessells of Milk limpha, &c. wch have all
It is worth comparing this essay with John Locke's Essay Concerning Human
Understanding. Clearly there is overlap both of approach and subject matter. Both have
a 'secular' approach to what it is to be human. Both are radically empiricist (that
is, for both all knowledge comes via the senses, or experience). RN's notion of
reproduction as a kind of splicing/engraftment of the adult suggests pre-formation,
but here there is little reference to Descartes' notion of innate ideas. RN did
believe (and argue) that human's had an 'innate' self-awareness (the perception of
body), which was the essential 'innate idea' for him. From that innate bodilyawareness comes everything else. Like Descartes, therefore, RN biologises what it is
to be human. Biology is something that Locke assiduously ignores, focussing instead on
language and reason. RN does not employ any of Locke's terminology (tabula rasa,
simple/complex ideas), and as we read we perceive that there is a wholly different
agenda at work (we have to read Leibnitz's New Essays on Human Understanding for a
critique of Locke in Locke's own terms). But all the same, one might feel that this is
an attempt to redeem some fundamental aspects of Locke to a Cartesian framework, much
in the same way that RN allows Newton to be right insofar as Newton is reworking or
proving Descartes. However RN is always polemical and agonistic in dealing with
Newton, whereas Locke is scarcely mentioned - there are few references to him in RN's
scientific manuscripts. At the heart of this essay is the existential drama of selfknowledge and self-control, or self-determination. And also a resignation to the power
of 'use', or habit. To be human is to know oneself as human, and to be able to to move
the body as a human, to be able to determine 'use'. This accentuates the split between
mind and machine, a struggle for power reminiscent of the dark logic of Thomas Hobbes.
The split is dramatised by RN in the account of the ship on an Indian voyage in which
the mind/crew (very much the smaller and weaker part), through self-knowledge and
self-organisation, manages to command the much larger forces of the body. Thus it is
that we should also read RN's theory of government.
38
Whenever RN refers to an ‘author’, a reference to Isaac Newton is nearly always
implicit. (See the essay on Authors, below at f. 128r for RN’s more general view of
the ‘ownership of ideas’ topic.) Here, however, he simply means the tendency (as he
sees it!) of recent authors to overthrow the notions of their predecessors, and to
erect new and inferior notions in their place.
39
35r
of Humane Capacity.
Fibres, or Instrumts of Motion, and doe work the protrusion or
circulation of ye humours & Juices In them, In a peristaltick
way as the Intestines doe. And therefore In My way of Spe=
culation, all locall or Muscular motion of ye body Is Invo=
luntary.
If wee consider ye Meaning of that word, voluntary, It In=
cludes a designe as well as a will, and for ought appear's
to Me, In the rudiments of Nature, that is ye fetus before
or at ye birth there is No designe, or Scarce a will. ffor If
you ask, of what? there can be no answer; ffor a Will
suposeth a choice, & choice a foreknowledg or Experience
of things, wch ye wretch must Expect after a long tract of
Nursing & life. and all ye will wee can assigne a fetus, is
onely being In pain, to be at Eas; and In order to that, ye
Mind May Excite a Motion, but It knows Not of what, Nor
how, but paine of it self Make's Motion, & such is the
Motion of a fetus. And for this Caus wee May be Sure all ye
Motion's, wch keep ye humours afloat, that is Maintaine ye
creature in Eas, goe on; there is No Striving to obstruct them
Nor doth ye Motions of other parts, less Necessary to life
disturb them, but they May move or Not, as the temper of
the creature is. but When they are Moved, it is but accor=
ding to ye forme they have, & Not turned this or that way,
as wee doe our armes &c.
Then Naturally a creater hath parts whose Motion
is Necessary to life, & other's wch are Not so; but It May
be usefull or a pleasure to Move them Sometimes, and
to Rest Much longer. And whenever ye Creature is In
paine to a restless degree these are ye parts, that It Stirrs,
and Not ye others, ye Cohibition of wch is yet More paine.
35v
of Humane Capacity.
Wee find by Experience, that Members are Moveable or
Not, or In certein manners, according as they have
bin used or accustomed. ffor however voluntary ye Mo=
tion of ye hand & finger's is, a man Cannot make
'em doe as he pleaseth but by degrees, and with
Much striving, 'till that wch wee Call an habit, is
acquired,. and then they will Move So, Even when
there is No thought or designe in So doing, as wee
find In ye works of art, or playing on Musicall In=
struments, and dancing. ffor these thing's artists will
doe and at ye same time be More then half asleep.
So that In /on ye other side by\ a continuall process, the Motion's yt are
voluntary, may become Involuntary, that is Conti=
nuall; wch is the Extremity of habit, Never to Ceas.
on ye other side, it is found that Indian devotes, Will
hold a part still, as an arme upright, So pervicatious=
ly and long, that they shall loos all power of taking
it downe to its place againe; and desuetude disables
ye art's I mentioned, and Even ye art of Speaking ye
Mother tongue, wch Many have by long travell forgott.
some yt have by much use contracted aukward Mo=
vement's cannot leav them, and Every Man hath
accidentally Some fashion of Moving himself wch
ye learned /ladys\ call an air, wch /and\ is In his power to alter
No More then his Complexion.
upon this ffoot I advance that originally and In Na=
ture, all muscular Motion is Equally voluntary,
untill ye Cours of ye body is Establish't by habits, whereby
some attend ye will, and others Not.
36r
of humane Capacity.
There is this /are\ farther /two\ distinctions, wch shews how the other
happen's So uniformly and constantly In Not onely Men
but Brutes, whereby the analogous parts of all alike
are subject to ye Will or Not. And these are
1. Between ye parts allwais Necessary to life or Not
2. Such as are Exposed to Externall sence, or Not.
1. It is certein that frequency, Much More Constancy of
Motion, will Make & Confirme an habit, so as to Ex=
clude ye Will from all Comand of it. from hence it
Comes that the heart, viscera, & vessells, Move so
Continually persuant to ye occasion's of life. ffor It is
not to be denyed, but that from ye first Inkling of life
ye heart, or rudiments of it, were at work, and ye viscera
&c, from ye formation of them, till the times that wee
thinck philosofically, and begin to Contemplate, &
make Experiments, upon our organ's of life & Motion.
ffor before that time, there was No Essay or thought
att of any Such Matter, as having power over them
or Not, but they have jog'd on undisturbed. And If it
could be Supposed any other Member had bin /so\ Kept
In Such a constant regular Movem't, It could not be
constrained without Externall violence, and danger
of ye Creatures life, Even as Much as If it were Cutt off.
2. Wee have These parts are Such as are hidd from our
Externall Sence, and Naturally all wee know of them
is onely that wee live but how or by what mean's
wee doe Not Concerne our Selves; untill Study & arts
36v
of Humane Capacity.
Engage us to Curiosity; wch Still Setts them farther off
any Exercise of our will, upon them, ffor how Should
wee governe that wch wee know Nothing off? But
our ordinary Member's, wch wee can see, feel, Exa=
mine, & hear, If they give occasion, and Such as are
Counter Inquisitors of Each other, are otherwise to be
considered ffor
1. They are Not Concerned to Move So Constantly
& Regularly as ye viscera; It's true It is convenient for
Growth, & digestion that they Should Stirr, No Matter
how. and It May be a pleasure to ye Creature to Move
them; but all this is occasionall, & Not Necessary. there
is In ye fabrick of ye Motive parts, so Much art, that if
any thing offends, the part will shrink up. as a Muscle
tormented shall shrink; the same happen's in Some
plant's, as that they Call, the Sensible, wch touch't
Immediately purses it self up. So that one May Say
with reason, that originally ye Movement of the
Muscles is Merely Mechanicall. when any are so
charged as to offend, & May be Releev'ed by Moving
without ye Creatures will Concuring ye Muscle Moves of
it Self. And If wee could find out & discover this
mechanisme, wee Should Not be to Seek after ye Caus
of ye hearts Moving, ffor If wee consider what a
Gulp of hott spiritous & fermenting juice, Enters the
tender sensed ventricles at Every Stroke, It is almost
the same thing as If the Muscle, as ye heart is, it Self
were touched, as other Musels are When they Shrink up.
37r
of Humane Capacity.
Therefore I conceiv all muscular motion to proceed ori=
ginall from Mechanisme, wrought by the naturall Spirits
or agents In ye body. but to Come to our Members.
2. Before wee prtend to Governe them, wee must know
and be acquainted with them. It is a comon fancy, that
wee bring Into ye World with us, as Innate, ye knowledg of
our hands fingers &c. and that a child New borne can
tell wch finger is pricked, & ye like. but I thinck otherwise,
and that Naturally and originally wee have No know=
ledg of our Selves & our part's, and that wee learne it
all by Experience; all that wee bring is to know wee are
well, or ill. I need Not appeal to Nurses, to declare how
long it is before an Infant Can make both Ey's point to
a candle, or ceas to wonder at its litle hand, or to point
at any thing. Much of this sort of philosofy would be had
from Childrens processes, If men had as Much to doe with
them as they /weomen\ have. but the state they are in at first is
No More or other then this, they have members wch from
occasion's of Nature Move, without order or Governem't
of them move; and those being touched Makes them Sen=
sible, and that with as Much distinction, as there are parts
or points of their body's, to be affected. as for Instance
the sence a Child hath being touched upon the hand, is
very different from that upon touch of its foot. and So
of all Intermediate, or different parts. Now all ye Work
this poor creature hath is for Some years is to learn
it Self. wch, (to use ye Same one Instance for all, leaving
ye more larg application to Reflexion) is thus done.
the
37v
of Humane Capacity
The child hath Ey's, by wch It first knows its owne hand,
and after ye foot, wch is as freely tos't up in view of the
other. then When ye hand is touched it hath a Certein
Sentiment, so ye foot; If these are afterwards touched
It Remembers the difference, & so knows the difference
as wch, is wch, and In ye Same Manner all part's of the
body. I doe Not Speak this as a process So firme, as our
Experiments of thing's are, who have Strength of at=
tention, Reflexion, and designe; but weak in ye Same
degree as children are, whose Ideas are weak, & will
scarce awake, and It is Not one, ten, or any Number
of observation's one Can assigne for them to Collect,
but the use of their lives, and the Continuall action
of dancing, rocking, dressing, & Such diversion's as
Nurses use, wch w gives them Insensibly a knowledg
of themselves and their Members. And It is No Won=
der that, as Nurses observe, the more children are tost
danc't & playd with, the faster they Come on, and have
more knowledg & Spirits; ffor all that to them is a
Sort of travell over their owne microcosme, and Gives
them Notion's, wch /never arrive if they\ allways lying dull, & (If awake,) onely
looking about, /however\ that is a great pleasure to them & fills
their minds, till sleep comes againe, & /but\ so they grow
up to be More Stiff & Inept, and almost uncapable
of learning the Infant Skill of it Self, & so it becomes
dull, & approaching to that, they Call changeling.
But to leav these petit philosofers, lett us Consider
ye Same in men Growne up with all their Reflexions
& argumentation's It is No less then demonstrable
that
38r
of Humane Capacity.
That they have No other principle Whereby to distinguish
one Member or part of their body's from another, but
onely the memory of the various Sensation's peculiar to
them. ffor all those who have had ye Misfortune to loos
any limb, could Not discharg their Minds, of the Sensa=
tion's lodged in their Memory's, peculiar to that part.
but volens Nolens,40 they must Conclude that Many
paines Come from it, tho long Since gone, & dissolved, so
as It is apparent, Nothing less then seeing & feeling
In ye way of Experimentall proof could Convince them
of their loss. I have heard of one, who after ye loss of
his arme above ye Elbow, was troubled with Such an Itch=
ing In ye palme (as he thought) of that hand, as was
Intollerable, becaus he could Not goe to his palme and
scratch. ffor the Sence from the place of separation, Co=
ming by such conveyance, as that of ye palme before
did, gave ye Mind ye same Idea, as When ye palme Itched.
for It was a thing In constant Experience, before ye arm
was Separated, and however that was gone, the Memo=
ry & Experience Remained.
It is No less a Convincing proof, that by putting 2 Midle
fingers a cross, one thing touching them Shall seem, and
so lively, to be two, that one is almost angry, & provok't
to Swear it. the reason is, when ye fingers are in place
the same thing (as a ball) cannot touch, the outsides
of both fingers. So the Experience is that If ye outsides of
both are touched, there is More then one ball, this is
layd up, and when ye fingers are Crost, so as the two
outsides
40
i.e., 'whether they wish it not'.
38v
of Humane Capacity.
Outsides, are together, then one ball touching them
at once, In vertue of that Experience, Is by ye Mind
pronounced to be two. I shall Mention but one Instance
More, wch is that of Hypocondriack or Splenatick dis=
tempers. these paine In parts wee doe Not come
att, & cannot tell well where y pain ly's, So as to
Complaine, as when ye /membranes or\ Muscles of ye Side, head, or Els=
where are tugged, yt we have had Experience of.
such as are thus affected, doe Not thinck ye paine is at=
all within them; but vex themselves at others, as If
they were wronged; Some fancy their Souls in a
badd state, & others that they Shall live to want,
and So the pain In Seats unknown passeth in
ye Shape of Mentall trouble, at somewhat that is Not
In rerum Natura.41 Wherefore upon ye whole I Conclude
that our knowledg of our members Is Not from Nature
as Innate, but from Externall Experiments, wch Not ha=
ving access to the Intestine parts, hath left them out
of our ordinary knowledg or power.
To this I must add, that as wee have a peculiar sence
derived from Each part & Member of our body's, so also
the very motions of the severall member's is attended
with peculiar sensation's. ffor the sence wee have
when one /hand\ touches an arm, is Not ye Same as when ye
arm without any touch is moved one way or other,
but that very Motion is and object distinguishable
In our Minds, as the part it self is when ordinarily
affected by heat, cold, touch, or ye like.
41
i.e., 'any thing in Nature'.
39r
of Humane Capacity.
3. Now wee must Consider the alternation of things. If
one body Strikes another, that hath a Repercussion accor=
dingly. so If ye Motion of a part (from wtcaus soever it is)
gives the mind any sensation; When the Mind hath the
Same Sensation the part is apt to Move. as were ye part
a staff, wch, by ye Motion of it, were thrust up into ye head,
If the Matter of ye head thrust the staff, It would Move back
ye part. but I doubdt our case is Not So Mechanicall. ffor
ye Most wee can Say is, If Motion's of ye Members give Cer=
tein thoughts or Images in ye Mind, wee can less wonder
yt when those Images occur In memory, the parts Should
have an aptitude to Move. but however Short wee fall
In ye knowledg of this relation, I verily beleev, the begin=
ning & Governmt of our Motions is from thence. ffor can
any one Say wee have a power to our Members, when
wee are Not able, without practise to lay done one finger
orderly after another, and other's Shall touch an har=
psicord half asleep? to Criep towards understanding this
as Neer as I can.
I must lay downe, that Muscular Motion is Naturally
accidentall, or rather /disorderly being\ determined by the formation of
ye parts, and ye Exigences of humours possessing them,
but tending to No End but to make way for those to
pass. And Not onely In ye beginnings of life, but In persons
adult, the greatest part of their Movements are without
thought or designe. But it is Most certein, that No
porpos, or designe will Make a Member act accor=
dingly (If it be Not ye Natural disposition of it) without a
certein process, and degrees to bring it too, & then onely
ye Motion may be said voluntary, that is Easy or ready.
39v
of Humane Capacity.
I would Now Shew how by slow degrees the dominion of the
will grow's up Ito Into that power as wee see it hath over
the body, & then throw in My Guess of the manner how
it operates.
As I sayd, Nature produceth Motion's, Such as are Expe=
dient to life and Eas, wch wee allow are Involuntary
of these some are Constant, as the viscera, wch grow by
that constancy Into habit, and ye will hath No power to
Inhibit, or Stop them. the other's are occasionall, as the
limbs, Eys, Mouth. &c. these often rest, and often Move,
and the movements are either ffrom ye veget temper
of ye animall, wch Excites Movement's of ye parts, by reason
ye humours, cannot so well flow without it, or Els from
paines or obstruction's by ye Creatures supporting it self.
In any one posture, & then it Moves; and once finding
Eas by moving, the will is Engaged in future like Exi=
gences to seek Releif ye Same way.
Here it is that first ye will Enters, and is Concerned in
animall Motion. but how Much is ascribable to the Ma=
chine, and how Much to ye will, is a Secret. Wee know ye
members are apt to Move of themselves, as a Muscle
prick't, or In a convulsion Called, Cramp, or greater
& more generall Convulsion's, ye muscles goe to work, &
ye Mind hath No Sort of dominion; wch Shews, that, as
also the Incoations of Muscular Movements, are all
animall, & Not Mentall. And that Movements arise
from postures, and Circumstances of the body.
Why may I Not argue thus. When the body., (by wch
Now I shall mean onely ye Members) is Moved in any
manner
40r
of Humane Capacity.
Manner, the Mind is advertised from ye frame & position
of ye parts, to wch it is united, ffor as or limbs and parts
are distinguish't by ye various positions and alterations an
affection of them Makes, In ye throne of thinking. So the very
Movement of any particular limb, hath the like vertue
to be Resented there, with all ye Circumstances, before
and after, as well as off ye very act. Then If the Mind be
by Memory, or outward Impression's be put in ye Same
posture, & ye Same Images prsent as when ye part was
Moved, wch carry's the occasion, & ye benefit, what hinders
but the body, as If ye Muscles were prick't (to hint Small
thing's by greater) or had a Convulsion, Shall Move accor=
dingly? So Contrarily, If the Members Moved from Natu=
rall occasion's without ye will, and paine follows Such
movements, as lassitude &c. there Needs No help of ye Will
that any May Engage 'em to Rest. ffor that rest will be from
Nature, as well as ye Movement was. then If ye Members
are Moving, and ye Mind hath Experience of the changes
by rest, wch Nature, & Machine, first disclosed. If the Same
gratefull Image occurrs In ye Mind, as ye body had formerly
when It went from Motion to rest, why Should it Not doe so
Now? and Not from power of ye will; but from Its owne frame
and the Exigences & occasions of it, wch Moves as other
thing's In ye world Mechanically framed doe.
Now as to these animall Motions, that Seem, & In Effect
are voluntary. I must Introdue some farther Considerations
leading to know how wee come to be determined to Such
aptitudes as are ordinary to be observed. I doe Not look
upon ye Motion's of an animall Newly launch't to be In
different, but
40v
of Humane Capacity.
But are determined by formation derived from the
parents, wch Wee May Call Instinct. Wee see, as plants
so animalls, In Colour, shap, & biggness, are as their Seminals.
In the same manner Must all parts Share of yt likeness,
and accordingly the muscles, or Instrument's of Movement,
Neerly, tho Not Exact. as a brute is apt to goe on all
4. men on. 2: the foal of pacers, will learn Sooner
then others, so whelps of Setting doggs, & ye like. there=
fore In them as In Men, the first animall Motion's are
Such as were most constant and practis't by the
parents. as the heart & viscera perpetually, the Mouth
and tongue, for ye Most part; and the leggs & armes
very often. the fingers & organ's of sence, ordinarily
but as to arts & Exquisiteness rarely. And therefore brutes
at first Get upon their legg's, with Much adoe, that is prac=
tising, and birds some Gape, & some peck, as ye kind is. and
all have ye Muscles of ye Mouth & throat, Extraduce, ready
to draw downe, and Excited to it, by ye defects, wch In time
wee come by Experience to know better & call Hunger
or thirst.
Here is the most facil Entrance of Habits, ffor ye tendency
of ye parts favours it. As to this Notion of habit, wee Must
consider. that If a part have Moved In any Manner
it is more ready to Move ye Same way, then any other.
If some muscles are Not Moved Sometimes, they will
be lost, & Not be Movable att all. other's (as the In=
voluntary regiment) that are In Constant Motion,
tho Not Naturally, but assumed, shall Never rest,
then In Consequence, It is frequency of Moving or
resting that determines that aptitude wee call
habit.
41r
of Humane Capacity.
Habit. And that being at first Introduced by Instinct, It is No
wonder that Such distinction of Species as to Maner of Mo=
ving ye parts, is to be Noted peculiar in Every kind, as
Birds, Beasts, Men. &c. Whose Instinct leads to actions that
accomodate them, & that promotes the Continuance of ye
Same, wch fixeth an habit.
But Now oh ffor a Spirit of Intuition, to find how the
Will work's upon, creates, & alters habits, So Wonderfully
as wee find it doth, Not onely In our Selves but In Brutes!
How Strang is it that a Dog, Shall be made to forbear
its prey, and oppose the Impetus of Instint & habit both,
as In Setting. So Men who are taught to goe agt terrors
& dangers. but More Notably In Conquering arts, and
Nice performances, wch are the perfection of voluntary
Movements, and the Consequences of them, Habits. I Shall
take the part willingly to Shew by what degrees this is
done, and then Shew that ye Will doth Not work In Every
Instance of Motion, as late anatomist's, & philosofers
thinck, but with a generall Superintendence onely, and yt
ye Work is done by ye Machine of ye body, & ye will Inter=
poseth, very Seldome, tho It seem's to have a More Constant
dominion.
I can Resemble the body to Nothing More appositely,
then a box of spring's of Infinite Sorts, sizes, & vigor
but all allyed, by Connexion's so that, Scarce any can be
Moved, but ye whole more or less is affected. or Suppose a
tree of wire growing by a Strong stem & branching out
and at ye End of Each, wire Grew a lead bullet, wch weigh=
ing downe, all hang as upon Spring's, Not touching
41v
of Humane Capacity.
If you take this up in yr hand you Shall see all ye bulletts
play in a sort of counterpois to Each other, or If you
Move one, all will move more or less; and if this were an
Animall, & ye Sensorium at ye root, Nothing Could hap=
pen At ye Extremity's, wch would Not make a Sensible
Influence there. The body of an animall is More Com=
plex then this. ffor there is first a generall Combina=
tion of movement wch concernes visibly all the vo=
luntary regiment. as wee find In running walking
and such grand concussion's of the Whole. ffor how ever the
legg's are ye Immediate Instruments, yet ye Whole body
is at work, Head, hands, Shoulders, &c. all in alternate
action assistant to the Main Cours. Wch wee may with
Small application observe in ye walk of Most Animalls
Even foul's wch make Not a step, without Nodding ye
head. But then there are Sub-combinations of Muscles, as
those of any Single part or Member, as the hand, or foot
wch shall work In alternations, and at length it Comes
to that, that Every Individuall Muscle, hath its opposite,
wch alternately yeild to Each other, So that they draw
& Remitt by turnes. And here wee are to look ffor the power
of the will, as least perplext.
It is Experience that Introduceth ye dominion of ye Will,
ffor before those Noble Emissary's of ye Ey's, bring In Intel=
ligence, ye Animall knows litle of it self. but then it
sees and (as Nurses say) admires its hand, & foot. And from
thence spring's a desire to Move, one or other, becaus it
sees, as well as feels a variety In so doing. here that Na=
turall stirring wch creatures with out all Experience have,
from occasion's of life onely, beginns to be determined
beyond that, Into a New subjection to the Mind, & Will.
42r
of Humane Capacity
Now in ye practise of life, the Mixture of Naturall & voluntary
In our ordinary Motion's is Such, as Require Reflexion to distin=
guish wch is wch. wee Must observe ye degrees. ffirst the Experi=
ment being tryed, with help of our Eyes, and other Sences, that
wee Move, and are pleased with it; wee find Next that wee
can Move, or ly Still, and accordingly Exert or Remitt the
Exercise of that power. but this is but using such Irregular
Motion's as Instinct, or unthought occasion's have used ye
parts too; ffor When wee say More, It will Not be in any
Manner, but in such Manner onely as the body hath bin
accustomed or Instincted. Such are ye Motion's of ye lipps, throat,
tongue, & ye like of chldren, and their disorderly tossing their
limbs, freed from ye bonds of their [praenate?] Condition. And the
first step is to doe So or Not as their fancy, Caprice or Will
dictates, but as to an apposite application of their Members
to ye uses of like, they have No power, but It Grow's up in
them from Experience & practise of the body by litle and litle.
And to Say truth, when wee determine of walking running
sitting riding. &c. So long as Such will Continue, the body
work's of it Self, by its owne Mechanisme, and the Mind
& will, goeth to other buissness, & leav's that to its owne Cours,
till ye time of chang Comes. And Most things wee doe, is from
like Mechanisme, wittness all arts In practise. as for playing
a lesson on an Harpsicall, ye Mind onely determines ye body
to it, but ye hands doe their part as formed by usage to an
aptness of Such Movem't as makes ye Instrument Sound. In the
Same Manner all wee doe is learnt; wee bring onely the
Instruments of Motion, a litle determined by Instinct. but
we have Not power to Move any Member or part to ye
porposes of life or arts, but by Slow degrees & tryalls; of this
feeding orSelves, Reading, Speaking, & what Not? are Examples,
42v
of Humane Capacity.
So that all wee doe in life, is acquired, as Musick is and
besides that cours, wee have Not power of our limbs as Seems.
who can dance /well\ that hath Not Spent a youth to attain ye
Grace of it? old person's whose part's are accostomed to other
motion's cannot bring their members to Comply with that
or any unaccostomed movement. and as to all Such, the Will
Is No More lord of ye body or Its Instrument's of Motion then
it is of a Stone, to heav it about, as it pleaseth.
Therefore the Mind Is Not an Immediate Agent Inspiring
the Instruments of Motion In ye body to act In all Instances
of their performance. but It is as it were a prsident, to de=
termine among the Capacity's of ye body, wch shall be Im=
ployed and wch Not. as when ye Mind say's walk the body,
doth it; Not that any Imediate Impression is Made on ye
necessary part's In that action, but all ye whole body falls
Into an alternacy of movement, wch by usage is adapted
to that progressive State; and ye Mind Can Say Stop. wch
is Not to ye leggs, but to ye Whole body. This putt's Me In
Mind of a vast Ship In an Indian voyage,42 one of whose
least ropes /loos\ In a gale, is Sufficient to kill a Saylor. yet
a ffew Men, with their fleshy hands, whose power Cannot /scarce\
lift ye anchor of ye vessel; yet they Shall order ye Matter
So, as this Machine with its owne force vist that of Wind
& water, Shall goe all ye World over. When a Storme Comes
ye vessell is In a feavour; sometimes lost, but often Esca=
ping; and all by the Managem't of its sailes, Ropes,
& Rigging wch are fitted to ye occasion. Wt Can More
lively adumbrate ye dominion of ye Mind over the
body, wch is as a Ship, rigged & trimed to performe its
offices? and the Mind by Some Secret Influences, hath
Such comand, as to determine the Motion's wch use
hath made Easy, or practicable. to ye porposes of life.
RN's interest in sailing enlivens this commonplace simile with detail, as too does
the specific reference to an Indian voyage. Life becomes a romance.
42
43r
of Humane Capacity.
I may Now Speak of the vanity, of the prsent anatomick
philosophy concerning Muscular Motion. Wch consists In two things,
1. touch't before, of their Making an Expedition of animall
Spirits from ye Braine to the Energitick Muscle, and back againe
upon Every movem't of a Member. 2. of the Explosion & Con=
sequently Swelling of the Muscular Spirits or humours, Where=
by ye tendon's are drawne.
1. the passing & Repassing of Spirits from ye brain from to the
Extream parts, is an Immechanicall, /&\ Improbable, thought if
Not Impossible In practise. by What pipes? the Nerves; If so
they Must be turgid, as well as ye Muscle; wch is Never found
then Muscles doe Not Inlarg In quantity, upon working, but
Shew onely an action of shrinking Wch rather Contracts.
then Enlargeth the space, they possess in all. then granting
Such Inflation, the force is so deminish't by ye Mechanisme
of ye part, that it Must be a Strong blast to have any Sen=
sible Effect. as If ye Muscle A. draws ye Tendon. T. It Must
<diagram> swell a vast deel at a.a. to gaine
a litle Ground at. T. therefore the Work
hath More advantage then ye power, wch
Is Not to be Imagined to fall out In such a Contrivance as
this, when there is need to throw all ye advantage on ye Side
of ye power opposite to the weight.
2. this argument goes as well agt Explosion's, but those have
many other hypothetick points Not Easily Got over. as Either
ye Explosion hath place onely In ye Muscle, or it is derived
from ye Brain; If ye former, what principle is it that Walks
about ye body to give fire on all occasion's? If from ye brain
Either the train must be accended there, or Emissary's Must
pass. If ye former, why are No vessells turgid, but all by ye Way
as calme as May be. If by Emissary's, how is it possible that
any
43v
of humane Capacity.
Any animall Spirits, liquor, or Ether, Should dart so di=
rectly thro all ye flesh & Membranes, to find out ye Muscle
to wch it is directed. If it goes by vessells, they Must when
unImployed be full of Somewhat, what becomes of that
when set on work? If Extravasely, why do they Not fly
any way as well as where there is Need. In Short all these
Solution's are meer Immechanicall fancy's, and will Not
abide a Moment's test by true Measures.
It will be Expected I Should speak my owne thoughts &
conclude this subject; And those are /1. by way of Sumary\. 1. that the positive
force of a Muscle, is like that of a Spring allwais bent
wch is opposed by some other like In opposition to it.
and If any one yeilds the other draws, & 'e Contrà.43 ffor
was Ever a tendon Cutt, but ye Muscle shrunk up, & drew
in it Self, as In the posture of working.? and the anta=
gonisticall Muscle prvailed, & drew ye Member home
to its force, & there held it past power of ye will? If any
Inflation wrought ye Muscle, to Make it work by Swelling
when a tendon was Cutt, It would be ye farther from growing
In, but rather become loos & flaccid. 2. That the Movem't
of the part's are Not by Inspiring ye Muscle yt Seems to
work, but by Enervating the antagonistick. 3. That u=
pon generall Motion's of ye body, the Muscles draw, and
Remitt alternately, and the whole body, & Not onely
the members Imediately concerned, move to Main=
tain the alternative of force generally throout the
whole. 4. That the Instruments of motion are adapted
and, I may say, made or augmented by use, & practise
as when, the misshapen kicking of a child, is formed
into the regular walking of a Man. 4.44 That the
muscular motion's /particularly\ are Not directed by the Will, but
by
43
i.e., 'the other way round'.
RN slips up here, giving us two fourth points (see also 52r). Note the insertion of
numbers into the text on the next page - RN is still sketching out his argument, and
has a provisional approach to the numbering of his points at this stage of writing.
This page and the following (as in various other places in the volume) show evidence
of repunctuation during a revision - note also the correction as he writes, inserting
a 'previous' number 1, at the beginning of this paragraph.
44
44r
of Humane Shapes.45
By accident and /vist\ as they have bin used, wch respecting yt
ye peculiar Mode's of them, so various In Men & brutes, de=
pends on ye Chance of their Imployment. /5.\ That being once
Moved in any Mode, they are Easyer to Move in that then
before, and It is very difficult, for ye power of ye Mind to
make them Swerve ye least, but once swerved, they better
come to it againe; and ye oftener they are Moved in one
Manner, ye apter, till they will Move Involuntarily
wch is ye Case of ye heart, & viscera. 6. that all actions of
life, as going, &c. are great difficulty's, and Not acquired
without Much practis, & /by slow\ degrees; /. 6.\ Instinct, wch is considered
as a degree of use, makes them apter, but doth Not give
the powers. 7. That ye Mind know's the member's & their
movemts , by ye observation and use of them, Every Instance
of wch leav's a test in ye Memory, by wch it is distinguish't.
whereby when a member Moves, ye Sence it gives to ye
mind is proper to that Instant state. & when the Memo=
ry is in ye Same State, why Should Not yt Member Move?
Since the powers of body on Each other in all action's of
Motion & force, are Reciprocall; vist If one gives a percussion,
ye other Returnes a Repercussion, with ye Same force. Whereby
a body Receivs an Impression from its owne as well as from
another's force.
45
Note the change of running title.
44v
of Humane Capacity.
2. Now to give Some thoughts about the mean's how ye
mind hath this wondrous power over ye body. I must first
Reffer to that Essay,46 where I have Shewed, that body by
Infinite deminution, becomes Infinitely passive, becaus ye
progression of wasting the substance faster then the Super=
ficies In ye degrees of deminution, as Must come almost to a
coincidence between body & Spirit. ffor the power of body is
by ye Substance, & ye weakness, passion, or yeilding by the
superficies; then there must be in ye body all degrees, from
Spirit to the Gross members, and the Spirit workes, just at ye
Incoation of the power of body, & then in ye way of Explosion
is disperst over ye whole by ye machination of the organs
and parts of it. as a spark, shall blow up a Mountaine
Not by Energetick force, but by opening ye door for the forces
of Materialls aptly disposed, as Gunpowder is to Exert its
operation's. Hence I Infer it possible for fo body to /be\ Moved
by Spirit.
Next I Inferr that It is by way of Sparks onely wch rather
determines then Moves the parts of ye body. ffor the body is
a mobile engin like a compage of springs, that on ye least
percussion, will fall to shaking and inbrating a long time,
wch is from an Interne principle, & not ye force yt occasions it.
ffor the mind hath No power to Move, but onely a litle to
Incline, In all cases not practis't. nor can it Move any
part, untill it hath used to be Moved upon the Minds di=
rection. ffor many times Movement's of ye part's will happen
unthought off, wch wee cannot Recover; or at least by
many tryall's, untill ye Mind /insensible of its power as if\ like States /it\ were
bound to
act onely after its owne prsident. ffor it is Not Enough
to Enable ye Mind to move a part, that the part hath
moved, be that it Moved by designe, but It Must also
be
46
I have not yet identified the specific essay to which RN refers.
45r
of humane Capacity
be Remembered that it Moved at the Minds Instances, or Els
It will Not obey the mind att all.
3. one would thinck the Cours of ye Memory, and Motions of ye
body, were Counterparts of, or straitly allyed to Each other. ffor
wee have Not Comand Even of ye Memory but In by a caus &
Mean's; So wee have No power over our Members, without
prvious habit, as well of the action, as that it is done by Comand.
wee use our Memory by following thing's in track's but /and\ have
power to Goe here and there /onely\ as the tracks part & subdevide, & /but yet\
to use wt time wee will, or Stop at pleasure. but wee Cannot
skip from one thing to another, wch Never Came together in our
minds before. So wee Cannot Move any part, without ye whole
combination of that is Imployed also, In fine the will works upon
ye body thro ye Memory; and where ye seat of that is, there is the
officina, or Shopp of muscular performances, wch depend upon ye Will,
the Idea of safety Is, distance; that gained by Motion, wee
call flight, when ye Memory suggest's Danger; Naturally the
body fly's, & there want's no urging from ye Mind or reason,
ffor Many with all ye reason they can Muster Cannot Stop
themselves. So the Ey-lids protect ye tender Ey; make the Shew,
as when hurt is Coming; & ye Memory of that case and ye
comon Expedient, set's ye Same to work, & ye Eylids volen's
Nolen's will wink. observe also that It is use Makes the Muscles
mobile; pervicacious forebearance, looseth all power of them,
wch is called shrinking of ye Sinew's, and constant use Makes
them Never ly still. So In Memory; often thinking of a Sub=
ject, makes it often occur to our Minds; and Seldome
thincking of any thing, forgetts it. Wch is the foundation
of scolastick skill, where by Continuall Incumbency on
books, men comand Nicety's In their minds. So of Muscu=
lar motion, habits Come & goe, & ye last practises are Most
facile, & old ones almost If Not wholly lost.
45v
Humane Capacity.
Wee want to know the anatomy of a Muscle; wee Call
the part's discernable fibres, but know not ye texture; it
is certein they ly in Ranges and terminate in Each
tendon. My fancy is, that In the tendon they are Strait
and In ye Muscle Curled; and that they have ye Nature,
& action of a wire worme drawn out in length so farr
as to Gaine a strong Spring of drawing In againe. the
cheif reason's are. 1. that the Muscle is larg, & ye tendon
Narrow, and yet Every fibre terminates in ye tendon, wch
Could Not be, If the thredd wch Entring Into ye Muscle from
ye tendon, did Not Curle up. Whereby Each fibre being Cur=
led, ye Whole body of ye Muscle Must Extend. 2. that the
draught of a Muscle is, according to length, by Exter Shrin=
king; So that ye whole of ye Muscle, is Not really larger
upon working, but shorter. It May be, the artifice of ye
fibres may Not be So Regularly Spired as wee Suppose a
wire May be, but Irregulary crouded up together So that
If drawne out in length. It shall become springy as to draw
in to ye same folded posture againe.
If they object the fibres In Microscopes appear Strait, & Not
Curve In any sort. I ansr. who can tell how small the tex=
ture of the parts are? how many Important Glands & pulps
are there in ye body, wch defy Miscropes? Who can tell, (but by
Guess,) that ye Madulla of ye brain, are string's or pipes, &
ye Corticall part Glands? or Why May Not those /muscular\ Spring's be
Inclosed in small Capillary pipes, & there kept in Nutri=
tious Juices, ffitt for use, and from thence Enter strait Into
ye tendon? If they say how Can so great force, be in So Small
a Space, as those pipes? I ansr. that ye Same Question goes
to all Springy Motion's, for what force is In the lath
of a cross bow? that and all other forces on like princi=
ple, are compound of Many Small, but Efficacious parts.
46r
Humane Capacity.
Besides arguments from our opinion, who Gage all things by
our selves, are vain. for they determine Nothing. for Wtever ye
force is it is our utmost, & that wee allwais thinck Great,
while Intruth, it May be as well ye litleness of ye opposition to be
Regarded.
To Come back to the Engins of Motion. I take Every Moment
of thincking to Make a peculiar posture of thing's in the
body. and so a Cours of thinking Makes a Cours of postures,
that is changes in the order and action of its parts. And If wee
can determine one point, wch is, that If a Motion of any
part, hath frequently attended any one posture of ye body
(In Wch Remember) that I Suppose ye posture of ye Mind or ye
thought to be a part), I may add that ye Same Motion will a=
gaine follow. and then that as ye posture of ye Mind goeth
one In a Memoriall track or train of thinking, the Con=
forming Motion's, without further designe Succeeds, so as
the train of thoughts, & ye traine of Motion is ye Same. Wch
I must Explaine, by thing's, or I Shall Not be understood, If
I mean any thing, what it is.
let us Suppose the mind hath an Idea, or Memory, or a plea=
sure had by walking from ye place where it is to another place.
then needs no more, but that posture of ye Mind or Memory
determining the body to those alternate decussation's of the
muscles that, as before, translated ye body; & this is done by ye
Springy force resident & Nourish't in ye body without More
thinking; but ye mind rolls on in a cours of other Ideas
but such as doe Not Interrupt, but are Consistent with ye action
In hand. but /if\ A bull wild beast advanceth /in our way\, that overturnes
all that /the former\ posture, and puts in ye Room, that wch was /had often bin\
Regnant
In a time of flight. and then running away, is the Con=
sequence, with out thincking how Much of ye Matter, farther
then to be gon as fast as May be.
46v
Humane Capacity
Wee are less to wonder, that Slight matters Should occasion Such
violent actions, as running away & ye like, wch Shall be Con=
tinued till all strength failes, & ye Whole body shall Sweat &
be almost destroyed. Since wee find that the Muscles are a
Contrivance, that upon any unusuall touch, Move by Some In=
terne principle of their owne, of wch ye touch is Not ye Mean's
but ye occasion. So upon diseases yt are convulsive, the muscles
of the body goe all to work in a Confused disorderly manner, with
more labour and Expence of Spirits, then could by any Endea=
vours of the will In that time be acted.
As frequency of action, determines the Mobile principle with=
-in us, to forme the actions in that accustomed way. that is
Musitians to play, trades, to work, & ye like. so ye Mind it
Self is most ingaged with such objects and action's as often
come together. as a chess player hath the forme & shape of
Games. & the Relation of postures, called Gambetts. and
when an advantage is understood, the will hath litle to
doe, but as it were without Immediate Intention, the
hand Goeth to ye Remove; and perhaps in yt Instant, a
danger perceived to follow upon ye Remove, that in like
manner Makes a stop. All wch Seem's to Me to depend on
the opinion off good or Evil Consequences, and then that
very posture of ye Mind, (as unthought actions,) by a custume
creating aptness, draw's motion of the parts. what thought is
there in Escaping from hideous danger? Whatt will is at=
tended too? that very position of the mind, where the body
is So organised as to touch it, and Such motion's are of a
frame together. therefore upon ye Whole, It is to be Conclu=
ded that most action's of ye body, and ye determination
of those action's, depends upon use and practise, from Whence
habit Comes, more then ye Immediate will; and that Even the
Will it self, is Subject to habit; for as wee move our parts
after usage, so wee also will what wee are used to
affect
47r
of Humane Capacity.
Affect. Now wee are Reduc't to 2. points, wishing it were
possible to clear them. 1. why practise makes readyness, 2.
how farr & how ye will works, abstract from practis if att all.
47v
<page blank>
48r47
A.
of pride.
Action's Esteemed viciously proud, are Such
as bear ye Simptomes of high-Self conceipt
and mean Esteem of other's. as passing by
without notice, salutation, or Returning any.
& ye like. There is also Express Comparison
Extreamly vicious, as saying I am better then
you; yr family, person, Estate, or Judgm't are
is Not to be compared with mine. And to dis=
patch this first, It seem's Intollerable, In Every
Every Case to make Express Comparison's. &
ye cheif Reason to mee seem's this; that as
gener'ly it is a signe of vicious pride on one
side, so on ye other it Mortifies ye person, or
provokes a wors vice on his part, to Exert
a fals value of himself, to become at least
Equall to ye adversary, as a bragadochio
for most part is, to all but his owne parasites.
Another reason is, that it provok's Quarrells,
hatreds, and so makes way ffor Many Sort's
of Mischeif weak humane nature is apt to
fall into upon Slight Motives. I may add
another, wch is In some sort Negative. that
It's impossible Such Comparison's can doe
any good, and therefore Most truely Repu=
ted vaine, but as is observed tending to
Mischeif, is most Egregiously vicious, and
deservedly termed odious.
All the following pages in the volume are on smaller sheets of paper, see note on
title page. This collection of social/political essays runs through to f. 87v., all
are written on good, opaque paper.
47
48v
of pride.
Next as to behaviour, wee must Resolve
that into Right reason & truth also, wch
will Call in many principles, to build u=
pon. I wist suggest but a few, & leav ye rest
to Every oneS Reflection.
1. To prvent vice in others.
This is a certein duty. for as we would have
benefits done us, wee ought to doe such. it
is a comon notion, that light-from light,
to learne ye way, & such utility's as trench
upon No Interests, are Every ones due.
Therefore, If by ye Custome & Expectation of
A country, any particular Respect's are Re=
quired, and the not affording them, Sends
to pride Hatred, & f/e\ude, they Should not
be deny'd, & it is a vicious pride to doe it
And Such it is In England, where ye poorest
person, demands a sort of Respect from the
Rich, and In munificiall Entertainemts, it is
Expected that ye master, or lady, be /they\ Never
so Nice, should be familiar, & treat them so
as they may themselves, raised above their
true station; this Reconciles amity, trust, and
fair Correspondence, & ye Contrary, distrust
hatred & feud. But in other places, it May
tend to Make ye people Insolent, & audacious,
and beleving themselves Courted & feared;
become truly & viciously proud and out
ragious. So that Custom & Expectation is
ye
49r
of pride.
ye arbiter of all behaviour.
2. To Maintaine ye power of doing good.
This was toucht upon. and is ye Case of
magistrates, & Comander's. who loos their
Authority, by too Much Condescension, Where=
by it is necessary, to Counterfett pride, so
far as pomp and outward Solemnity Imply's,
least the person be slighted, & Consequently
yt Any Authority become Enervated.
3. To Incourage vertue In others.
This is done by an artificiall ostentation
of vertue; I call it artificiall becaus, it Must
be /not\ done so as not to trench upon vice, such
as men Call vanity, by Exceeding truth. Nor
loos Credit, by giving occasion for other's to
have that opinion, & so dispising ye person
Refuse ye vertue. but as Much as May be, to
rais an Envy of ye like, and desire to attaine
it by like vertuous mean's, and allwais kee=
ping a good Caracter & opinion of ye person,
without wch, No good of any Sort is to be done
by fair Means.
This Respect's vulgar opinion's & Customes
so much, as that all must be Referred to it,
under ye Conduct of a good discretion. I might
offer many Instances, but shall touch onely
a few
49v
Of pride
1. In offering yr thought's, lett it be in Such
manner, as shall oblidg, & not disgust. ffor
Sometimes there goeth along a secret Reproach,
by wch ye person, is accused of Ignorance as
well as taught. the hint should be darted
as coming from another place, and ye Notion
Instilled, or Insinuated, as If it arose out of
ye Ingeny of ye Receiver, & not of ye Giver. And
this must be, when there is any Reprehension
to be made, to doe it in the generall, as by
a litel fable, or pleasant passag Related,
wch like Glew, shall stick to a [giulty?] Conscience,
and be remembred, when ye Relator is farr
Enough off. When an Error is openly displayed
tho In private freindship, humane nature is
So litle able to bear the conviction, arguing
so manifest /a\ deminution of its owne worth, that
it shall take distast, and almost break
freindship upon it. And the affectation yt Some
have of this rough way of proceeding, however
applauded by themselves, doth pro spring from
a vicious pride in them.48
2.
His caustic manner is one of the few weaknesses RN describes in his brother Francis.
There is further implicit (and redeeming) reference to this below, under 'liberty of
censure' on f 54r. The text breaks off at this point, space is left for continuation.
48
50r
<page blank>
50v
of Breeding.49
After having considered of pride, this ca=
racter, occurs; And there is no declining to
Canvas it.
Breeding is generally taken to be a Quali=
fication alike as to all persons. ffor when we
Say, well bredd, tho wee Respect that sort of
person's who are stiled of Quality, yet wee
make no manner of distinction, whither No=
ble, Gentle, Imployed, or at larg. And the cheif
thing I have to observe in this place is, that
Breeding is Relative, & ye same may justly be
Styled well, or Ill, according to ye Circumstances
of ye Subject person.
The most generall Notion I can find of bree=
ding /as ordinarily it is under stood\ wch may be apply'd to all person's, is No
other but vertue, or privation of fault. and in
that Respect, wee Should not medle with it
here, but onely such part's of breeding wch
depend on mode, & opinion, abstracted from
vertue & morality, and have a denomination
accordingly. for If you will say, that to be
proud, Ignorant, affectedly talkative, & ye like,
wch doe generally pass among ye articles of Ill
breeding, Is so, I will add to be Just, reasonable,
& learned, is good breeding, and ye opposites
contrary. and then wee launch into the larg
feilds of Morality & philosophy, to describe
a well bredd person, wch Cannot be Expected.
See also the much fuller treatment of Breeding in the essay in BL Add. MSS. 32523,
f. 132r.-141v., transcribed in Korsten, F. J. M., Roger North (1651-1734) Virtuoso and
Essayist, Amsterdam, 1981, pp 117-32. Good breeding was an ubiquitous topic for
reflection and commentary in the period, and had been so at least since Castiglione's
Il Cortegiano circulated in the early sixteenth century.
49
51r
of Breeding.
Therefore, as I sayd, altho all manner of
Accomplishm'ts, conduce to make a person Illus=
trious, and a defect in any, less so; yet when
wee are to speak of Breeding, wee must Waiv
all those, & dwell onely on that wch Respect's
behaviour, and ordinary Society in /a\ promiscuous
way, wch will chang and alter with ye times,
Whilst vertue & morality are ye Same in all
times, & person's. and as wee doe not allow
that Any person Can be well bredd with out
them, and that they are truely ye cheif Ingre=
dient's in wtever is valuable, so also wee Must
waive the consideration of them here, & proceed
to wt is more peculiarly styled breeding.
Breeding Resolves into Easy & pleasant Com=
portmt, in Idle Conversation. It hath litle to
doe with buissness, tho buissness wch is Joyned wth
Conversation, is not well done without it, Espe=
cially such as deals with Interest & favour. ffor
this reason, the Singular roughness yt belong's to
ordinary profession's, as Soldier's, lawyer's, Mecha=
nick's & ye like, wch doe in their cases Really
become; is besides ye prsent matter, wch wee Must
Confine to Conversation, & Not work, And even
in that there is a great variety, as Respect is
had to severall Relation's, & caracter's mett
ffor ye end of mutuall Conversation & Injoy=
ment.
51v
of Breeding.
To break this Matter a litle. Company May
be Either of severall nation's, In our owne or
forrein Country's, and of ye Same Nation, Either
freinds, Enimy's, kindred, or Mixt of all these.
In No two of wch Circumstances, will ye Same
Method of Comportm't pass, unless in Negatives
Such as Silence, or Comon ansrs, to Matter's ask't,
Standing Sitting & Moving so as to avoid all
manner of fastidiousness, or If possible Notice
of ye Company. But Actives, Such as moving
discours, or Enterteinem'ts, undertaking ar=
gument's, Interposing in ye affairs of ye
Company, either of ceremony, or pleasure,
is /are\ not to be done, In ye Same manner in
all Companys. as In Some Instances.
1. Stranger's in a forrein Country. Such know
one & other, as well as the place, & its Customes
so discour's & act with assurance. ye Stranger
doth not So, therefore is not to put him=
Self forewards, (wch would be Esteemed good
breeding in other Circumstances) but to Rest
passive, and conforme without offence, being
to observe, & not to act, & make his account
of profit, but not pleasure, Such as ye freedome
of Company affords.
2. If the compa be forreiner's with us, ye
part is altogether active, In advancing
all Stepp's yt may be gratefull, as Shewing
of places, declaring of Customes, and admi
nistring recreation's, such as ye Strangers out
of
52r
of Breeding.
Modesty, Nescience, or want of language
Cannot propose or Call for.
3. If ye Compa be freinds, then Enter's a free=
dome, wch In promiscuous conversation would
be Intollerable, such as open admonition of
faults, free censure of words & action's, and
rallery's, wch are truely the cheif Improver's
of humane nature. without freinds who will
Either out of authority, or good will blame us
wee can Scarce Not be beast's; wee Have no
Natural mirroir to Reprsent or vices; And ye
Most willing minds, & Industrious to Reforme,
after ye patternes best chosen, Shall yet fall
into depraved habits unless ye Rallery of freinds
or open chiding of Superior's (who in yt Case
are freinds too) give occasion to prvent them.
In this Sort of Company, that passive Carriage
I spoke of, were Rediculous, or that wch profess
too Much Service, seasonable to stranges, ffor
it domineer's as If ye Compa were Ignorant, wch
is not Endured, tho stranger's openly profess
it.
3. If ye Compa. be Enimy's or Intermixt, there
is no Expedient but to Escape without gi=
ving them occasion or mean's to hurt you
ffor here breeding turnes to policy, and con=
Sequently out of our proposition. It is Such
as ordinarily happen's in Courts, where
Mortall
52v
of Breeding.
Mortall Enimy's Must Convers, & transact
together, and those whose lott it is to fall
into Such a Cours of life, must doe, as is
well knowne to be ye Mode there, to Caress
& hate. This is a trade or profession, and the
Conduct of it Not to be taken as a part of
Good breeding, wch hath clearly another
Caracter, and will not admitt Such a
rank Invasion upon a prime vertue, truth,
as such fulsome Hypocricy is. Therefore, in ye
Generall, among Enimy's; If wee can Scape
without scratches it is well. Apply to those
who are freinds, and give no handles to Eni=
my's; If there be no other's, pass in discour's
and action altogether Indifferent, and be gone
as soon as it is decently possible.
4. If ye Company be kindred or Relation
it is Either Superior, or Inferior, or, /Equall, Either as,\ parent's
or descendant's. these make great difference
in ye articles of good breeding; ffor ye Superior,
Requires deference & submission, Such as
would be abject & mean, with Equalls, where
a liberty of objecting, & advancing reason's
are /is\ ye life of ye Company. but it is a disRespect
to superior Relations, Either to Slight their ad=
vices, or reasons; or to oppose them, altho
there may be resaon to doe it. but this is
to be governed by the caracter's of persons,
for Some are So Condiscensive as to Encourage
and
53r
of Breeding.
Require their descendt Relations to object
and argue, wch being a most worthy & ob=
lidging condiscention, ought to be Mett with
a Modest Complyance, Still observing to give
ye Call to ye better, & not opinatve. But Some
are so testy Not to admitt any debate on
what they say, and accordingly they are Not
to be debated with, however absurd; and in
their Case, this Conduct is Good breeding.
If ye parentele be descendant, and Inferior,
it is a prime vertue, Not abash or discourage
ye person treated with, but to give way to ye
litle Ignorances, & Simplicity's of youth, &
rather give an active approbation, if there
appear underneath a vertuous mind, then
to check it by a rough disclosing of Mistakes.
Goodness Is here triumphant, & In no Instance
more Illustrious, then In ye Condiscention of
Great & Good person's, to treat with ye low
& Mean Capacity's of youth, & Inferiour Men,
and to take their methods of Speech and
understanding to Instill principles for forming
them towards better advantages, And to Make
their Company acceptable by familiarity's
is harmless & Indifferent thing's, by Joyning
in them, and building a freindship With them
so Make way, ffor Nourishing their Judgmts
with the most profitable Information's.
of
53v
Of Breeding.
Of this Sort was ye Noble Socrates, who
Sought out ye yong Men, and ordinary Citi=
sen's, and made himself familiar with
them, ffor their goods. And there was not a
Greater Superiority, then his witt was above
ye ordinary, being a person Not Matchable
by any ye World hath an accon't of without
ye churches pale.
I say this Condescensive Carriage, ffitting
parent's most, but becoming all wise &
good men, towards their Inferior's. would be
Redicolous among Courtiers, soldiers, or or=
dinary Gentlemen in Comon Conversation of
equalls. And a man yt used it would be Este=
med a flattering parasiticall fool, & Not
a brisk well bredd ladd, such as ought to be
in Such Company.
And It would be Redicoulous ffor Supperiors
Such as I have discribed, to be Complaisant
with their Inferiors, In vice, & folly; wch Must
be done by ye Contrary part. but as it is un=
mannerly ffor ye latter, to Censure their Spee=
ches, & action's as they may deserve, So it is
abject & brutish, ffor ye other's to palliate
wt is amiss, but in a fitting way, to Reprove
& If possible to Remove it. and failing in
this is So farr from an Instance of good bree=
ding, yt it is truly a Stupid & Sottish behaviour
below
54r
of Breeding.
Below ye dignity of paternity.
If ye Kindred are Equall's, Either on ye parent
or decendant side. there Enter's a degree of
freedome, of wch there is admirable use, and
goeth beyond, ye familiarity of ordinary
freindships. & that is, In plaine English laugh=
ing at one & other. But to Suspend it a litle,
and pass ye serious part first. It is foolish to
Retein all ye decorum's of promiscous Conver=
Sation among Relation's. and whoever doth
it, 'scapes not without ye brand of formality
& Emptyness. there is a liberty of Censure, &
Argument almost without Reserve, and one
is So farr from being bound to Quitt his opi=
nion, or Submitt in ye least, that as long as
his Reason's hold, he ought to adhere, tho it
is Necessary to determine dispute by a prudent
abruption of it. And in this Case warmth of
debate, and Earnestness of words, Is not unfitt
ffor those are token's of sincerity, & Confidence.
The Ty's of Relation, are dispensations to
passion, where it is honestly, & Not viciously
used. I have a Noted Instance of a deceased
unkle, who treated all his Nephew's without
any distinction from their Inferiority, and ye
opinion he Gained with us was as I hinted
before. and thus much may Serve to Exease
My owne Comportmt, wch hath bin of this Sort
and it may be blamed, tho I blame Not My self
for it.
54v
Off Breeding.
The Result is, that it is hard to give any
description in ye Generall of good breeding
but it must be Referred, to ye Circumstances
of person's, times, & opinions, and be Gov=
erned by right Reason, wch allway's points
at, & centirs in doing good.
Some will have Good breeding to be a ge=
nerall Easy Comportm't to all plac person's
& in all places; this is Contradicted by ye
case of parentele superior's, for whome to be
Complaisant, is arrant Nonsense. ffor autho=
rity, wch they are to use, & Complaisance
are Inconsistent. Complaisance argues a Sort
of flattery, wch litle becomes dignity, as that
of superior Relation's is.
Other's Say a well bredd man, Never Con=
tradict's ye Company. this I deny also. I grant
it May be ye breeding of an under secreta=
ry, spy, or Courtier, wth whome treachery is
a trade & comon practise, but not Either /of\ a
parent, freind, or Gentleman upon Equall
termes. Wch is Enough to be observed upon
this head of Good Breeding. That part wch
belong's to action & gesture, I have Reser=
ved to ye Next head, Affectation.
55r
of Affectation.
This as I said, Relates to good breeding, and
altho it is found in words and wrighting, yet
cheifly, & ordinarily it appear's in action
& gesture. So that a decent carriage, and
Affectation are opposites, and Whoever will
avoid ye latter, must study & practise ye other.
I Intend Not to give precepts of behaviour
In generall, for that is ye province of a Dan=
cing master, but onely in so much of beha=
viour, wch is in Every man's power, abstracting
ye artificiall part, yt is to be learn't by practice
as other art's are. and this bring's me wholly
to ye Matter of Affectation, wch Every one
may without a master, avoid.
And as ye poet say's, vertue it Self, is but
the absence of vice,50 so the Grace of Carriage
ly's in the Negative part, yt is in doing
nothing unseemly, as much as In positive
Gesture. And therefore ye rule of right reason
Governe's in it. wch is doing as wee would
have other's doe. Wee would not have a
person yt wee have a kindness ffor Make
himself remarkable for Impertinent &
troublesome carriage, & therefore wee Should
avoid ye Same or Selves. againe, wee would
not be offended with the like, & therefore
wee should not offend other's.
50
See below, f. 57r, and note.
55v
Of Affectation.
The source of affectation, is an opinion
that behaviour is Somewhat Extraordinary
and that wee have ye knack; when in truth
wee have it not. This produceth action's &
Gestures yt are forc't, & troublesome to ye Compa.
and orSelves, and appear as they are, so farr
from being gracefull, & Easy, as to be Redico=
lous & Impertinent. And The case is. 1. to look
upon behaviour to be Nothing Extraordinary,
and to consist in doing or Shewing nothing
yt is vain, & Impertinent, or offensive to
others. 2. In thincking that Nothing Ex=
traordinary can be done yt is not so, how=
ever prtendedly well bredd. And that gene=
rally Speaking, No notice, is ye best Come off,
and very Seldome doth any Notice prove to
ye advantage of ye person; such is Either ye
Infinite nicety of ye Eye, or Malice of ye person
to observe amiss.
1. That behaviour is to follow ye ordinary,
and to be Easy, & Inoffensive, Must needs be
allowd, If wee consider ye use & Intention of it,
and yt is. 1. to gaine ye good will of or Compan[y.]
2. to gratifie them. 1. as to their good will,
In wch I conclude their censure or approba[=]
tion. It is not to be Expected. If wee doe thing[s]
that [ar?] Strained. and when one bow's over
much, ye other is oblidg'd to do ye Same Ceremony
or
56r
of Affectation.
Or Els, he is under some Concerne. If I com=
plement, another is put to his trumps, &
can onely Reply; O God Sir. the like in Every
pass. all wch is avoided, If ye Company be
allow'd to governe in matter's of Ceremony
and be passive rather then active. So it is
when a person hath a Supercilious, Stiff or
uncouth movem't, in Either ye body, or ye Eye
(small thing's are noted), it Speak's as if ye
person was entertained with ye thought of
his owne demeanour; and beleev himself
much adroit. And as If he were at a Sale
of him Self, rather then Enterteining freinds
all this Speak's pride or self conceit &
that raiseth a piq on ye other side, who
pleas themselves by contradicting ye hu=
mour, with Contempt & laughing. And
Nothing is more opposite to obligation and
civility then pride, wch Affectation allwais
prsent's in ye most Ridiculous Garb.
Therefore lett my friends, shake out of their
Minds, self, both name & thing. I would
scarce have them use ye words, I. me,
am. &c. Nor would I have them thinck of
Self, whenever Stranger's prsent. and so
move, act, &, Speak, so as If they Enter=
teined not by themselves but by a
deputy; but51 alone, I see no better studdy
then ones self, & yt Not for pride but humiliation
The underlining (perhaps) marks an earlier finishing point, the final part of the
sentence, a clever paradoxical take on self-less-ness is crowded at the foot of the
page.
51
56v
<page blank>
57r
Of Dressing.
<flourish underine>
This is a branch of affectation, ffor after
Sufficient warmth provided for, the rest at=
tends onely fancy. Mediocrity, wch is Com=
mended in Most Cases, hath greatest Share
in this. ffor on one side, A Slight of Mode
& decorum, is blameable for Singularity
and (as often understood) uncleanness. so
on ye other, over curiosity, is all fopp, and
childish. And ye best rule is that Bat Ba=
con gives of ceremony,52 that it's Enough
Not Wholly to slight it: And herein No
mark or limits can be prscribed, becaus
as In language, so In habit's the Mode
Governe's. and vitium fugere Est virtus.53 Not
to be blamed gaines ye point. ffor ffew
gaine Ground, but Many loos, by dressing.
And If one would Incline to Either side
it Should be that of Neglect. ffor Nicety
speaks a triv/i\al Intent upon trifles. but
Neglect of habits, often grow's out of great
& aspiring thought's, wch will Not Stoop
to such light cares. Besides ye former Notes
a Self Conceit, wch is allwais Contemptible.
The other hath No objection but wt is Ne=
gative, wch doth not draw, Either Envy
or blame so Much as positive vice or
ffolly doth.
Francis Bacon (1558-1626), the essay 'Of ceremonies and Respect'; RN summarises it
well.
52
i.e., 'to flee vice is virtue', RN jumbles Horace Episltes I.i. 41
'Virtus est vitium fugere et sapientia prima stultitia caruisse', i.e., 'Virtue is the
avoidance of vice, and wisdom begins with losing folly'.
53
57v
of Dressing.
To confirme this I have observed ye
Greatest Courtiers & Statesmen of my time
to order their habits so, as to pronounce
a civil conformity to mode, and that
they are not parsimonious, and yet de=
clare the small Regard they bear to
Nicety of Dress, Esteeming their person's
not Much advantaged, or Set off by it.
E. Rochester, & /Ld\ Godolphin, being of
a black complexion, use dark habits
and perruq. Sunderland54 who was fairer
Somewhat lighter, but I have Not known
Either appear in other colour'd habits.
unless on Birthday's When it is Required
And ordinarly, when Imbroidery was
in fashion, their habit's have bin Im=
broidered, but with ye Same, or neer ye
Same colours. All wch Argues In them ye
Judgmt or designe, I mentioned.
Now as high, low, Great, Small, & all
distinction's have their being from Com=
parison, so habits, whereof the Extream's
are not Judged from any Standard in
Nature, but ye Custom of ye prsent age.
And the rules & law's are the Examples
of superior men, whom all men flatter
and follow.
John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester (1647-80), poet, courtier and celebrated rake; Sidney
Godolfin, Earl of Godolfin (1645-1712), courtier and politician; Robert Spencer
(1641-1702), Earl of Sunderland, courtier and politician.
54
58r
of Dressing.
Therefore Some ages Shall Esteem that
light & foppish, wch In its time was grave
and Solemne, & ye Contrary; as this is Matter
of ordinary observation from pictures, wch
being heretofore In set dresses according
to ye /then\ prsent Mode, Shew ye variety of fashi=
ons yt otherwise had bin lost. As In Some
ages ye habits of ye weomen would allow
no waste, and moreover Swell out the
lower Garments with yt Monster of a
farthingale, (Invented as some say pur
Guarder linfant) & thence also Named)55
All wch Now to us, who Cannot with basks56
and pinning down ye Girdle behind be=
sides long, & hard Stay's, get wast Enough,
Seem as deformed as any affrican /beasts\ or Indian
pomonky.57 So there are various States & Con=
ditions of men & weomen, wch doe autho=
rise particular modes of dressing wch Would
not be allow'd in others. I knew a Sergt
wife wittily Rediculed, by a great Dutchess
for dressing all her children, being yong
in long traines. ffor wtEver were ye fashion,
Such a dress could not be proper for
girl's, who are light & apt to dance, run
& move lightly up, & downe, to all wch
a train was Naturally opposite & there=
fore unbecoming, & from thence Censured
i.e., 'to protect the child'; farthingale from Spanish 'vertugado' (meaning 'green
wood'). There was in fact a costume called a 'guardainfante' which was the style of
wide, structured skirt that succeeded the farthingale.
55
A basque was a tight jacket adopted by women, as the name suggests, from an article
of Basque traditional dress.
56
The Pamunkey were one of the tribes of native Americans encountered when the English
began their colonisation of Virginia in 1607. Pocahontas (c.1595-1617) was the
daughter of the chief of the Pamunkey tribe.
57
58v
of Dressing.
the lady very Sharply, ffor Ignorance
as well as pride. And for ye Same reason
such light aiery Dresses, become Children
who are themselves aiery & Moving, but
In Growne person's, ye Same would Not So
become, but on ye contrary shew a levity
of thought, and draw ye Contempt wch
is Exprest when wee say, a vaine Chil=
dish person. And it is a remarkable truth,
that all excess In dressing argues a de=
fect. for deformed person's use it, thinc=
king it is Supplementary to their ill
shapes. And old Men often affect gayely
of Dress, for wch once a Great lord was
lampooned, & Styled an old /a powdered\ patcht old
[marg]58 fool. & /so was\ sent downe from his towne-trade
of addressing to lady's in his out of fash=
ion=way, to a more laudable, as well
as profitable Retiremt in ye Country. And
If there be not some bodily defect, Such
as crookedness, badd Complexion, stink
or ye like, it is certein when ye dress It
is Extravagant, ye Mind is warp't or
Sick, & labour's under Some Notorious
mistakes & weaknesses. And this will be
found true one way as well as ye other
for a sordid Mind, will live in sordid habit.
A
58
Marg: 'D. Ld N.'. Presumably Dudley Lord North, RN's grandfather.
59r
of Dressing
A Cutler /one of 200,000 £\ used to wear stoking's of flesh
colour, yt holes might Not be seen /& dyd in borrowd hospitall Sheets\ and
avaritiousness promts to many Such tri=
viall Shifts, as If it were a law given to
ye world, that vice & Error should /alwais\ hang /out\ on
its [sighen] signe, for discovery wt Sort of
ware is to be found within. Therefore Men
Should Consider that a well Judg'd habit,
wch is to be done by Respecting ye Circum=
stances, of Quality, Age, profession, Mode
& place, Conduceth as Much to ye formation
of a fair Caracter with ye best Judges
of Men as any thing Els a man Can doe.
And I Shall not treat this subject thro ye
great variety of Circumstances yt Concern
it, becaus it would Spread too Much, but
leav it upon hint's, wch is Enough to such
as have Capacity, those yt have Not, will
Scarce /be mended\ by Inculcating or Inlarging, And
therefore I leav it with this Note, that
it /dressing\ is one of ye vanitys yt terminate in ye
person, & ex Nomine59 the slightest & Most
foppish of all other's yt point abroad, as
furniture, Horses, building & ye like, wch
carry a face of oblidging other's & Not
or Sweet selves.
But In ye generall there is a Judgm't
whereby Some contrive their habit's so as
to carry a grace or decorum, tho Neither
rich,
59
i.e., 'under that name'.
59v
of Dressing
Rich, Nor affected; & is a je ne Scay
Quoy,60 wch is not Comunicable but left
to Every ones fancy. And that in Some
is so lucky, that altho their dress be Most
plaine, nay in great measure beside the
mode, there will be an oblidging air at=
tend it. & wee shall like ye person allto=
gether, tho Neither ye Dress, Nor face In any
particular part could be Comended. Some
wemon have bin happy in this. other's of
both Sexes, So Much is Contrary that with
all the Riches of Mercery /on their outsides\ have an odious
aukward Aspect. Good faces, & good cloath's
doe Not allwais fitt, but like two good Wines
mixt Spoil one another. lely ye painter61 un=
derstood this, when waiving ye usuall Cus=
tome of painting figures in ye Sett dress of ye
time, Studyed pastorall dresses, wch Should
have allwais a beauty, as Naturall and
agreable, under all fashion's wtever. Wch
make his pictures last, & ye Method continued
by other's. And Note In generall dark Colour's
Mostly adorne person's, & give a lustre to
faces, & Great lustre /of habit's\ destroy's them.
lastly Note ye unhappyness, when person's
are held back from ye Swing of finery (wch all
yong people thirst after,) too long, & they Come
to a full liberty in years; ye vanity Stick's
to them to their Grave. but Not If satiated
Early. and it is Sure, yt If vanity be taken up
when it Should leav us, wee never part with
it. but, carry ye darling to or graves.
60
i.e., 'indefinable quality' (lit. 'I do not know what').
Sir Peter Lely (1618-80) court painter to Charles II. Roger North was a friend, and
served as his executor, caring for his children into their majority.
61
160r62
Of Selling.
It is generally accounted lawfull for a
man to keep what is his owne, & Not to
sell to any, but at a price to his owne
Content, and that ye owner, & none Els
makes ye price. upon this principle is all
trade, & ye lawfullness of its Gaine built.
But as unlawfull use may be made of
lawfull power's, so In this particular of
trade, it may fall ought /out\ so that a man
is bound to take less then he May have.
As in time of dearth, a Man ought to
Sell corne /and flesh\ at a Moderate prise, and Not
Insist upon Such high rates as hunger will
constrain men to give. So usury, wch is ye
Selling ye profit to be made, by ye use of
Mony, is a lawfull trade, whereof/by\ it is law=
full to Make the best profit. but If ye Case
be that poverty will pinch men /so as shall force 'em\ to give
/to give\ any usury for prsent Eas, ye usurer ought
Not to take that advantage; for it will
be offered him to /their Extreem &\ Mannifest loss, Considering
ye Gaines possible to be made of Mony,
but /onely\ as I say'd for prsent Eas. And in this
Case ye usurer, ought to Consider ye Market
in generall, & not that persons particular
circ=
The down stroke of the '6' has been written over '1', which appears to be the
previous (curatorial) numbering of this section which continues, on the top RHS of
recto pages, up 75r.
62
60v
of Selling.
Circumstances, and taking a Share to
himself, give ye borrower room for Com=
petent profit. But generally Speaking
this goes to ye Conscience onely, & Not to
law, Coercively oblidging, yet in Some=
trades /times\, from ye Equity on one side, /& Inequity on ye other\ & Mischeif
to ye publick, wch makes a sort of Neces=
sity, law's have Restrained prises, in
trade, as that of Bread, wch Every one Must
have or perish. So also of usury, wch is Now
limited to 6. pr. cento pr. ano. & was 8. &
10; wch Restrictive laws made for ye Com=
mon support & Releif of ye Indigent, & for
prventing oppression, are just, I might say
Necessary, for If all were left to Conscience,
there would be litle mercy seen, where
Gaine tempt's to cruelty & oppression. I
observe these laws have bin made in
cases of thing's necessary to life, & the
support of family's, as provision's, &
usury. wch In Some measure Indulgeth
all manner of Exaction, where ye law doth
Not interpose, and leav's men to their
Naturall liberty to sell or Not, & at wt
prises they pleas. And it is No less ordi=
nary then lawfull to Monopolise, & exac[t?]
to any degree, In ye trade of Gayety's &
Gal-
61r
of Selling.
2
/Gal\lantery's; as also other's more Substantiall
As Grazing, Horses, Manufactures /&c\; wch goe
in a Cour's of whole sale trade, & are Not
Retailed to ye Comunalty of ye Nation. and ye
practice is among Merchant's accordingly
& ye law's permitt it, to Encourage trade.
But yet one would thinck /Even in trifles\ there is a Sort
of Moderation to be in Conscience used; as
Now ye fashion is for lady's to wear Muslins[,]
If one should Ingross ye whole, he might Mak[e]
Great Profit, becaus he adventures great
Stock, but Not So Much as Men & Weomens
folly & vanity would urge them to give;
The reason is that wee ought Not to Make
use of Men's folly's, to abuse them. and
When a vanity reignes, it is a folly wch
Should be handled with Moderation. & Not
be made use of to Ruin family's. And it
May also Happen, that thing's ordinaryly
Superflous, may become Necessary, as for
Instance Coffee; If custome hath prvailed so
farr as to Make it necessary to a generall
well fare, as Ale is, tho water will Suffice
Nature, It fall's within ye Catalogue of
victualls; and as Such ought to be dealt
forth with moderation. Therefore all
men Should Consider circumstances of ye
prsent time; and then observe ye Golden
rule
61v
of Selling.
Rule; doe as they would be dealt wth, wch
is a law, Sacred; as any.
This for lawfullness, there is a Question
of honr touching Selling. & it is whither
a gentleman may sell ye Quary of his
Sport, without Staining his Quality. as deer
Fish, &c. This must be desided with a
difference, & that is between a Quarry ap=
propriated, & at larg. the former I Con=
clude it lawfull and honourable, and
moreover prudently turned to profitt by
person's of all Quality's. but the other Not.
That is If a Man hath a stock of deer
in park's, fishes in ponds, partridges in
Mew's, & ye like, and of the product of
such Stock's makes mony, he gives an
Example, rather to be followed then cen=
Sured. for In wt Sence is there any difference
between, these and Corne or Cattell. The
objection is. What? sell thing's of Royalty
and Sport: The fallacy of wch is in ap=
plying that in ye Generall wch is true onely
of a particular. Some thing's of Sport ough[t]
not in honr to be Sold; other's may. therefor[e]
it is frale reasoning to Say becaus some May
not, None May. but the way of slight
& superficiall persons, is comonly to argue
upon Such Mistakes, and to Condemne
as
62r
Of Selling.
3
As Magisterially as ye pope in Cathedra,63
but true wisdome Searcheth to ye bottom, and
draw's no proposition's to Engage it Self
in contradiction's; Therefore beware of
Generall's In wch fallacy often lurks. To
ye point, it is unlawfull /in honr\ to sell Common
Game, and why? ye reason is plaine. there
is a comon right Imply'd, wch allow's a
man Not to Seek ye Comon game for profit,
but pleasure onely. And this is Consistent
with the designe of all gentlemen, to
have a spurr, or temptation abroad, by
ye Game, for Exercise, health, & Sport; and
at last making ye best cheer may be done
with what it taken. But, /to\ follow ye Game
to sell it, is to Robb other's of their Implyd
right to Sporting. And this is branded wth
ye Infamous name, of a pocher; If that
Cours should be taken by other's, as Nothing
hinders but all may, ye Game would be
turned into a trade of plunder, and ye
country allow'd ffor Sport, would be like
ye Enimy's Confines full of destroyer's, This
is it condemnes selling of Game, but is
Not ye Case of appropriated stores, wch eve=
ry man, as ye product of his Estate may
dispose as he pleaseth. this is Knowne in
Italy
63
i.e., 'from his throne'.
62v
of Selling
Itally, where all men of Quality, even
sovereigne princes, Sell wine out of their
pallaces, and he is a Great prince Indeed,
Qui vende vino per tutt' il anno.64
<flourish/underline>
There is one Custome much to be blamed
and it is ye usuall fals dealing among
gentlemen in selling of horses. Altho it
be la/w\full to take any price, it is Not law=
full to falsifie. but In that trade it is
Comonly sayd a man may Cheat his
father. No man is bound to declare ye
fault's of a beast, hor's or ox, Nor to
warrant he has 2. Ear's. Caveat Emptor,65
but the affirming his Good Quality's When
he is peccant, and this with a world of
words, perhaps oath's, as ye practise is,
or Indeed to use Small Shifts In Concea=
ling faults, Either by patching up an
hors with fals flesh, or not Shewing ye
right Side, are arts, If Not very unlaw=
full: they are certainly very unbeco=
ming a gentleman, Especially when
he treat's with another of his owne degree
who Rely's on his honr, and Should be ra=
ther Surrendered to ye Small traders in
Smithfield.
64
i.e., 'who sells wine every year'.
65
i.e., 'buyer beware'.
63r
Of Selling.
4
Another humour take's among gentlemen
and that is Exchanging, wch Northward
is Called Handy-cap and used onely or
cheifly for horses; In Norfolk ye Comon
word, Swopp, prvailes, and it goes to all
Manner of thing's. Horses, Sadles, pistolls
whipps, perriwigg's, Gloves /Dogg's\ Watches, /Hatts\ Canes
Cravatt's, & all manner of thing's. It is
Strang to see how sprightly an Entertein=
mt it is to be 6. hours working a Swopp,
over drink. This I doe not blame as an
Indecent humor, provided it were true
frolick, & arose by accident from heat of
Drink, or rather /want of prsent\ witt, Enough to main=
taine discours and cheerfullness. But
there shall be long winded /sober\ platt's to draw
one & other in to Swopp's, meeting's ap=
pointed, & assistant drinker's lay'd in,
and a world of prmeditated lying. This
make's a folly too Serious, as well as /de=\
generous for gentlemen to draw into
comon practice, and dull sobriety better
becomes then such a sort of base Witt
as oracles In these paultry designes
63v66
of Selling
There is another fault Comon in one sort
of trade, wch deserves a Satir with a whip
rather, then a calme admonition, & that
is, land.67 there is so litle Conscience in yt
trade, that gentlemen no sooner deter=
mine to sell an Estate, but they goe to fals
letting, bribing men's agent's that treat
and all ye fals wickedness Imaginable
to rais & keep up ye yearly profit by wch
ye Measure of value is comonly taken.
If men did not judg by vulgar Customes
& opinion's, but truth & ye nature of things
wch No arbitrary power on Earth Can alter,
they would conclude that, a prmeditated
fals value put upon an Estate, as usu=
ally is done, In order to Sell, is a wors
cheat, and more Scandalous baseness
then any newgate practise whatsoever.
As If a man with such disigne make's a
leas, & say's; boy (as ye language is) you
shall give me 40£ a year, but I will
forgive you ye 2. first years, (of 7) or it
may be, I will throw back 10, ten pound
a year, when you pay. This is So Nasty
a pudle, and such prtended honbl person's
Concerned in it, that I forbear Raking
more
66In
the top LHS margin:
'Earthquake
whirlewinds.
[sports.?]
Self deny[al?]
of Honr.'
The problem was not only the doubtful practices described here, but also that there
was no register of land ownership. The right to sell, and the conditions under which
land was held, were often impossible to establish and the cause of endless litigation.
All three North brothers had been involved in the unsuccessful lobbying of parliament
for the adoption of a land register during the 1680s. This was a difficult economic
and social project, never properly completed (if properly completed) until the
twentieth century. RN published an account of a debate on the topic in an anonymous
tract, Arguments & Materials for a Register of Estates, London, 1698.
67
64r
of Selling
5
More in it, but dismiss the matter & them
with this old observation, wch is Neither war=
rant Nor Excuse; Necessitas Cogit ad turpia.68
68
i.e., 'poverty, or need, makes the thief'.
64v
prface to a philosfick
essay.
Humane understanding is much vilifyed by the
slowness of its process, as well as by ye difficulty of
distinguishing In argument's of probability. the Ma=
thematick sciences, are counted the tryumph of it.
but to me those seem to have more of ye Mechanick
then Judiciall faculty. ffor it is Not ye Judgm't but
ye scales tell's, yt weight's are Equall, more or less.
And Mathematick's are but Memoriall Counter's, or
a way of setting up (as wee say at Cards) or Com=
paring in ye mind Number's, of homogene Quan=
tity's. And becaus wee cannot forme a Steddy Idea
of unusuall numbers, as 100ds, 1000ds. &c. wch Seldome
or Never are prsented to us in a figure alwais ye
Same, as :.:, :::, :.:: & the like upon Cards, So as
with one Intuit or Reflection of Mind, wee take ye
Idea of a number, and of its operation's with others.69
In addition, subduction, devision &c. wch contrive to
give Names, or mark's consisting of plaine & me=
morable parts. whither. i, i0, 100. i000. &c
or a. aa. aaa. aaaa. or. 1. x 10 x 10 x 10.
or otherwise as wee see occasion. And according
to ye Strength of one man's memory, Joyned with his
application & practise of Such methods, is Stronger then
another's, so his performances are wonderfull, and
admired.
69
see f. 11v and 30r, above.
65r
6
Admired. as any thing rare, difficult, or dispropor=
tioned is admired. wee reptiles admire ye Solar Systeme
So vasly greater then our feilds & houses, and poring
in microscopes admire also, ye minute thing's wee find there,
out of no principle, but defect of humane Nature,
(If I may So terme it) wch knowing litle, is amased at
discovery's of things not Every day's observation. No Won=
der then that a child, who has learn't to tell ten,
admires one yt can tell to 100,000. and a Comon
arethmetititan /or geometer\ admires an algebraiist, all wch differ
not in thing, or faculty, but in More or less of the
Exercise of it. And If wee could Suppose all ye World
to be bent upon, and Intend or Encourage onely one
thing, as Algebra for Example, men by sedulous plod=
ding, would probably In process of time Make Such
farther discovery's of property & analogy's In Num=
ber's, or proportion's of Quantity, aS a modern al=
gebraist should as Much admire, as wee yt are but
dablers, admire them. So that wee look upon these
art's to partake of Mechanisme, Such as an Artist useth,
from Experience of ye Effect of his tool's. & his Materiall,
whereby he can tell, almost In his mind, before he
toucheth ye Work, wch process, with what hazzards, &
conduct, he is to bring it to Effect, and Shall Work al=
most blindfold, better then a Novice with all his Ey's
& care. One yt knows 2 + 2 = 4.70 is Not Reputed
a Sage, but If it be produ'ct to a Sursolid Equation
he is then a prodigy.
Throughout the MSS RN uses the mathematical notation recommended in the prefatory
materials to Lectiones opticae et geometricae, London, 1669, lectures given at
Cambridge by Isaac Barrow, 1630-77. Barrow retired from the Lucasian Professorship of
Mathematics in that year, handing the chair over to Isaac Newton. In 1672 he became
Master of Trinity, in which post, at his death, he was succeeded by RN's brother, Dr
John North.
70
65v
prface.
But that science wch ye ancients Called phisicks, &
wee Naturall philosofy, is of a Nature Quite different
and ye attainem't of truth, of a Nobler Caracter
then ye other. This discover's, ffrom fallible Sensations
the other from Infallible (supposed) Quantity, and
that wch the latter bring's, is but some scattered
peices wch put together make a square or a cube, /knowne forme\
onely done by ye Memory & Marks. as for Example
1.
1.
32.
322.
<diagram>
A.c. + 3AEE - 3AEA /+E.c:\ = ye Cube of A.+ E.
Is ye same thing, whither done In wood by a Joyner
or In Memory or by Marks, by An algebraist. but the
knowledg of ye law's of motion /& consequently of\ Mechanicall powers,
the Nothing-ness of Colours, the Nature of Mettalls
salts, Sulfur, &c the magnitude of ye world; and ye Nature
& cours of ye planetts. &c. & Many other subject's wch
carry not a demonstration, but probability almost
Indubitable, are R and raised up by humane thought
& Experience, mal-gree all the Error's & Illusion's
they are lyable too, is certeinly the greatest Effort
of humane power, and Cannot be brought out of
ye dust of prjudice, without being tested thro Many
ages of ye world.
66r
prface
7
And yet this science of Natural philosophy is Now
under disgrace, & contempt, and Nothing applauded but
Mathematick's, & of that, the least Encumbred with Im=
pedimts, algebra. ye Causes of wch Consider.
Mathematicks are are certein, but Not phisick's; ye former
are demonstrated beyond cavil, ye latter cannot be So.
This I grant & therefore have due value for ye Ma=
thematick Sciences as Most usefull in ye World, who deal
with measure & weight's. but after all If wee should
Suppose a man to be a perfect mathematitian, &
to know nothing Els, he would be a great ignoramus.
ffor thing's, and measure, are two. A man May know
ye proportion between feet & Inches, & yet break his
neck downe Stairs, If he be not acquainted with them.
phisick's cannot be demonstrated beyond this, It May
not happen so. ffor Event's will Not fall under pr=
vious demonstration. Repeted Experim'ts make proba=
ble, but doe Not prove. the Sun May Not rise to
Morrow. and body falling May Not accellerate as
other's have done. but this way of proof by Reitera=
ted Experiment, is Not that wch Mathematicks Call
demonstration, becaus it is a different Subject, and
is Not capable to be, So treated; but it hath an high
or Soveraine probability, yt onely a captious disIngenu=
ous Sceptick will doubdt. And Is it Not a Nobler
work of ye Mind to gather Experiment's, that ffew
[regard?], or if they doe apply, and So to disprove Comon
Errors, & Erect Such truth's, as are New to our Minds?
66v
prface.
But yet Say they, this that is certein, is a
braver science, then ye Incertein, this wee can
Rely on, and ye other wee Cannot; I deny that
certeinty, is ye Measure of. good. I grant it is good
to be sure, but to be sure of a trifle, is but a
sorry reach of humane Industry. So farr as Mathe=
matick's open's usefull knowledg, it is glorious,
but so long as it doth but hunt out & Investigate
Inequality's, Majority's, Minority's, without farther
Effect, it is but a trifle. the 47th. I. E. ye famous pro=
position, of 3. 4. 5. vist. 5.q. = 3q. + 4q. or 9. + 16. = 25.71 is a glorious truth. ffor Carpenter's
& Gardener's use it in ye Setting out Squares. So
D. Cartes doctrine of Curves, is a Noble sciene for
it leads to ye making Glasses for discovery of things
hidd. but what Signifie's Dr. Wallis Calculate of
ye Center of Gravity? & much other Such Stuff?72 But
All discovered by phisick's is good & usefull. Even
to know that Insect's Eye, are /so\ Numerous; that they
need not have organ's to turne them, for their visuall
Space hath an Eye directed to /almost\ Every point of it.
But this is of ye lowest order, the Generall Effect's yt
governe all thing's, as Gravity, motion, & ye like that
are not off one but all thing's, are Equall in value,
If not, as I Incline, Superior to any discovery in
Mathematick's.
The 47th problem in Eucid, or the Pythagorean Theorem (i.e, that the square on the
hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle is equal to the sum of the squares on the other
two sides)
71
John Wallis (1616-1703), holder of the Savilian Chair in Geometry at Oxford from
1649 to his death; RN refers to the Mechanica: sive, De motu, tractatus geometricus,
etc. published in three parts, 1669-70.
72
67r
prface.
8
Why then are phisick's, So meanly thought off? and
men are almost ashamed to appear in print concer=
ning any Such matter. but ye Lectors in demonstration
are Every day triumphant? Mr. Newton,73 then Whome
ye Nation, hath Not a finer Soul, can be glorious in
his Mathematick discovery's, but is ashamed of his
phisicks. why all this?
for Many reason's.
1. Arrogance, phisicks are made up of Conjecture
Some Stronger Some weaker; and men cannot bear
to be Exposed, when any fancy they Superinduce
Conjectures more probable, and Where is Such a [latude?],
2. Envy & Spight, Stirrs up men to Cross contemne,
& villifie Each other; and to advance New opinions
onely ffor Sect & Not for truth, of wch Aristotle is ye
capitall Instance.
3. The fatall decadence of Many Great men's
undertakings, & hypotheses. and the aptness to be
over fond. & to Mistake. Nay where ye Greatest Im=
provem'ts hath bin, there hath bin as great failing's. and
If a man be So happy to add Some truth's, he Shall
be So pleased, to I with his hypothesis, as to Impos it
in all thing's. and other's Shall be so Malitious
to twitch an author by his failings, & Not doe any
right to him on account of his discoverys. of this ye
Noble D. Cartes is an Example, who having Restored
If not Invented ye true Methods of philosofising
Isaac Newton (1642-1727) who was, amongst many other things, the Lucasian Professor
of Mathematics at Cambridge, and the author of the Principia Mathematica.
73
67v
And lay'd open Nature, ffor all men to Inspect
& Examine, is twitch't by Every paltry writer. as
pardies, becaus he hitt not ye Make Mark Exactly
in his law's of motion. but did Not he discover
that motion had law? then Monsr. hugens74 in
his late posthumus peice. ffor making his vortexes
Conterminous, wch he would have dispers't & apart.
but did Not D. Cartes Invent ye vortexes, wch will
prvaile, & be deemed ye vehicles of ye plannet's wt=
Ever Mr Newton prtends to demonstrate to ye Contrary.
Hath Not D. Cartes found out ye Great secret of Gra=
vity, Wch is too Noble a discovery it Seem's to be allowd
him; but None prtends to Reforme it.
I Shall Not prosecute this Matter farther, but Come
to ye acco of ye following paper's, and ye occasion. I
find sciences, in these latter printing ages, dwell with
ye learned untill they are so purged & Refined, to bear
a publick test, & then some kind Author hand them
downe to ye Comon people; from wch time wee may
date ye Establishm't of them; and If Not then
perfect In all circumstances, in ye Main at least
they are so, and it is a kindness to ye publick
as well as in those who deliver them Intelligibly to
ye people, as that offer Emendation's upon them, where=
by the grow Continually up /towards\ greater perfection, and of this
nature is ye prsent Essay.
Ignace-Gaston Pardies (1636-76), a Jesuit scholar and author of La Statique ou la
science des forces mouvantes, Paris, 1673; Christiaan Huyghens (1629-95), Dutch
mathematician, astronomer and natural philosopher. With Newton and Gottleib Leibnitz
(1646-1716), Huyghens was one of the late-century triumvirate of great European
scientists. The debate over the merits of the vortex, as proposed by Descartes,
against the vacuum and gravitational attraction, as proposed by Newton, dominate RN's
writings on natural philosophy.
74
68r
prface.
9
The Motion of ye Earth, was managed by philo=
Soficall men & astronomers a long time. untill
Dr. Wilkins world in ye Moon, & ye french author
du pluralite du Monds, have prsented ye people
with a full Cognizance of ye Matter. and More
Exquisitely Monsr Huygen's, in ye sd posthumous peice.75
The principles of Natural philosofy, have bin
Much agitated among learned men, and at last /they have\
have taken up with Experimt, as ye onely Criterium
of Invention; but are so well weary, or ye Subject
so high driven that it is almost at rest. and then
it is high time to Give it to ye world in English
& plain language; ye french have done it some
time Since, as Malbrance, but so awd with holy
church, as it want's ye freedome Such a designe Should
have.76 and besides he swell's into Such Speculation
as looseth the certeinty's. I Intend a plan of ye
Same Sort, but Mor Restreined to phisicall pro=
babilitys, how wel it succeds is a matter of
my wish & care, but Not of my solicitude or
[ffaer?], for I wear a vail, and wtever My Modesty
is, I will not be Seen to blush.77
John Wilkins (1614-72), held posts at both Oxford and Cambridge. At Oxford he
brought together and led the grouping that would become the Royal Society, of which he
was a founding member. Despite his closeness to Cromwell (he married Cromwell's
younger sister) he survived the Restoration, losing his post at Cambridge but
eventually becoming Bishop of Chester. RN refers to The Discovery of a World in the
Moone, London, 1638. Bernard le Bouvier du Fontenelle (1657-1757), Entretiens sur la
pluralité des mondes (Conversations on the pluraity of worlds), Paris, 1686;
Fontenelle was an enthusastic supporter of Descartes well into the eighteenth century.
Christiaan Huyghens, Cosmotheoros …, The Hague, 1698, it was published posthumously,
although completed by Huyghens before his death. It was translated into English (from
Latin) immediately - even before the Dutch translation.
75
Nicolas Malebranche (1628-1715). Malebranche, thanks to powerful enemies, found
himself the unlikely object of prohibition by the Roman Catholic Church. Like
Fontenelle, he was a Cartesian.
76
RN never published under his own name, presenting his works as 'A Person of Honour'.
The entire outline and content of RN's project is coming to light at last in these
pdfs.
77
68v
of ye Generall Conduct of
weomen
That weomen have bin, & often, learned
wise, & good accountant's as well as Economists.
is past doubdt; at least with me, who am Ma=
ternally discended of Such a one. but I guess they
are More frequent in Some forrein parts. particu=
larly /in\ Holland, then in England, Not from Capaci=
ty, but Necessity, Education or opportunity, wch being
less in England, is ye Caus of yt rarity here.
I would Examine these two Matter's; first the ca=
pacity, & 2. ye Education of weomen in England,
& particularly about london.
1. As to Capacity, however wee must Grant, that
they have somewhat more tender, or ffond then
men, and are also More lyable to passion; Such
as ffear, love, hatred & pride /emulation\, then men are. As wee
see in other species, (barr Comparison's) of Brutes,
ye female hath /more\ of passive tenderness then ye Male,
wch is boisterous, & Quarrelsome, and for that reason
they are taken Into Some uses, for wch ye Males
unless, Effeminated by Castration, are unffitt. And
If any will have /it Granted that\ this tenderness of constitution
to Extends it Self to ye mind and judgm't, I must
yeild their Capacity Inferiour to Men. But this
is Not Concluded by me. ffor passion asleep is No
Excise upon ye Judgmt, therefore Not to be accounted
in diminution of any person's Rationall faculty.
69r
of Wemen
10
Diver's men are passionate to frenzy, and as Impotent
of Reason as a madd dogg; This is onely while it is
Exasperated & Raging; and being once layd asleep
againe, that person hath as Compleat power of
Reason as ye best; and doth No less, censure his owne
passion, then he would ye Same in another; But It is
to be observed, that Such person's have Not onely an
Intire, but an acute Judgm't, & are often Extraor=
dinarily learned, & witty, as I might prove by Emi=
nent Instances, If Naming were Not Invidious. this
proves yt passion may for a time oppress Reason, as
noises, & tumult, disorder Contemplation or thin=
king; but it is Not So Connected as to taint it
Radically, but when removed, reason Emergeth in
full strength againe. So Much ffor passion.
As to bodily Strength, wee May allow that weomen
generally have Not so Much, nor are so persevering
as Men; yet Not so Much Inferior as Seem's. ffor in
places where weomen do ye labour of building &
husbandry, It is ffound that they performe litle less
then Men; perhap's, If they were to be wrought
downe, ye weomen would drop first. This In a tryall
of active strength; but ffor passive bearing of hunger
watching, & pain, they Exceed ye Men. as wee see by
ch'oure-weomen & Nurses, who Sometimes Endure
continuance of fatigue in their way, Extraordinarily
And for this reason, I am of opinion that their Want
69v
of Weomen.
want of bodyly strength is Not such as to be
Carryed on to affect ye rationall faculty, but that
may be as Strong & perfect as in men. And that
If there be any failing, it is Not to be ascribed
in any particular Instance of comparison, as
that this woman, /hath or\ hath Not the witt of that Man /ffor Either may out strip ye
other\.
But if agen, 100 of Each sex are taken, there May /possibly to \
/as breeding is or should be, may\ be fewer prime witt's /of wemen\ then among ye men.
And I
Make No doubdt, but /yet a\ ffew Graines in Education
would /might also\ turne ye Scales on their Side. And If men were
bred as weomen are, & they as men, ye latter /probably\ would
be deemed ye weaker vessell. And where ye others, as
ye way of ye world allow's take to buissness, & thinck=
ing, there is No reason to ascribe any defect from Con=
stitution becaus they /often\ performe as strenuously as might
be Expected from Men in Such circumstance's.
But what are Men in an Effeminate age? that
is, an age, when ye breeding is like that of weomen,
nice, tender & fearfull? wee doe Not see that the
Strength /of their Nature\ bears their reason thro this mist, but they are
as Insignificant /not onely as weomen but\ as children onely /&\ by ye style of Man=
hood /onely\ Enabled to doe a litle more Mischief. but the
lady's in all Effort's of witt & conduct, under that
cours of Education, have in ye End, much ye /under litle or No dis-\advantage
whither wee are /in this\ Indulgent to them, or not, I will
Not determine; but I thinck /In Equall breeding\ ye appearance run's /rather\ on
their side, perhaps [....?]
70r
of Weomen,
11
In fine wee must Resort to ye Manner of Edu=
cation, & Convers, ffor a /re\solution of the Weaker
Conduct of weomen, In Buissness. As to Oeconomy
they are really better then ye Men, when they are
Either bredd in it, or have by Inclination or
want fallen to Intend it. How doe farmer's &
trades depend on their wifes. the /womans\ Economy at home
is Not More less considerable to their thriving then
the man's Industry abroad? This is a full Instance
to prove their Capacity. But as to the better
Quality, they are Such whom their parents de=
sire Should appear fine, & delicate, In order to
their advantage in Matching. ffor it is ye person
of a woman, Joyned with her fortune that pr=
ferr's her; and ye former Sometimes alone, or with
small Share of ye other. The Consequence of this is,
they must practise & learne, Exercises of delicacy
more then of buissness. such as working with ye Needle
In order to be well dres't & set out; Musick &
dancing, ffor ye Same End, to appear taking. &
as for wrighting & Spelling, a litle serves turne.
but books, learning, & buissness. are loss of time,
as Not thought Subservient to ye main End. Mar=
riage. ffor that with weomen, is like prefermt
with
70v
of Weomen.
With parson's; when that is Got, ye Care is taken, &
ye End of all their Study & Exercise acquired. If a
woman Could foresee her Setlemt by marriage She
Might without doubdt be bredd So as to be an ac=
complish't wife in ye State. be it Either citty, Country,
with or without buissness. but ye breeding is to get
Married, & then consider of Consequences. But cer=
teinly those who Either by parents Care and
Encouragem't, or their owne Ingenuity, take to
knowledg and pratiq In order to buissness, are Much
Recomended, and meet with unexpected advan=
tages In marriage; for tho generally ye Marriage
hunting gentlemen, seek to pleas their fancy's
onely, yet Some have more depth, or parent's at
least who May put 'em upon Such choice, as Is In=
comparably ye best, when drawne by a caracter
of knowledg & prattiq. And If I were to advise a yong
lady of Small fortune, how She Should Imploy her
time In order to her prfermt, It should by, by studdy
of arts, history, & account's. And where she may,
to actually Imploy her Self, in what is the proper
buissness of a wise & good lady.
Then as to Conversation, this way of breeding
taint's it with Envy & Emulation. ffor when all
weomen are taught to Invite addresses to them=
Selves, they must needs thinck of Excelling their
Com-
71r
of Weomen
12
Competitors. that is in being More fine In cloath's
fairer in face, wittyer in discours. And Consequently
ye very minds of them are poysoned with these
partiallity's to themselves, Into vise, & Malice. ffor
they hate to be outdone, and pine Not to Come up
with their acquaintance. One May, taking a view
of this towne, where feminine Conduct is Most
Conspicuous, /observe\ that ye Whole Imploy of ye Sex, is a
kind of trade in Emulation. they see Nothing wch
another hath, but /they\ have a mind to ye Same, If Not
a better of like kind. All ye Setting out of Room's
Closset's &c, have this secret behind ye Cabinett's
& Corner Shelves, I am /here\ to outdoe some body. And
one would thinck they Strove for a power, wch
ye Scoolmen will Not allow ye diety, to Reconcile
Contradiction's. ffor they hate to be singular,
that is not to doe, or appear like other's; or
to Speak plaine; Inferior's /hate not to be\ like Superior's, lady's
of ye Comon Rank, like Dutchesses or Countesses.
This is understood by ye terme of art, fashion,
and ye oratrixes of ye Excha, alwais pramble their
goods, by ye choice and approvall of some known
Bell's of /high\ Quality. And yet, /after all this, true as it is they hate\ to have
or doe, like
Every one, /& is that\ is as Nauseous /as ye other desirable, wherefore\ they Cannot
abide wt
Every body hath. So to be in fashion and out of
fashion at /one &\ ye Same time is what they seek, and
is an art
71v
of Weomen.
Art prettyly Exprest by a learned Mercer, who
at Every display used to parrott out, Madame
pretty & odd, & Not Comon; And this I once againe
Explaine, to be onely a desire to be Equall with
superior's, & superior to Equall's, but by No mean's
to keep pace with Inferior's; Then how is it possible
ffor person's who have Such Stuff as this to ffill their
Braines, Should ffind room for just Estimate of things or
To judg rightly of themselves /and their condition\; wch points are very
Necessary to all prudent conduct? Now I do Not
alledg that Men are free from this of Emulation
& pride, /wch is\ so apt to blind ye understanding, but by
it is as Naturall to them as to Weomen, & Grow's
up together with their person's, from Infancy tow=
ards man hood. And the difference Spring's from hence
/men Emulate onely their Equals in prtences, weomen have all one trade, & Emulate
universally\ It is Nurs't & cultivated in ye weomen, but battered
& Rebuk't in ye Men; & therefore /in growing up\ it Increaseth in
the former, while it wast's in ye other's. The aim
of ye lady's is to draw Regards from Each other to
themselves, by adornm't & Grace of their person's. but
the men are to Recomend them selves to Imploym't
in ye world, wch is to be done by appearing, Not a
gay butterfly, but an Industrious Bee, & this In the
opinion of ye Graver Sort, In Whose Hands Imploy=
ment's generally are to dispose. But when it
Happen's that, men take to ye lady's policy, that is
72r
of Weomen.
13
Winning by dint of person, & decline that wch Men
becomes them, they are /most\ Consummate fopps, & Infinitely
Inferior to ye vainest of weomen. Wee Indulge in them,
what Should be whipt in ye other's; Nor is it a foppery
yt hath Substance Enough to bear ye Stage, If ye poet's
did Not Set it off by Extravagances, beyond all Ex=
ample, and joyne a redicolous understanding with
it to set it off. ffor who is diverted with a dull
figure drest, but Speak's Not, unless it be, maam
has yr laps78 Seen ye last New play? And Instead of
admiring ye Caracter, ye audience shall hiss ye poet.
That this Education of ye lady's, Make's Such an
Impression upon their minds, as to become habituall
In Emulation, will Not be thought a paradox. ffor
pass thro all ye Severall clann's in this towne, Even
those whome wee value and Esteem, who have Witt,
& discretion, and whom ye more foolish, ape
& Imitate, as wee may meet with them in
with drawing room's, upon visiting day's, have
all along this Infirmity of Emulating Each other
in personall decoration. you Shall hear discour's
about ye Matches, play's, tryall's, & what Not
Stirring affaires of ye towne, but observe ye Eyes
& they are all buisy in taking ye [altitudes?] of
pettycotes mantoes, Heads, & laces. but goe With
them to china houses, & Shopps, and there all
ye faculty's of ye Soul are Exerted, and Intent
upon
78
Underlined in the MSS; an abbreviation of 'ladyship'.
72v
of Weomen
The Calculate of more or less In prettyness, this
is pretty, that more pretty, but another pretty
beyond all. But it is hard to Meet with this Subject
of prettyness in all ye author's of phisick's & meta=
physicks; or by what rule or Compass to take ye
Gage & demension of it, but they doe it Miracu=
lously, as one would thinck; but ye truth at bot=
tom is, this will appear better then what another
lady had, Ergo it is prittyer, and So ye Comparison
is Not of ye things themselves; but as they are Con=
nect with person's; or at least, as they Imagin their
owne person's May be Sett off, Comparatively, by
them.
Now I doe begin to hear a Murmure, as If this
were a satir upon ye lady's, and that a world of
them become great Manager's & devoid of this
Empty Emulation, but are Even ye Stay of their fa=
mily's, wch ye Men would lett ffall to ruin, did Not
ye lady's prserve them, by their prudence & applycation.
I Say first, I doe Not Satirise ye lady's, but their
Education. I assigne them No place in Capacity In=
ferior to men; And If they are depraved by the
politiq peculiar to their sex, & So habituated to /Court\
Empty & vain Shaddow's of good; they are to be
pittyed, rather then blamed. And If wee can Shew
them
73r
of Weomen
14
their mistake, & wherein their time & substantiall
pleasure & Interest consists wee doe them No disservice
And farther, I know very well, that this vanity
of Dress is Most Inflamed in youth, wch with Weomen
is not past before Marriage; and that afterwards
It abates, & grow's more faint and weak, & with
many lay'd aside as Intirely, as with ye philoso=
fers them selves. Nay I have knowne severall lady's
who have arrived at such a justness of thought
as to Contemne ye very fancy, of having Esteem
by cloath's, & dressing. and have done No More
towards it then is Needfull, with Respect to clean=
ness, (wherein they have bin More curious then ye
dresser's themselves) and to ye Comon censure of
ye world who will Not allow too Much singularity
without a brand of Moroseness. And that wch they
have done, hath bin attended with Such Indifference
on ye one side, & Raillery on ye other, as shath Shewn
the delicacy of their minds, & condiscention to
Custome.
If it were possible, that an Education of lady's
could be Instituted, Not With Retiredment from ye
world as Nunnery prtend (but In truth foster
all ye vanity's of ye Sex, in other ways)79 but ffull
of pratiq & buissness, as well as promiscuous Conver=
sation
Mary Astell (1666-1731) was almost certainly a personal acquaintance of RN's, they
likely knew each other through Archbishop William Sancroft (1617-93) whom RN had
served as legal advisor, and who was a keen supporter of Astell's writing career. A
Serious Proposal to the Ladies, for the Advancement of Their True and Greatest
Interest, London, 1694, and A Serious Proposal, Part II, London, 1697, both propose
education for women, but along quite 'separatist' lines, and in a much less worldly
context that that advanced here by RN. For Astell, a woman uneducated was unable to
come to know God and achieve justification (anticipating one of Mary Woolstonecraft's
arguments, although that was more in the context of enlightened reason, produced a
century later). As we read below, RN does not wish to condemn women to a merely pious
education. RN was the guardian of Dudleya North, the daughter of his eldest brother
Charles, Lord North and Grey, she was a remarkably accomplished intellectual who, had
she lived, would no doubt have starred in histories of the English Enlightenment. She
was, however, perhaps not so versed in the 'pratiq' arts here recommended to balance
both effemiate emulation and scholarly study, see f. 131v, below.
79
73v
of Weomen.
Sation with Equalls, as well and also with Supe=
riors & Inferior's occasionally, & so Much depen=
ded on their conduct, as well with Regard to their
owne, as friends Interest's, to whome they are ac=
countable; or If they were addicted to Study of
History, Morality, & philosofy, with ye languages
apperteining to it, & all Joyned with a Conver=
tion proper to it; In Such a way, as Men of buis=
ness & Scollars are; I may venture to say that
the male Sex, would have No great Caus to be
proud of their Capacity's, as Much superior to them.
But they would ffind themselves Matched, In ano=
ther way, then Weomen ordinarily Expect, that is
In Judgm't & learning, & dispatch of Buissness.
one thing I Shall add as to books;80 they, I mean ladys
are Not taught to Esteem any, but what is triviall
as to Improving ye Mind, such as poetry & Romances.
If Instead of those, they Read ye classick book, tho
In translated languages, It would give them a great
advantage in Knowledg. Then as to Religion, they
are overcharged with ye devotionary books, of our
clergy; Wch, Its true, are very well adapted to Weak
Minds; but avert them from all that's knowledg
Into a sort of superstition. and withall rais
their
This section appears to be an afterthought, although clearly dating from the same
period as the preceding part of the essay.
80
74r
of Weomen.
15
Their passion's under ye Notion of devotion, & comes
very short of making many distracted. All this
were well If they Intermixed Reading of true know=
ledg, to give ye Judgm't a ballast, were Joyned with
them. ffor all that's directed to Stir up passion in
ye Mind (wch in ye way of devotion & Religion is
Most Necessary & usefull, Such as Admiration;
veneration, fervent desire, ardor In Resolving, & ye
like) is opposed to Some foible of humane
Nature, wch being devious ye wrong, to become
Strait, Must be overbent ye right way. But
If that be Not ye Case, as it is Not with all persons
as ye books Suppose, wch such, it tends to Maddness,
unless, ballasted with a due understanding, wch
is to be had from books of ordinary Condition, to
wch I would Not have ye weomen Strangers. But
really it is wonderfull that the lady's Should be
so Extreamly addicted to book's of passionate &
Serafick devotion, as they are, & those so opposed
to ye vanity's universally possessing their Sex,
as ye authors can possibly Invent & contrive, &
yet be So litle answered by amendm't. If I may So
call it. The inference, wch concludes this Essay, is
that Education & Inclination, are too hardly
Strong for all humane means, to Remove.
<flourish/underline>
74v
of ye English Militia
1. The faults are.
1. Men sent in by ye owner's of Estates
and poor labourers (usually) yt have
family's, & Goe for cheapness, & Not of
good Courage, but most apt to thinck
more of Returning to their family's then
of going on upon danger.
2. Want of Exercise, ffor men undisci=
plined stand Not ag't disciplined, tho
much Inferior. and ye Musters are
not Such Nor so frequent, to Mend the
discipline.
3. If men are disciplined, there is No
hold of them but New men, may be sent
in Each Muster.
2. The mean's of taking away these Inconveni=
ences. ffor ye Militia want's Not Number's for
any occasion, Nor Master's to pay them, Nor
armes or ammunition to fight with; so that if
the Imbecility or fault's of ye constitution
be Removed it is without doubdt Sufficient for
ye defence of ye Nation. Wherefore men propose.
1. That the person's listed In one Muster
Shall be held to Service, as Soldiers ordina=
rily listed, till licenced away by ye. Captaine.
75r
of ye Militia
16
2. None Shall be listed but Such as the offi=
cer approves.
3. That stated times, & Sufficient be allowd for
Exercises.
4. That parishes (as formerly about Bow's
& butt's) maintaine armes and ammunition
ffor youth to Exercise at leisure with.
3. These Improvemts are Specious, but Such is ye temper
of ye English Nation, they will Not Serve, as ye Sequell May
make appear; wherefore to apply ansr to Each article
1. Holding men listed, is good for a Campain
or prsent service, but Not for a dormant
Militia, ffor all thing's wch Make Men un=
fitt will in process of time, & Sometimes Soon
happen to ye Inrolled men. as Marriage
children, sickness, debauchery, &c. So that
one week a man may be fitt, & the Next
otherwise.
2. Approbation, without manifest Caus, but
upon ye arbitrary liking of an officer,
is a Slavery to ye Estates yt send them, for
If ye officer have a pique, he dislikes ye
man. & ye Estate Can but say, he can
procure No better, & perhaps, himself
is worst off all.
3. Times for Exercise. It is ye humour of ye
English to be warme & zealous by fitts. &
perhaps at first upon Such a Constitution
as
75v
of ye Militia
[marg]81 as this /while danger is Remote\ Much would be done. but in a short
time, like all other English Institutions, it
would grow into desuetude, & perfunctory
if Not Rediculous practise. but very likely
much /wors.\ in Assembly, as Muster's Now are,
more ffor spunging ye Country, & fudling
among ye Soldiers & officer's. then any good
Exercise. It is Not reasonable to expect
any Continuance of Exercises profitable
by /for\ warr, but In warr it Self. And soldiers
will Not be kept Militaryly practised
without a standing Militia. & Even a
formed army, wee So much fear & hate,
would in peace, Soon corrupt into Wors
then fresh men. lazynes debauchery and
oppression, would be ye weeds of such a dung=
hill, & at length if Service comes. the Men
will be less fitt, then Novices; I Speak this
as Not of so sudden chang, but In long
Continuance of peace. And Much More
would ye militia flagg.
4. As to parishes finding armes, & powder,
I Grant, this honestly & cordially done
would much mend ye youth, but /this\ as all
thing's of publik Institutions /would\ Corrupt, this Would,
& ye Country would rather /choos to\ Save their Mony,
/rather\ then Spend powder, & ye armes would be
broken, & be (at best) /all\ Mended, patcht things
cheap at first, & good for Nothing at last.
In the LH margin, written sideways to the page:
'Heads
1. The prsent defects of ye Militia
2. The mean's of Supplying or Correcting them
1. The way's comonly discourst of.
2. their failing
4. the applycation of ye Cure
5. objections ansd.'
81
76r
Vol 16
(P)82
of the Militia.
4. The Remedy's or Mean's to Make an Establisht
Militia in England usefull.
1. Allow ye officer's to ffill their Company's
If they thinck ffitt, and If they ffind Not
men to their minds, then ye Estates to
find, as at prsent.
The use of this is, that if any occasi=
on be wch Requires actuall service. for
wch End onely a Militia is Setled. the
officer's May have men that offer them=
selves ffreely, and Come with a spirit,
not onely of Courage or Willingness to
fight, but zealous in the Caus /in wch\ they are /called\
to goe in. ffor Courage in generall, and
zeal to ye caus, is much More Effectuall
then, any Exercise of armes. And So Crom=
well found; /ffor\ Nothing but preaching zea=
lot's were a match ffor ye high Spirited
cavalier's. And Such men as these, Cannot
be Expected, from ye Country's sending Who
will choos ye cheapest labourers to send
out, Such as have more Regard to ye pay
then to ye Caus, &. thinck more of their
poor family at home, then Exposing
their /owne\ lives & to the hassard/-ing paine and\ of their Sorrow,
to all
In pencil LHS, top of page: 'Vol 16'; on RHS 'P' in a circle. This is clearly a
previous 'front page' of a bundle (like f. 1r, above). Although the essay is
apparently continuous it was at some time separated from the previous pages, or in a
different order in relation to them. The 'run' of previous pages began at f.60r with
'Of Selling', and was previously numbered (in pencil, by the curators) from 1 to 16
(i.e., for 32 sides). That numbering does not continue into the present section. The
page size is slightly smaller from here to f. 87v. On the other hand continuous
subject matter and identical pen/ink and handwriting, suggest continuity from the one
paper size to another (it is certain the present sheets have not been trimmed after
writing), so RN must have changed paper size during the writing of the present essay.
It is not apparently likely that this part of the essay is the remainder of a
different draft. Note damage to LHS of page.
82
76v83
of the Militia
And it is More then an Even wager tha[t?]
they /such as these\ will dispose one and other /rather\, to
Returne to their warme holes at home[,?]
/then to persevere in Service\ and this in ye Nicest times of using the[m?]
whereas If ye officer's choos, there will be
men yt are prompted by their zeal,
Courage, or Caprice, Even when it is
foreknowne that fighting (& Not pop=
gunning) is ye buissness, to offer their
Service. And Moreover, gentlemen that
are officers, will fill their Company's with
their owne Reteiner's & dependant's or
Such as have a Confidence in them, &
who would follow them /(heartily or willingly)\, but Not /any\ other
officer; as It is in /found upon\ New levy's, where tho /that however\
law's and discipline wh will hold men
/once\ raised but /together yet\ it Must be Interest & popu=
larity yt raiseth them. And Such men, when
taken from their officer's, & forc't to Serve
under other's in whom they have less Con=
fidence, If they doe Not run away, or prove
cowards, they are often So Malecontent that
It were as well, to be without them. thus
If ye officer appoint's his men /he will be more\
/carefull, & Sollicitous that they prove Effectual.\ If he can he will be More
answerable for them
then if the Country, sends them in. /otherwise,\ he
may /palliate or skreen his owne cowardise under them &\ Say, I cannot Make a
Silk purs of
a Sows Ear; oblidg [.....] for inwilling Men, to March,
83
Damage to RHS of page. <Red BM mark in LH margin>
77r
Of ye Militia
If I appointed them, & have power to disci=
pline offenders, I could better answer for
their performance. And it Is Not Inconsi=
derable, that officer's would be proud of their
Men, and Emulate Each other, In the
Gallantry, courage, discipline, & perfor=
mances of the men. And It would Encou=
rage Not onely ye Soldiers, but ye officers
also, & Make them Study warr, to be able
to sigl signalize themselves in ye Exer=
cise & conduct of their Company's.
Here riseth an objection; vist want of Ex=
ercise, when occasion is, ffor you must
Expect fresh men, & raw. Such as, ye old
Soldiers say, cannot stand agt Regular
& veterane body's. and None know's how
Suddaine ye Call May be.
I have Many thing's to say to this. 1.
No occasion very Important, can be very
sudden; I mean forrein Invasion, ffor that
is ye word wch crouds in in all these dis=
courses. they know litle of ye Sea & Shipping
that doe Not know what a prodigious
apparatus of shipp's, & Saylor's Must be
to Imbark an invading force. ye p. or.84
coming was 12000, or Neer, and 600ds
vessells to bring them besides ye Grand fleet,
of
84
i.e., 'Prince of Orange'.
77v
of ye Militia.
Holland. and Secret as it was, It was
knowne at least 6. week's afore. In
wch time an army Might be raised &
disciplined; wch is proved by ye like done
by K. cha. 2. of 30000 men, raised
hors & foot, & sent into flanders, in
3. weeks time, as good men as they
could Expect.85
If a Caus be popular, as an Invasion
and from ye french (wch they Say is feared
and is that agt, wch all prtence of arme's
is directed) it is Not to be doubdted but
multitudes of 1000ds of men, yong &
vigorous, gentle & Simple, & Indeed
who Not? would offer them selves to
service out of wch ye officer's Might choos
for their owne as well as ye Nations Sa=
fety, & consequently would doe it to
ye best of their skill.
It may be sayd in such a Case all Men
would be Earnest & follow; I grant More
then in a caus more Indifferent to them.
yet ye Same distinction of Men Remaines
youth & age, batchelours & Married Men,
stout or pusillanimous, of wch ye former
In Every Case are Most fitt and like to
act Most affectually. the rest if there be Not
a choice, doe but help ye Enimy
85
RN is resumably referring to the English Army sent to Flanders in August 1678.
78r
Of ye Militia
Then as to Exercise, this is Not to be Called
a loos body of Men, Such as a Rable
or tumult, wch a Small formed force will
dissipate however Numerous they are.
but they are Composed or formed forces.
a Number of Men that have officers
whom they owne to Comand and them=
selves to obey, are Not a rable or Mobile,
altho raised Suddenly, but advance
Move & Retire under Comand. And If Men
are So listed, with willing Minds, & proba=
bly zealous in ye Caus, I may venture to
say a week's being to gether will be
Exercise Enough for ye occasion; their very
Marching & Quartering will be Exercise.
And ffor ye Service, No danger will be So
great but such men will goe over, &
perhaps, with less Reluctance then old
soldiers. And such service is it Needfull upon
Invasion's; I mean, to Run & Charg ye
Enimy In his Confusion of landing (wch is
& will Ever be wonderfull great) and a
brisk attaq can Scarce fail to have
Effect. This is ye temper between ye two
Extremes argued by Sr Water Roleigh
first Men without order running upon
ye
78v
of ye Militia
& second Staying to get into order. &
letting them land. he determines ffor ye
latter. But If men in order can be
brought to charg them aft at first, wch
is that I argue for, it is Most assuredly
ye best, and Can Scarce fail.
It is thought if K. Jac. 2. had had No
Army, and raised one to have fought
ye Invaders; he neither would have Wan=
ted number's, Nor Spirits; and that army
he had, wanted No Exercise Nor discipline
or any other Encouragem't soldiers Could
have, but leaning upon it, /he\ found it
a broken reed; And that Ever will be ye
case of an old Stinking corrupted army.
If ye Cause be Not popular, but Indifferent
as york & lancaster, ye lord have Mercy
upon us! ffor discipline will act pro, as
well as con, and there is No security by
Militia, exercise, or any humane policy.
fiat Justitia, Et Sit Justitia clara; Nec
coelum Nec terra tenet.86 but Even in this
case, as wch Side soever ye officer is, he
can & will be more Considerable then
by listing his owne Men, then in leading
men yt signifie Nothing, /or\ Sent by owners
of Estates /(perhaps)\ of ye opposite party.
i.e., 'be it just, and clearly just, then neither heaven nor earth will resist'; I
cannot find a specific original for RN's wording here, but his phrase echoes a number
of classical and legal-latin sources.
86
79r
ye Militia.
[marg]87 Then ye Question Comes as, to officer's, who
Shall Choos them, or being Chosen who
shall be ye head & have power over them.
the Royallist's Say ye King, ye Republi=
can's ye people; Quis Custodiat ipsos Cus=
todes?.88 the best temper I can give is
Men of Estates Resident in ye Country.
And these generally will be loyall to ye
crowne, and Not fals to ye Interest of the
Country. So that whatever carracter's
may be feared or threaten; Qualifications,
may obviate.
But these officers, Country gentlemen
are Not soldiers, Nor understand Militia=
Exercises & discipline; If that be true, it
is ffitt to put them to Scool wch is best
done by charging them with Company's
and Regiments to Study & practise. If this
will Not doe, you must Stoop, & take
ye yoak of Mercenary cutthroat's on yr
Necks, & be Slaves Name & thing, and So
you may have officer's & soldiers well
blooded; Remember the hors & Stagg.89
I am Sure if any thing will make ye Gentry
study & practise armes, it is the laying on
them ye burthen, & charg of their owne Safety.
In the LH margin, written sideways to the page:
'And the very Question, iff ye Country gentlemen are fitt or not to be
officer's sufficient to Conduct forces for their owne defence when Regularly
Establish't & comissioned, Supposeth them in a state of slavery irre=
coverable; ffor if any thing Inference in humane politick be true
just this is; that who are /such minors in conduct as\ not able to defend their owne /
Estates\ must
become a slavish property of them that are their Gardians.'
87
i.e., 'who will guard the guardians', from Juvenal (Decimus Iunius Iuvenalis, c.
100AD), Satire VI, 347-8.
88
In Aesops' fable, the horse, who had a grievance against the stag, allowed the
hunter to bridle him in order to overcome the stag, and was himself overcome by the
hunter.
89
79v
of the Clergy of England.90
It hath often Come into My Mind, that the Clergy
as the word Imports, Elect, or select, should be a
Sort of men, more Enfranchised from the common
failing's of humane Nature then they pretend too
or Indeed really are. ffor In fact, however they Set=
up for Conscience, and Exaggerate agt ye least pec=
cadillo of sin, for any world Ends, and prtend to
be a body of Men, Consolidated as a frontier or
bulwark, as well as to Receiv as to fend off, all
general attaqs upon ye face /truth and Religion\ of mankind, and
particularly, law's, /&\ Governemts primarily Respecting
Religion, yet whenever a substantiall tryall
comes, they yeild & give way to ye Enimy bare
fac't, & deliver up this publik, conscience, & their
owne Glory, I was about to Say, (pardon, Me!) & Religion,
/And all this\ ffor Meer selfish & carnall Ends & Consideration's
Surely it was Not So in primitive times. Els ye
bead roll of Martirs had Never been heard off; Such
was /then\ ye Spirit of truth in Comon men, but More
Eminently in teachers (that /who\ were ye clergy, proper=
ly Speaking.) that they dyed rather then doe a
lawfull act, If derogatory to ye honr of christian pro=
fession. as to give their bible (their property) to ye
heathen powers, to be done with as they pleased.
During the reign of James II the Anglican Church was purged in favour of Catholic
sympathisers; following the Glorious Revolution the Church was re-purged, this time
excluding those who would not swear loyalty to William and Mary (i.e., the nonjurors). RN was closely involved with the cause of the excluded priests (and bishops)
under both regimes - see biographical section of website.
90
80r
of the Clergy.
would they (, Not ffor life or Safety) but ffor posi=
tive lucre or gaine, Such as ye Revenew's of an En=
dowed church, or for any Worldy pomp or falsness,
have given their owne preaching the ly? or Sayd
to the people, you have Not Now ye Same duty you
had, it is Changed. honnour they father & Mother,
is absoleted; wee could Not be so well here, if
that law Stood; but honnour the adulterer, ffor
he is In possession of ye hous & lands, & will keep de=
fend & feed us? or Call a transcendent Sin, Gods
work & Marvellous in or Eyes, tantum Religio!91
but perhapes I goe too farr. I Mean No More
then this, that when danger & persecution Comes
clergy, wtever they prtend, are No Stouter then
comon Men; and If Not Concerned with ye Enimy,
Shall upon prvailing, be ye Caus pura & puta
Religiosa,92 share in ye Spoyle, if it So fall out yt
he becomes ye Stronger. And the consideration's of
Religious & Just, wey no More with them then
with others; and when ye Sin of Multitudes Covers
ye Shame, they Show how litle Esteem they had
of truth, by postponing it to Secular Interest.
I say these discovery's too plainely made, have
often made me Wonder it Should be so, and that
in any profession or body of Comon Men, /in our day's\ they
there Should be as Many Stand out a tryall as of ye clergy.
i.e., 'only religion', invoking Lucretius: 'Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum',
i.e., 'Only religion could cause such evil', Lucretius (Titus Lucretius Carus, c.99-c.
55 BCE), De Rerum Natura (On the Nature of the Universe), Book I, 101.
91
92
i.e., 'purely Religious'.
80v
of ye Clergy.
My frequent Reflections have produced this Sen=
timent of ye caus of all this chang of ye primitive
fortitude so degenerously as we find it is.
Before churches & Revenues were Setled, None
went into ye church as clergy, but Such as were
promped by a zeal that way, and full prpara=
tion of Mind, to goe through all ye fatigue, poverty,
and Not Seldome, persecution & torture Even
to death, attending that profession. I say None,
from ye Generallity, Not Excluding hypocrites
wch were many then but Not as Now; ffor what
could they Expect to Reward hypocrisy, when to
be a christian, & Much More a leader or teacher,
was a mark of poverty, persecution, & affliction?
Then this caus was Not taken up but by the
Men Equall to ye Suffering's off it, who knew &
Resolved to goe thro all, & So to arrive at their
happyness in another world, having litle in this to
depend on.
But Now churches & Revenew's are Setled, Some
of luxuriant fullness & plenty, as well as honnours
Jurisdiction's, & dominion, Such as are temptation
by pride & vain Glory, as well as avarice, or wch
is less, desire of comon food & sustenance, Men
seek
81r
of the Clergy
Seek these advantages, Not ffor ye End, Religion
& being as well Examples, as teacher's off an holy,
temperate & austere life, but to Enjoy with full throat
& Swallow ye good thing's ye church hath. And this is
So Notorious, that Men put their Son's to ye clergy,
vist ye university's (In ordine ad,93 -) as to trades. the
father says to ye Son, Study or you will never
have a benefice, & if you are a good Scollar
you May be a bishop, & be Called My lord. and
Men Come Not in to ye Church as clergy, by any
choice or zeal of their owne (tho ye forme in ordi=
nation Remaines, (vist - have you a Motive Within
you &c?) but destined by their parents, who Can=
not find a readyer & cheaper way, to Make their
Son's Gentlemen then this is. Then what other Can
you Expect but that Men Should have the Same
& No better Regard to Religion & duty, in this ca=
racter then in any other? or rather is there Not
danger it Should be wors with them, for being
under a Sort of obligation to put on greater au=
sterity's, and Shew of piety & Rigor in duty, then
other men ordinarily doe, Such being Expected
from them, & is their high way to prferment,
they learne to hypocritise or act a part, wch
in
93
i.e., 'in order that'.
81v
of ye Clergy.
In process of time, may as a Gangreen, Corrupt
ye whole Syteme of Religion in them, & make ye
whole become hypocrite.
I must Confess, I had a great Reverence for ye
order till My Experience gave me this Insight
and Since that, I Renounce all Esteem for person's
on yt Nude caracter. but where I have found them
Great & Good, wealthy & Charitable, Grave & truly
pyous, as My Great Master of Canterbury94 was
my Esteem & Reverence /(In particular)\ ffor them, riseth to a pitch
above all I can afford to any Secular thing.
Their Goodness is above that of lay men, as their
caus, Religion, is above that of ye world, Gaines &
Comon Justice. but It is ye person, & Not ye order
Call's me to this; However In ye Service of Religion
wch holds us all, I Esteem myself oblidged to Cover
these failings, least other's, yt may ascribe More
to outsides and habits then I doe, may pass from
ye person to ye thing, and from Contemning ye
former, come to abandon ye other, & with their
Reverence for ye person's of clergymen, lay aside
their very faith, & Religion it self.
It were a great thought, & a greater work,
If human skill & power could prtend to Compas
it, ffirst knowing how, & then practising to a
Reforme
i.e., William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. See biographical section of the
website.
94
82r
of ye Clergy
Reforme of the clergy, So that None Should be
admitted to that Caracter, who were Not Moved
in Spirit & in truth to undertake it. I Esteem all
Interrogation & tryall vail vaine. ffor Men May
speak well, & thinck ill. learning May appear by
discours, but Not Integrity; the heart Is Not fathomable.
Therefore I see No way, but to Rescind all church
Revenew's /& secular power\ at once, & leav all ye clergy to Shift as
well as they may, and that Men Engaged, May if
they pleas to other Imploymt they like better, &
other's be Enterteined, yt have a Motive to it. and
Subsist by their owne mean's, or by ye Mean's that
may fall into ye Church by such way's as wee have
an account of in primitive times.
I doe Not say but this would make great altera=
tion's, and Induce many hard Cases, and is open to
Many objection's. yet Respecting humane Mean's,
I See no other. way of Reforming ye /state of ye\ Clergy.
As to objections. ffirst Men bredd to learning &
once in ye church setled, are turned off to povery
poverty, being unfitt for other Imployments, who
perhaps had Sought in time Some other trade or
Mean's of living.
Here by ye way, ye church is a trade taken up for
a livelyhood. but let ye State provide reasonably
for them, during life, & let them be free, if unfitt
for
82v
of ye Clergy.
for ye church, to dispose them Selves to other
Imploymt, as their Ingenuity, wch often is considera=
ble, Shall suggest to them. The caracter Indelebilis95
must be amoved; I see Not what Great reason there
is to hold Men to an office they are Not fitt ffor,
It seem's rather a prjudice then an advancem't
to Religion to be So strict to that rule.
2. The Country will Not be taught; ffor who will
ffor ye sake of good onely teach ye people?
I say Many. as In ye art of Medecin, the trad of it
is a prjudice to ye good it Might doe; ffor If No fa=
culty of phisition's were, Good people would study /& practise\ it
Meerly for doing good, whereof wee see Much Con=
tinually /done\ by ye help of weomen in ye Country; And
this Even while it is a trade, & in Repute. how then
would they doe it, If It were unlawfull & penall
to Make a gaine by Medecin? So While parson's
are in townes, licenced & Invested with ye Cure, None
Els could If never So Capable & disposed, teach the
people, but if these were Not, diver's voluntary
clergy men, Either Resident or Itinerant, would
preach to & pray with ye people.
3. The order of ye Clergy is a Support to Religion,
so that were there not Sunday's, and preaching
ye Comon people would loos Even christianity it self.
'Character indebilis'; according to St Augustine (354-540), this was the
precondition of the state of grace, achieved through the sacramental life.
95
83r
of the Clergy.
I beleev much of this to be true, & therefore I am Not
agt the order of ye clergy but Extreamly for it, & so
also ffor the order of ye church Service & day's of pub=
like prayer, & teaching as it is Now Establish't; ffor
And wch is More, I would have the churches maintained
& all ye Hierarchy & /Eccll\ Jurisdiction, as well as minister's
appropriatd to townes /confirmed\; but Not of lay Nomination;
that Should be Reserved to ye Bp & his clergy'. so
that, accipe Curam tuam & Meam; ye forme in
ordination, should come truely /tam ex Corde Quam\ Ex ore Episcopi.96 It
is an unreasonable thing that the Grand Cure
of ye Bishop Should be by him delegated to the /persons\
Nominated by purchaser's & hereditours of Manrs,
but let them ordein, translate, & dispose, ffor the
Service of Cures as in their pious wisdome should
appear best, observing allwais the Eccll Canons
Nay lett the Jurisdiction stand /as well\ as to ye clergy, of
their owne Nomination & ordination. And /also\ as to Im=
pious Immorality's of ye laity. but let the Revenues
Revenew's, Grandures, Civil Jurisdiction, and (that
wch is worst,) all aid a Brachio Seculari,97 ffall. If
any one will seriously attend the history of the
latter christian church; they will find that all ye
Evils yt were & are, and as well scandall's, as
Impedimts of Reforme, proceed from these things
Referring to words spoken during ordination: 'accept the care of yours and mine',
'so from the heart and the mouth of the bishop'.
96
97
i.e., 'the secular arm'.
83v
of ye Clergy.
And ye church was Not Much Corrupted, untill the
worldly Interest of it was Growne up & adult, wch
I stay Not Now to demonstrate; but by ye way observe
Symen Magus98 offered Mony for Spirituall power,
that is ye power to do Miracles, or of Inspiring
christian Grace & ardor or sublimity of faith /such\ as
ye Apostles had. Had really & actually. Now the appo
Now the apostles (If I may So terme ye clergy) take
the Mony, that is the church Revenew's, and with
them a prtension, or Shew of Stirring up a prt spirit
of holyness in ye people, as is to be feared, with as
litle Effect, as Symon Magus Indeavoured it.
4. lastly It is to be objected, that hereticall
men will Come into ye church, & by preaching &
praying more Speciously (perhaps, as or Sectary's doe)
then ye Regular clergy, Corrupt ye people, & in them
Christian Religion.
I ansr, ffirst the late practise of ye world in using
force In the affaires of Religion, is in it self ab=
Surd, & Even Nonsence. Conscience is a governeur,
that will have No Earthly Superior, it May be
Invited but Not driven; Nay the right owner
hath No power over it, how Should Exterior pow=
ers? Suppose a Magistrate Should cite the
Students of
Acts 8:9-24 tells how Simon Magus, a magician converted to Christianity, sought to
buy from St Peter the ability to lay on hands, giving rise to the term 'simony',
meaning paying money for preferment in the church.
98
84r
of ye Clergy
Students of Geometry, and oblid'g them, to
owne & Confess, Quod Equalia Equalibus sunt In=
Equalia, & to Renounce ye Contraria.99 It is like
rather then Suffer, most would Comply. but None
Could say this did good or hurt to ye Science, ffor
that would reigne in all their minds as clear
other wise (in yt axiom) as before. perhaps it
might divert from ye Study, & make them leap to
be Geometer's. or If any one, as Hobbs, Should pub=
lish crude and fals doctrine, such as Right line
Equall to an arch of a circle, & persist in it
Contrary to the Sence of all other men. Would
you have this man brought to ye stake, & for
advancemt of truth, made Recant, or be burnt?
No it Needs Not, ffor his affirming or Recanting
work's Not on ye Minds of Men. but they goe to
their Methods and Examine ye proposition, &
ye Stepps of his demonstration, & finding it fals,
Expose him to Contempt, and are More Confirmed
in truth.
I put this Case of an axiom In Geometry; Altho
christian Religion is not of that Sort, that is doth
Not Reside In Quantity or demenSion. yet to clear
minds hath its demonstration as lively as ye other,
wch any one May be satisfied of who will read
Grotius
i.e., 'that equall things are unequall, and to renounce the opposite' (RN scrambles
familiar terms from elementary mathematical training).
99
84v
of the Clergy.
Grotius de veritate.100 &c. Then Allowing that men
will be of pevers Judgm'ts & caracters, and be as
zealous & Industrious in propagating Error, as better
men comonly have for truth. and that they have
Some proselites or Congregations. What is the
Millitancy of ye church, or to Speak properer of
the church-men, but to Insult these opinions, and
as well Condemne them In Ecclesiasticall Synods
as publikly write & preach agt them. ffor wch End
wee have university's & library's, ffor Enabling
men to learne as well ye force as ye fallacy's of
words, and the History of times & things, out of wch
they may Issue to combat ye Enimy.
But ye State will Not be safe. What hath ye State
to doe with this? Either ye State will lett ye church
act according to christian usage & canons, or Not
if ye latter, they are persecutors, like ye heathen,
& this is No New case in ye christian church. on ye
other side, what hath ye christian church to doe
with ye Estate? let them Not Interpose in Matters
of Governemt & power, Nor stir up ye people In
any case ffor or agt any Governemt, Regular or
usurped. let them teach ye people, to be temperate
Just
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), Dutch Jurist, writer on law and philosopher. RN refers
here to Bewijs van den waren Godsdienst, The Hague, 1622, re-published (in Latin) as
De veritate religionis Christianae (The Truth of the Christian Religion), Leiden,
1627.
100
85r
of ye Clergy,
Just, and lovers of order & peace. If men will En=
gage in Warr & turmoil, lett them admonish them
to keep a good Conscience, & do Nothing ffor favour
fear, or ambition agt Right, and Ever to keep a
Mind disposed to tranquillity, but avoid Medling
themselves in State Question's. I know this temper
Since primitive christianity hath Not bin, Nor Will
be found in ye World, but there is allwais some
measure of it In /Some\ Men who Signalize themselves
in Eminent vertues & piety, Such as My Great
Master.101 but they are, or appear but ffew, & In
Sometimes more then others; yet it is certein that
were men in armes ready to fight with all the
Rancour faction & ambition Could Inspire; Such
men as these, Might pass thro them, as ye purer
Ether thro Glass, and conver's preach or perswade,
without touching the fundamentall Caus, but upon
universally approved truth's, wch would be gratefull
In ye worst of them to hear.
It is the Nature of Mankind, ffirst to love good,
and next person's that are good. all wch they Judg
from what opposes or Not opposes them, Whither
their porposes are So or Not. It is found that ye
word disinteressed, is ye best Caracter of a [Spech?],
and men beleev'd So, are admitted to universall
amity
101
i.e., Archbishop William Sancroft.
85v
of ye Clergy.
& peace; Even among ye Most barbarous Nations
of ye levant, a wretched mortified Man, that Carry's
but his Staff, & Sack of wretched food, may pass
in all places, tho Inhabited by profest Murderers &
theiv's. & not onely be lett pass, but /be\ hospitably En=
terteined. So the wonderfully good Bishop fram=
pton,102 passed in disguise amon ye Arabbs. Nay yt Ill
men, have a favour for good, is Seen in Every
fable or play, where all ye audience are Glad thatt
ye wicked part's are punished & ye Innocent and
vertuous Escape. wch proves ye principle in them, how=
ever ye practise & ambition's in ye World tinc't it
of wicked Colours. but here in a disinteressed Case
of a fable. the Spark's of ye divinity in humane
Nature appear. So that I may say, Worldly Interest
is the onely thing the church hath to Make Warr
agains't, for that Set aside, truth & Reason hath
a wonderfull force. And wt is to be Expected but
that all Should give way, when the church men
take part with ye Enimy, Self-Interest, and
give it Quarter's in their owne Camp.
I Must allow that men will rise up to de=
ceiv weak people, and will both cheat their
understanding's, & purses to, but if lett alone
ye Smart
Robert Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester (1622-1708); like William Sancroft, he a nonjuror who lost his place after the accession of William and Mary. Both Frampton and
Sancroft, therefore, stand as examples of what a priest ought to be.
102
86r
of ye clergy
Ye Smart from ye wounds given ye latter, will awake
ye other, and work towards a reforme, by Reconciling
them to ye Regular clergy, who they will find the
onely phisitian's of their Souls, & More Effectually by
how much they observe them Not to plott apgainst
purses.
But Grant that fals doctrine is preach't & talked
about? what is a clergy for but this very Case?
the primitive's had ye heathen, those hereticks to
deal with. It is ye End & Exercise of their function.
wee will agree it were better that Men were Not
So pevers, but that christian's lived Quiet in
their mind's without Such attaqs upon their faith.
But would Not ye clergy then Grow Insipid, & unfitt
to deal with Heretick's. when any Should arise?
It is say'd ye clergy of England, is ye most able in=
controversie of any in ye World; Why? becaus (as
they all abroad allow) they are kept in perpetu=
all Exercise by ye papist's & sectary's. So It is the
case of ye church, Evills will come, bad men will
rise up & Molest ye good in mind as well as
Exteriour fortune; therefore as wee have a State
Militia, So also wee have an Ecclesiasticall one
to Engage & Suppress ye turbulent Spirits. and these
doe well in their peculiar posts, but Serve Not
in
86v
of ye Clergy.
In ye province of Each other. An army can No
more work downe a prvailing opinion, then a
preacher can Suppress a Rebellion. So lett ye force
of armes keep its post and deal with Nothing
but /its\ homogeneall province, force. and let ye clergy
who have to doe with men's opinions, Goe No far=
ther, but manage their artilery of arguments, &
Gett ye better, as probably In process of time (tho ye
world hath & Ever will have much disturbance
from Ignorance & delusion possessing Men's Minds)
will prvail. Magna Est veritas & prvalebit.103
let Me Conclude with a great and Notorious
Instance of this doctrine, the practise of wch gives
the greatest blow to Christianity, that any human
Mean's hath bin permitted to doe, Since or Saviours
time. I mean ye law of ye turks; that people, whose
heresy is derived from ye Arrian's, so Coming Ne=
arer to christianity is ye More dangerous; and if ye
story of Mahomet, were not SuperInduced, a turk
were a reall arrian Christian; of reasonable faith
in Most point's but yt of ye devinity of or Saviour.104
These Turks have a zealous rable as wee have
who are ready to beat downe & destroy with
barbarous force all that is Not of their owne o=
pinion
103
i.e., 'truth is mighty and will prevail'.
This is not simply an 'astute' point about Mohammad's acceptance of Christ as a
merely human prophet in a line of prophets, it is also a barbed reference to the
current rise of anti-Trinitarian and other 'socinian' opinions which denied the
divinity of Christ.
104
87r
of ye Clergy.
But that is Not ye Measure, but ye law, and the
practise of their magistrates. And those doe permitt
all Religions, and Sect's, to use their owne worship
in their owne way, publik & private, without distur=
bance. And they will Not onely punish their owne
people that (as Some zealot's will) Insult them,
but also the peculiar person's as shall be accused
by their owne Nation, for breach of their Nationall
religion. ffor Say they all men ought /to\ be good
and pious in ye way of their owne worship, wtever it is
and ye true Religion is hurt, by Irreverence & Scan=
dall to a fals one.
It is a Strang Sight at Consto. when ye fryar's (rude
one's as they are) going with ye Sanctissimo in pro=
cession to a sick christian. So also ye Jew's bauling
out a dead jew to his funerall, and the turk's
standing by, admiring their folly, & Stupidity, as
they Express, of these unbeleevers. but None offer's
to hurt them. This Moderation of theirs, is the
Great if Not ye onely reason that, So Many chris=
tian's appostatize to ye turks, but few or None
Come over to ye christian's.
for in ye conterminous Country's, as Hungary &c.
the persecution's of Sect's among ye christians, ffrom
ye Jesuits, & other papisticall Incentives, that a
christian
87v
of ye Clergy.
Christian Cannot be So well protected, as by,
turning turk; & that he May doe as Impune
as Not Conforme to ye Church of Rome. What is
this but to betray Christianity by using force u=
pon opinion? And what is ye End of all this Ex=
terior force, Not to defend faith, but Grandure
& wealth. It is a wors then humane, I might
say diabolicall policy. Ill Gotten Goods, so u=
Sually acquired by live-force, are Maintained by
ye Same active violence. And Men's opinions are
Guarded & Garrisoned, least ye Surrender of them,
however Irrresistible ye artigliery of arguments are,
should Expose Such a Corrupt Interest, as that
(Not of ye christian church, wch is still pure In ye
heart's of good men) but of church Man, and
tend to its downefall.
It is Impossible to Exclude deceivours, & fals
teachers, & prvent their working upon weeak peoples
minds. But they are to be opposed, with a Regular
learned & self denying clergy, wch Reigning let
them come, we fear 'em Not. but let Not ye Imbe=
cillity or rather Scandalous avarice, pride and
ambition of ye clergy wch onely Makes ye Enimy /terribl\ fear
Supplant christian Religion it Self.
88r105
power of humane
understanding.
This is magnified, and proved by
Algebra. &c. but that I thinck proves
defect, and Not power. and is power
onely compared with minds less ca=
pable of such Exercises. otherwise
consider what /a defect\ an Effect it is, that
wee can scarce /not stricktly\ comprehend more
then a unity, Scarce a duality, & less
a tryade, & not at all Greater Num=
bers of things together. and when wee
offer at it, as at cards, the Numbers
6. 7. 8. 9. & 10. It is Not by tale or
Notion but a figure or Caracter Made
by position of the unites, wch put in
any New Manner would puzle a
Gamester, and More If a casuall
faling changed ye figure, as 10 dice
for Instance thrown, Could Not soon
be knowne as to Number. And Such
as are greater, as. 100, 1000, &c. are
really Incomprehensible, but by a
practick analisis of them, we call
numbring; and So it is for Rations
of 1. to. 2. to. 3. or. 3. to 4. &
f. 88r-89v is a single sheet of paper as large as the previous sheets which has
been folded, producing two half-sized sheets, i.e., with four sides for writing on.
105
88v
the like Seem Comprehensible Enough
but greater as 12/2045 & the like are
Not at all Comprehensible, but by lik
analisis, called deviding. and So farr
as Names. vist. halves Quarters &c. goe
wee have a notion that ansrs them
but litle farther. the Rest is all
but Mark or caracter, wch as sup=
poseth, but Not gives to understand
or comprehend the thing.
I call this Reputed perfection of
Mathematiq capacity a defect,
but should rather have styled it,
a forme then so. ffor it is Not a
defect yt a stone is Not bread; so
since the frame of our body's wch
subserves our understanding is
Not adapt to such uses, yet it is
In its kind perfect as a stone is.
And I conceive the Matter lys
here. as ye Eye Cannot see more
then one thing, or point Exactly
at a time, and Survey's more onely
by a Swift passing from one thing
to another & Repassing, & ye Me=
mory holds all some time, it Seems
89r
as If ye view it Self were so actualy
spread, as ye Successive views aided
by memory suggest. So the mind is
Not Capable of observing More then
one thing at a time, and seem's to
observe more onely by a Swift pas=
sage of the attention from one thing
to another, & so passing & Repassing
Seem's to dilate ye observation. as
for Instance, 3. dice are Cast upon
a table, ye Eye passeth soon frome
one to another, & declares howm
how many ye unites are. but If
40. 50, or 100. are cast. the Mind
is confused in passing to & fro among
them, & cannot discerne where it
began, & what it hath past, ffor the
Memory failes, and will not help
thro.
So here is ye account, the Mind ad=
mitts to attention but one thing at
once; and the art of passing to &
fro, & Remembring, wch makes us
capable of Comparing things Mentally
depends on corporeall Engin, ye
power of wch is limited, and so our
89v
understanding wch is another thing
seems limited, or Imperfect, wch is Not
so.
Nay it is Not a defect that wee are
tyed to body thus, for Conducting or
minds, or perception of thing's, with
more or less celerity. for No body or
Motion of it can be called Imperfect, tho Ever comparable accor=
ding to its Quantity. Great things
pass slower, becaus seldome Excee=
ded by other's to Excite them to
Swifter movem't. Wch is alwais Mo=
dyfied by ye rules of Motion.
That wch wee know In ye Shapes of
demension, Number, time &c. is No
more knowne to unbodyed Spirits
then their way of knowing is
knowne to us. & yet they are Not
In yt Imperfect, but divers from
us, as wee in Such Respect from
them
90r106
Essay.107
There is in appearance a vast advantage
to fals, Cunning, Ill natured Impudent persons.
they shake off all the Incumbrances that pitty
or rather Easyness, modesty, freindship's & vertue
bring upon humane life, whither considered
in ye Minds, or fortunes of men. they have No
paine to ask, urg, grasp, deny, or Quarrell
wch keep's back vertuous person's from both
Gaine, & saving in this world. Such undertake
trust's, as ye other doe, but with different aim
& practise; that is to Serve & make No gaine,
and then are sure of trouble & anxiety, and in
much danger of right downe losses. ye other's
seek buissness, wch they lett goe into Confusion
& hold all till men's Industry (wch few afford)
will work /towards\ a clearing, and after all, Shall
not Ever be wholy unraveled, but the Sedi=
ment in their profit Shall be great;108 wch
they hold, by teasing, contention, Impudence
and all their peculiar Qualifications, and Ne=
very without Reserve & Snare, agt wch the
wise & Experienc't are Scarce [compos.?] the
vertuous can scarce deny their family's
any thing they are urgent for; but these
men will Not allow necessary's; those
aim
The first sheet of the next section is darkened, as if it had been exposed, though
it does not betray any damage by rubbing.
106
This essay is, among other things, a reflection on fortune. It can be read as
describing the anxieties of a public man retreating into the private, or intimate,
sphere in terms of a kind of exile. The sentiments are stoical and moral rather than
'religious', which is also in keeping with a literary tradition reaching back past the
world-weary self-reflection of Michel de Montaigne (1533-92) to the differently
motivated 'exiles' of Cicero (Marcus Tullius Cicero, 106-43 BCE), Horace (Quintus
Horatius Flaccus, 65-8 BCE) and Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso, 43 BCE-c.18 CE). An
interesting theme is that of declining fortune in the sense of reduced financial
circumstances, which, as it turned out, was never really RN's problem - although, it
is fair to say, he learned to live within his means, as well as improving them, at
Rougham. Another significant theme is that of family and duty. If, as it would appear,
this was written in the later 1690s, RN was at that time responsible for the
inheritances, and education, of the children of three recently deceased brothers, of
Peter Lely's difficult son, and also the properties of his new brides' politically
suspect father. Furthermore, he was still retained as the legal and financial advisor
of James II's Queen, Mary of Modena.
107
RN describes Nicholas Barbon (1640-98), the property developer, in almost exactly
these terms in his 'Notes of Me', (Notes of Me: the Autobiography of Roger North, ed.
Millard, P., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2000, pp. 123-9).
108
90v
2.
to Make their owne Serve, these thinck
of Nothing less then to live upon their
owne, and depend on Rolling time & ac=
cident's for Recruits of their vicious pro=
fusion, like angler's, semper pendet hamus.109
And in trying times of chang, ye vertuous
at best are lay'd aside, perhaps persecu=
ted, these make hay, & harvest as in Sun=
shine, having found chapmen that will
Give a price for their perfidy, & Cruelty.
And In short ye wors ye times, ye better fare
Knaves & ill men, & it is rare but ye times
are bad Enough for their porpose, So that
wee see them usually more Easy at home
and abroad, and much more Courted and
prferred. Is this Just in ye Economy of the
world? yes. but how? I ansr, Much proceeds
from ye falts, tho Not ye vices of reasonable
men. ffor Supposing they have fortunes
competent, wch is the ordinary circumstance
of those I have My Eye upon, & wee Most
convers with, they need Not Envy ye fruits
of vice & ill Nature. the attendant pangs
of wch I will Not Now touch upon. but
turne to ye Good, who tho free from vice, yet
by weakness depress themselves, wch Seem's
to give a Rise to ye others.
I mean
i.e., 'always dangling their hook'; RN is invoking Ovid, Ars amatoria III, 425
'semper tibi pendeat hamus' ('let your hook always hang ready').
109
91r
3.
I mean by coveting Some what beyond
their fortune to Compass Easily, they Cre=
ate a want, wch otherwise had Not visited
them. and why that? a sort of vanity
in desiring to Seem prosperous. If Men
are prosperous, it is No vanity to Shew it,
ffor Nothing is More Reasonable then for
men to appear in Garb, agreening with
their fortunes, keeping a just & Modest
decorum in it. but desiring to appear
what they wish to be, but are Not, betray's
men into very Great straits; and then they
begin to Ey the posture of others, and are
apt to Envy what they thinck they deserve
& want, but other's demerit & have.
If Men have Not this vanity in them=
selves, It is all one, if it be in their fa=
mily's, and they Cannot Resist it; If they
will be so Easy to Gratifie them so Much
that It shall produce a straitness of fortune,
then ye Consequent temptation, to Envy
bad men in a post of plenty. I Conclude there=
fore that Good Men generally Neither have
reason Nor do Envy bad men in Greater
plenty, but onely as their owne Easyness
in yeilding to Superfluous Expenses
prompts
91v
4
prompts them to it. Now to Suggest a cure
for this Evil, 2 thing's are considerable 1
vanity, in orSelves, and 2. vanity in or
family's; and a difficulty to keep it under.
The former is most potent, and ffew are
wholly Infranchis't from it, Some More, Some
less, optimus ille qui minime urgetur.110 A
plenty is a great Good, becaus it Carry's ye
power of doing good, and all the honest
use of it, is actually such; this Must be gran=
ted by whom will consider, that Imploym't
& maintenance of ye poor, wch is derived
from ye plenty of ye Rich, is ye Greatest tempo=
rall good Any man can doe in this world.
Therefore it is very law full, nay vertuous
to desire plenty. And whatever is Comenda=
ble to desire, and happy as well as vertuous
to use, will draw honest Natures towards
it, and first make them act as if, &
then desire they had it. And In this fame,
wch is the temporall Reward of ye just, hath
No Small Share in Seducing them. ffor
they would be thought to have, & laudably
to use a plenty, tho they have it Not.
Now this is ye fantösme wch is to be puft
away, and So wee may promis an honest
man
i.e., 'the best is he who is burdened least', Horace, Satires, I.3:6 (more
correctly: 'optimus ille est, qui minimus urgetur').
110
92r
5.
Man his Eas. fame is good, and Infamy
Evil; but Just Enough to determine a
man to choos ye former, but in Some Cases
he is bound to Choos ye latter. But fame is
not of weight to ballance a Sensible Evil.
fame gives Example to others, If good, for
good, Els ye Contrary. So it is Morrally good,
when it is of vertue; but If it be onely of
plenty it is ostentation, & a tempter to pride
& Envy in others, & so a Morrall Evil. So yt
A fame from plenty, without ye adjunct
of a vertuous & laudable use of it, is to be
Shunned. And the distress of a family is a
Substantiall Evil, being fertile of hard
thoughts, words, and unfitt Grutching within
ye doors of yt hous where it dwells. Nothing
is a greater temporall Evil then this. And
for that reason, a full fame, however /tending\ to
good, is not to be Set agt it. A Man Must
not bring a reall want upon his family,
to purchas a fals fame of using plenty well.
the price is to high; all his peace & Eas of
his life is undermined by ye bargaine.
Therefore I prscribe a perfect Contempt
of fame, when opposed to ye Substance of
providing for a family. And to Argue this
a litle.
92v
6.
a litle. 1. it is No duty to purchas fame,
but to doe good, if fame be ye consequence
it is well, if not, or duty is ye Same. If a
man by his duty Should become Infamous,
as ye primitive christians, who were Reproach[ed?]
for ye cross, they were not deterred, but rai=
sed themselves upon yt to Glory. but. 2. it is
A duty to keep a Good Correspondence &
Amity in a family, and /to\ furnish Neces=
sarys to it, without wch it will Not Sub=
sist. and this without Injustice fraud or
stealing from, (as in borrowing and Not
paying to) other's abroad. Wch in Most
honest Men's Cases Cannot be done with=
out thrift & providence. what If men say,
de'see these folk's yt were So fine, what
they are Now Come to; others, Strang how
penuriously they live, have Not they
So Much a year? And then, our cloaths
livery's, coaches, laces, (& what Not) are
infinitely better then theirs; our hous
is finer, better furnish't, Cleaner, wee keep
a better table then they. wee doe Not
drudg, our coach horses d'ont plow, wee
feast, dance, & Jolly it abroad, & Not
live like farmer's as they doe. with
much
93r
7
much More Such Stuff, Necessaryly to be ob=
served in ye way's of vulgar gentry, & is
Nauseous to Rehears. But What weighs all
this. first wee feel it Not, as wee doe
our want's. wee have power of ye latter,
but Not of the tongues of fools, & Imper=
tinent Medlers. I say power, ffor I can
Easily Suppose shall all I now comprise
in My designe, have Enough, If they will
manage & use it rightly. Therefore I Say
it is a most Impotent Mistake, to be Moved
from wise Conduct, by ye talk of fools, &
buisy body's. It's better Such take abroad,
then or freinds & dearest relations, If Not
openly complain, yet Inwardly Repine at
home. That is felt with a wittness, and as
Sharply, as the other abroad is a most Con=
temptible vanity. & not att all felt, or
troublesome to us. If men are so foolish
to touch us In conversation. If wee find our
selves slighted, or any other deminution
of or Esteem in Compa, from such occasion
avoid 'Em, keep at home, If wiser freinds
are Not to be corresponded with abroad, doe
ye owne buissness, & Medle Not with them that
are given to chang, as ye wise man Say'd, &
I add, to value person's by outside onely
93v
8.
By this wee Gaine or Quiet & Repose wch
is onely at home, however homely; It
avoids ye fastidious visits & Revisits, treats
& Retreating's of captious folks, wch the
custome of ye world obligeth us too, how=
ever aver's our temper is, from Such fals
token's of freindship. I say it Gives Into
our hands that happyness, wee would
snatch at, if ye custome I mentioned did
Not prohibite. Why then doe wee Refuse
or good? When men force us upon it, by
uncandid acceptation of or proceedings?
And wch is Most considerable, wee, by a
forc't, or chosen Retiredment, gaine a
Salvage of our fortune, wch by popularity
in all ye degrees of it is prey'd upon, as
humane flesh is by ye Cancer, and as ye
popularity is Greatest So is ye Cancer
More virulent, & at length Mortall.
But then up riseth humanity, frail hu=
manity, & complaines of its Countenance
but how Can wee, that have lived So well,
& Enterteined our Neighbours better then
they us, now Retire, & when occasion is,
want wt Every body Shew's & gives, &
what wee Receiv from them. This is ansd.
already, ffor what is ye Result but
speech,
94r
9.
Speech, & what is Speech but air? but
Grant all ye censure yt can be Imagined
what is there worth Regarding. ffoolish
Reflection's, such as I before touch't, I Sup=
pose none will prtend to Regard. then
the truth of ye Matter is, these people
were mistaken in their living, or they
find their Income with drawne, or losses
have happned, or Charges are Increast,
and they Now Retrench. Malice can carry
this censure No farther in truth. then to
Speak Justly, or let us Imagin an angel
to harangue, wt more glorious Subject
could be their to Comand largely, then
Growing wise, and prudent, for wch its
Never too late. And let Me Say, once for all,
If I know any thing in this world from
ofs observation of men, it is this. that
prais & honnour follow's wisdome, and
Shame & Contempt folly. be ye Cours what
it will, and however it Resented, If it be
wise, it shall at last Emerge in honr &
value, & ye Contrary of foolish way's, bee
they applauded to ye height of humane
fame, they Shall at length Sink in Shame.
What is wisdome? it is a just Calculate
of
94v
10.
of our Mean's to living, and living to
the best advantage with it, holding
a Moderation, so as Not to want the
Good thing's they will furnish, & Not
to Exhaust them, so as wee Shall after
be forc't to want what is Necessary, &
to Make any Shift rather be in dett
to any. What is folly? It is a heedless
way of proceeding in life, Either Not
making any account's or Estimates
or fals ones, but goes on deluded with
Empty conceipt's of prais and fame, or
joy of being Envyed for thing's that
are onely in Shew and Not reality, &
So goe wasting ye Stock, till want Come[s?]
and bring's confusion. & misery upon
ye family. Then I say to this frail Coun=
tenance, that Cannot hold up in way's
of prudence, but shrink's & pines, be Not
deluded, you have reason. to be Sterne
& Exact in those, ffor wisdome and all
ye Consequences are yr freind, & will jus=
tifie you; but rather fall, sink, &
sneak In the other track, wch will
lead you to confusion, and Ineluctable
desolation. rather be proud, to a vice
(that is beyond Reason) in a good way
then
95r
11.
Then in a bad way, one will mend ye other
Grow wors, & at length Ruin.
A second Consideration was Easyness,
to a family;
95v
<empty page>
96r111
prjudice.
A:
It is Not amiss In ye first place, if possible to
dislodg the comon Enemy of knowledg,
prjudice. The Typhon or dives In the
Sphear of phisiology.112 By prjudices I mean
opinion's of thing's wch Men take up acci=
dentally, and then defend agt reason per=
tinaciously. Wee may distinguish them
as they possess Either the vulgar or lear=
ned part of mankind. the former are
the Comon notion's of sensible things Ga=
thered in our Minority Even as thoughtless
fancy hath happened to suggest, or
discours Insinuate. As that there May
be Empty Space, becaus they see vessells,
& Not the matter that fills them. That all
beings wch thinck, must be capable of place,
and Sensible of time, becaus they know No=
=thing but from body, wch is the Essence and
measure of both. that Colour's are as well
in ye dark, as in the light, becaus they See
nothing but coloured, & cannot Imagine
that thing's should alter, by light Shining
or failing, that the Earth, buildings & trees
stand [turne?]113
Slightly larger sheets from here to the end. Thinner paper is used from here to
126r. The text of the next two essays is the most overwritten and corrected in the
volume. Because the paper used is thin, ink often saturaties through the paper and
reading can be a matter of guesswork.
111
Typhon, a creature in Greek myth, was the son of Tartarus and Gaia, and was known
as the 'Father of all Monsters'. Dives was a Roman god of the underworld, associated
with wealth (like Pluto); 'Dives', or 'Dis', was also used as another name for Hell in
the poetic vocabulary of Renaissance Europe.
112
113
The word 'turne' has been scraped away.
96v
B
prjudices
Stand Still, & the heaven's Stand Still /move\, be=
caus the Sun & starrs seem to rise, and
Not the Horison /rather\ fall. that the Earth Must
be flatt and Not round; Els the antipodes
would fall downe into the sky. And that
there is attraction, and Sucking; as well
as driving and thrusting. That body's
move by Some active force in them, wch
is Not in other's that Rest. that and
Somewhat Comes from a light to our
Ey's /thro ye medium\ wch Makes us see it. and In Short
that all things are, as they Conceiv them
to be. I must Confess, the art of Collating
the reality of thing's with their appea=
rances, doth so litle Concerne the affairs
of humane life, that it is No wonder the
comon people, attend what is Most Mate=
riall to them, & lett philosofy alone, they
have Enough to learn when to Sow, or
how to direct their severall imploymts
to ye Most profit, to Supply the needs of their
family's. But there are other's, who are
not buryed in Such cares, and doe Either
out of
97r
prjudice.
C
/out\ of curiosity, or by profession aim at know=
ledg, and particularly of Naturall things
and for that End convers with men and
book's as they hope best to be Informed.
one would thinck that Sort of men, who
are accounted Scollar's & vertuosi, Should
not Entertein opinion's longer then the
reason's of them were Integrall. and that
Every proposition tending Either to test
their former opinion's, or to advance New
and truer Notions of thing's, should be Most
Greedily Embraced, and /they\ ffor good reason,
chang with an actuall joy rather then
Reluctance /at it\. But the Contrary of this Is found
by Experience; ffor Such person's scarce /litle\
less then ye other are Incumbred with ye
ordinary prjudices of youth and Rusticity
wch Makes Naturall philosofy, that doth
not like faction, run in a channel, but /and\
/wt\ tends to Impeach Earlyer opinions, Enters
with Great difficulty; and If it chance that
by long Continuance such /any\ opinion's have
taken root, they are Scarce Ever Removed.
97v
D:
prjudices.
And /ye\ prpossession is defended, with prtence
of reason but reall passion and zeal, wth
that /wch ye learned mobb\ fights agt new discovery's, as agt Inva=
ders, and pro aris et focis.114
This Enemy, prjudice, is So Considerable
that I Esteem a depression of it No Small
advance In knowledg, and one that hath
Made himself Impartiall is ye better half
a philosofer. In matter's unprjudic't a
true resolve is readyer made, then against
prpossession the plainest detection of Error
Enterteined. When ye place is void, truth
from the familiarity and justness yt usu=
ally attends it, much more readily Enters,
then falsity, wch is ordinarily perplex't
Intricate and troublesome. I beleev it Im=
possible for any man totally to discharg
his prjudices, some are wholly confunded
by them, and many are well disposed /and, Endeavour\
to be free, & some /gaine upon them\ more then others. but
I doe pronounce, that whoever doth Not
Strain with all ye force of his faculty's to
gett ye better of, & to depose them, is
uncapable of benefiting by philosofick Studys.
114
i.e., 'for God and Country'.
98r
prjudices.
E.
This diseas of ye Mind Grows out of Self
conceipt, or Els Self Interest; the latter is
a sort of knavery ffound in Scools Colle=
ges, & combined society's of men, wch /to correct\ is
Not My prsent designe, tho I may touch
that string by ye by. but the other is ra=
ther a weakness owing to frail huma=
nity, and more hopefull to be wrought
upon then ye other, while (/of wch\ ye proverb holds,
None So blind, as those who will Not see,)
Therefore I shall Endeavour to Expose it. /Apply my self cheifly to that\.
If Naturall philosofy were So attach't to
the Caus of Religion & vertue, that one
could Not be canvas't without disturbing
ye other, I should Not wonder at men's
shyness and opposition to all Innovation,
but I take the whole body and designe
of Naturall Knowledg /to be most Independent & ffree, as mathematian's yt ar but a
branch or of it, & allowed in all latitude to mankind ffor exercitation of their
faculty's & Judgmt wch Els with ye native Curiosity yt possesses them, & disposition to
practis and Experiment, were wors then vain I mean meer snares\ to be wholly Indif=
ferent, at least Such /particular\ points /of philosofy\ as have Made
much Stirr in ye world, as about colours,
Intentionall Species.115 In vision, the Motions
of ye Earth & planet's, & many other's
of
115
i.e., the that a material 'species' passes from the object seen to the viewing eye.
98v
F.
prjudices
/like\ latter Invention /Doe not Impeach derogate from piety in ye least, But, on ye
Contrary\ And If My opinion hath
any Graines /as I have before declared it\ I should determine philosofy
to be /is\ so farr from Impeaching, as to be
a Main Support of Religion and vertue
ffor /advance of\ wch the /learned\ world of latter time have thought
ffitt, and with Eminent Success to argue
(If I may so say philosofically /who hath done more service to Religion in generall
then [these?] great lights of ye latter ages Cartesius & Mr Boyle\.116 But Suppose
All that /the case as I sayd to be but Meerly) or free of\ Indifferent, In wch I am
most Secure /Secure\,
Then the wonder is that men Should be
so avers to Improvem't /In philosofy\ as they are but /have appeared to be
/as\ In passion /to\ Insult it as /like\ heresie, So that /whence\
a stander by would wonder what Should
make men Strive so about Nothing; This
could Not be, If disputes were onely for truth
and Not victory. They apprehend the
Question to be more of Reputation, then
problem. their understanding's, & the honour
of Superiority is at Stake. ffor if the old o=
pinion is Not right, its professors and defenders
are in ye wrong, wch is a dangerous point & will
bear stiff contention, as a Consequence of
the subject matter prvailing one way or other.
The scene of knowledg may chang, but Mens
Sacred Regard to ye Reputation of their owne
116
Robert Boyle, (1627–1691), scientist, philosopher and inventor.
99r
prjudices
G.
understanding's will Never Relax. It is
not Novelty wch disposeth Grave men to
hold New philosofy aloof, ffor if Selfflat=
tery did Not Create an hatred of Convic=
tion, they Would most propensly Slide
Into opinion's More reasonable, tho New.
are Not Monsters, and Monstrous tales from
India allwais welcome? It is becaus they /such things\
Enter with Indemnity to our/[their?]\ understan=
dings. But if there be any Consequence
tending to the deminution of superior's
Either in Reputation /profit\ or authority, as
when wiser men /& more active and vigorous\ rise up under them then
Great is the diana of ye Ephesians.117
But to Goe on with Simple prjudices; it is
the best way of undermining them, to Shew
In what Holes & Recesses they harbour, and
If they can as vermin be drawne out &
look't on, they are hideous Enough to Creat
an aversion. One Great harbour of prjudice
is the generall Notion that is had of philosofy
and philosofers, that they are to give an
account of all thing's alike; ffor If they
doe Not answer all Interrogation's, then
with
see Acts 19:23-30; when St Paul was preaching against the worship of idols in
Ephesus the metalworkers rioted, their cry was 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians'.
117
99v
H.
prjudice
Equall clearness, then the Reflection fall's
on the whole profession, & men say Conclude
they know Nothing. And this is Exagerated
by the vertuosi themselves, who are So In=
satiably thirsting. after knowledg, and that
they doe almost /from an habit of thincking come to\ fancy they /doe\ really know
Every thing, and being used to a way of Expres=
sing uncomon thought's, In a sort of uncom=
mon dialect, Never fail to answer /Every\ Query Made
Query and /to them but and\ Sometimes publish whole books in
Such a Style as /whereby\ Neither they Nor any one Els
understands any thing by, Nothing Makes
Empty & Exotick words abound, like Error &
Ignorance; ffor one sentence follow's another,
Still Intending more clearness, but ye whole proves
absolute Confusion. Such were the books of the
late lord ch: Just Hales,118 who understood ye
laws of ye land better then ye laws of Nature,
one was called ye Non gravitation of fluids
ye other deficiles Nugae, well writt to prove
untruth's to be true, as one would wish for Method
& style, onely the whole /of both\ harping on fals
matter, is right downe Nonsence. Men that pro=
fess knowledg, Should take care first to be con=
vinc't of their Owne thought's & test them by fre=
quent Expression's In discours & wrighting
consider
Sir Matthew Hale (1609-76) lawyer and writer on law; as an amateur natural
philosopher he was a frequent target for RN's mockery, a mockery given extra force by
the professional rivalry that had existed between Hale and RN's older brother,
Francis. RN refers here to An Essay touching the Gravitation or Non-gravitation of
Fluid Bodies, etc., London, 1673, and Difficiles nugæ: or, Observations touching the
Torricellian experiment, and the various solutions of the same, especially touching
the weight and elasticity of the air, London, 1674
118
100r
prjudices
I.
consider them after divers Intervales, &
then strive to Express them, without affecta=
tion, and with all possible clearness so that
who hear's or reads them May have ye Same
Notion as they have. And then they May ap=
pear, and be acceptable, without offence or
derision. What can any Mortall conclude out
of Dr Mayos book of Nitro-sulfureo-aeriall
particles,119 and other's of like Insignificancy.
I Grant there is a language peculiar to phi=
losofy, and it is a fault wholly to decline
as it is to affect it. for phainomenon, is Not
Expressed by appearance, wch May as well re=
ferr to Sumon's of Justice, as Naturall thing's, so
In many like Instances, but a Style affected of
such, is Nauseous, /as\ also ye other Extream; Mr far=
fax wrote of the bulk and Salvedg of ye World
meaning, the Extent & limitts, he calls a=
rithmetick tell-craft, and Inpenetrability
unthroughfaresomeness. ffor he was Resolvd
Not to write greek, or latin.120 I have observed
that Interest writes with Most affectation, as
phisition's; ye author of ye portable baro=
meter,121 and the sympathetick Doctor,122 whose
wrighting is Such Insensible jargon, as declares
the Insincerity of the writer's, & it is pitty
such,
John Mayow (1640-79), chemist, experimenter and associate of Robert Boyle. He was
actually much better than RN allows here, anticipating the discovery of oxygen in his
studies of respiration and combustion. The text referred to here was included in
Tractatus quinque medico-physici, quorum primus agit de sal-nitro et spiritu nitroaereo …, Oxford, 1674
119
Nathaniel Fairfax (1637-90), a pro-Commonwealth cleric who after the Restoration
trained in medicine. He published A Treatise of the Bulk and Selvedge of the World.
Wherein the Greatness, Littleness, and Lastingness of Bodies are freely handled. With
an Answer to Tentamina de Deo, by S[amuel] P[arker], D.D., London, 1674; as RN
observes, the book is notable for Fairfax's refusal to use any vocabulary derived from
classical languages (othe then when quoting them). RN frequently refers to Fairfax in
his MSS, usually with respect.
120
Gustavus Parker, An Account of a portable Barometer, with reason and rules for the
use of it, etc., London, 1699. I have no dates for Gustavus Parker, but he is listed a
a London eccentric in J. P. Malcolm, Anecdotes of the manners and customs of London
during the eighteenth century, London, 1811, vol I, p. 400.
121
Korsten (p. 311, n. 208) suggests Sir Kenelm Digby: 'Perhaps this is a reference to
Sir Kenelm Digby and his "sympathetic powder", i.e. "a powder supposed to heal wounds
by 'sympathy' on being applied to a handkerchief or garment stained with blood from
the wound, or to the weapon with which the wound was inflicted" (OED).' However, Digby
was hardly a mere 'Doctor'; perhaps RN refers to Nathaniel Highmore MD, author of The
history of generation. Examining the several opinions of divers authors, especially
that of Sir Kenelm Digby, in his Discourse of bodies ... To which is joyned a
Discourse of the cure of wounds by sympathy, or without any real applycation of
medicines ... but especially by that powder, known chiefly by the name of Sir Gilbert
Talbot's powder, London, 1651.
122
100v
K.
prjudices.
Such Stuff should wear ye prtence of philosofy.
There are Models of philosofick wrighting
as Cartesius, Hobbs, Gassendi, Mersennus /Dr Spratt\123 &c.
that are so clear and unaffected, as to End
all offer's at directing a style otherwise
then by proposing Imitation of them.
I Must observe that the generality, Mistake
much the Subject matter of philosofy, ffor
some thing's they account so ordinary as
to fall within ye Reach of Every /all Comon\ Capacity's.
as the phenomena of Every day's Notice,
Motion, Rest, light, Colours. &c. and they
take it ill to be disturbed in their comon
Notion's of Such thing's. they will laugh, If you
ask them why a boul run's after it is past
from ye hand. they say their hand gave it
a force. So /to affirme\ that rest hath as Much of force
as Motion, that light is No reall Emanation
from the luminous body; and there as No
colours in the dark, is to be /made\ a gazing-Stock.
and No less, for Saying that body's doe Not
fall from any Intrinsick force, but by being
beaten downe by other's that have More force
to rise. But Men thinck they see and feel
Enough of these thing's throly to understand
them without help of pholosofy. and whoever
Insists
RN lists his preferred natural philosophers: Descartes, Hobbes, Gassendi, Marin
Mersenne (1588-1648), mathematician and musical theorist, and (added later), Thomas
Sprat (1635-1713), Bishop of Rochester, wit, and author of The History of the Royal
Society of London, London, 1667.
123
101r
prjudices.
L
Insists on these. or ye like points; is treated
as one that would perswade them out of
their Senses. And they thinck a philosofer
should /know &\ Give them an acco why Grass is
Green. Why Mares and Cows have but one
fetus, and sows & bitches so Many. why
cherry's ripen In june, & Grapes In Sep=
tember. why one Sumer is wett, & another
dry, & why watter wetts, and the like, In
answer to wch I thinck an Exotick jargon
of words Not without any Signification Well
Enough Imployed. ffor how can Nonsence In
a question be better fitted then with Insensi=
ble words for answer. The Mistake lys here,
Generall thing's, are the proper object of
philosofy, Such as body, Motion, light, Sound,
Gravity, &c. becaus these are proved by the
Inductive argument of frequent and Never
failing Instances. But particular Instances
of thing's, wch are Not Consequent of any
Generall thesis, as the particular texture
of the surface of this, or that body, wch is
necessary to be knowne, before the reason of
it's Colour /can be [....?] discovered is So buryed in\ is so Conveyed by My
Minuteness
as Not to be come at by any humane Means.
But as by conceiving that Motion hath laws
&
101v
M.
prjudice.
and that they are So & So determined
wee may declare ye caus of a particular
action, wch is ye Subject of Mechanicks, so
also wee may discover from ye Nature of
light, that the frame & texture of Surfaces
occasion colours, wch chang as fire & Mixture
changes them. /of\ wch there is great & Steddy proof
by chimicall Experimts. but Still any parti=
tular Instance of a coloured body Cannot
be resolved. Nor Indeed any case in ye World
that depends on the Imperceptible texture
or composition of body's. but as to such Matters
/Wee can\ from /ye\ certeinly of Some thing's setled by expe=
riment, wee can declare a possibility of
others, whose Minutiae are out of our reach /and that's all\.
but this distinction Men doe Not allow
us, & Instead of such candor, bestow Con=
tempt & Reflection, If wee doe Not Resolve
Every Ignorant ill judged Question.
I account it an unhappyness, as well as a
prjudice, that the most familiar objects, wch
are really the proper Subject of Naturall
philosofy, doe Most & Soonest Engage men's
fancy's, and then they thinck Nothing strang
about them; but they are as well acquainted
as they desire to be, and Esteem No more of
secret
102r
prjudices
N.
secret In Such Matter's, then they conceiv
difficulty In their mother tongue; from
whence moves this fallacious argument; I
Cannot Imagine it, therefore it Cannot be.
And this Spreads among the learneder sort,
who argue for and against thing's ffrom
their power of conceiving them. as if the
Existence /powers\ & Modes of beings depended on
our Imagination. for this reason time or
duration must be declared to Exist apart
from body, and Space must be a fixt and
absolute thing, /tho\ all body /be\ abstracted. that
there May be perfect Emptyness, & divers
other /notions of that sort, are wch\ (I shall have occasion to dispute about)
/and these points are dogmatically held forth, on No ground or\ ffor No reason, but
becaus wee conceav clear=
ly and distinctly /and\ to our thincking /clearly\ It cannot
be otherwise. Nay that pevers crittiq Hobbs
concluded there could be No Immateriall beings
becaus he Saw None, & knew Not how any
Could be, or being, act upon body; /one would Expect for such round opinion's Either
some [accoun?] to back them or yt ye opposite was contradictions, but nothing of that
appears\ therefore
I must Insist that at ye Entrance of our /there\ Es=
saying /thus\ in ye Way of philosofy /I must Insist that\ thing's /be\ [....?] Not
reputed /so\ facile, & /so readily resolvable\ Intelligible becaus they are
Comon & familiar With us. Nor that Wee
use the authority of our fancy ffor or
against
102v
O.
prjudice
against any Matter proposed, but that Wee
abstract all our antecedent opinion's and /even orSelves\
(If possible) beleev/-ing\ wee are Not, while wee are
deliberating what & how Naturall things
are, and /not\ Conclude /positively but\ from clear & Manifest
truth of thing's that plainely /wch must necessarily\ Exist & Not from
our capacity of knowing Either /Matter\ thing or
Mode. I doe /And\ here Not Exclude those /wee Must appeal to\ axioms
wch are /of\ universall, /& Eternall truth, such as wee must agree to or abandon all
prtence of reason, or knowledg, such\ and are & Must be Eter=
nally true, or wee Know Nothing. as that
Contradictions Cannot be true /thing's Existent Continue, Ex Nihilo Nihil fit124
[....?]\ & such ye like.
Wch doe Not belong to any particular Sub=
ject, but to all thing's in generall. those are
our lights to guide us In particulars, /from hence\ of wch I
may say /affirm In generall that\ Every thing May be true /proportion\ wch doth
Not Imply contradiction or [twhart?] /thwart\ some u=
niversal axiom. as /is or May be true, as, when I say\ that time without body
is Not. /this may be true for\ I am Sure None can argue it is from
any /such\ axiom or Experiment. /can argue ye Contrary, but that so\ I can argue it
/from ye knowne [.... time?] wch is but various motions &\ is Not becaus it is but, a
Comparison of bo=
dy Corporall Motion /this of bodys compared & Reduced to a Comon Measure or Standard\
Much More of this Subject
I have to say when I come to Consider In=
definites, such as Extent, limits densibi=
lity, space, time &c. Therefore I waive farther
disquisition of them here, altho the chief work
is to beat downe prjudices, that hold So hard upon them.
124
i.e., 'nothing is made from nothing'.
103r
prjudices.
P.
There is very Great difficulty In obteining
a free cours of thincking about Magnitude &
fforce. As to Magnitude, wee are apt ffrom
seeming Excesses of it, to Inferr consequen=
ces. wch doe Not In ye least depend on it. as
If it be considered In ye way of Increas, and Much
surmounts our Corpuscle, wee bestow admira=
tion rather then Measure, and satisfye orSelves
with Epithites, as Immen's, Enorme, & ye like.
& therefore fancy it Exempt from the Com=
mon laws of ordinary body's. on ye other side
When it is Considered In the way of deminu=
tion, wee are lost after or sight failes, & then
are most apt to stop, as at a minimum.
Whilst In the truth, Magnitude Makes No dif=
ference of thing's, Nor is it Indeed any thing but
as comparison creates it. ffor were there but
one body in ye world It were all one Whither it
were (as wee judge) Small or great, It hath all
its part's so Infinite, & all the demention's, and
for ye Notion of More & less, it is Not, till Some=
what comes to Compare with it. And be that
as it will as 1/2. 1/4. there May be the same
If wee Should Suppose with ye vulgar, It were
bigger or less. therefore all that is true in
generall
103v
Q
prjudices.
In generall, of any body is true of Every body
untill Collation is Made with others, by wch
Magnitude according to ye habitudes of them
is determined; So that as to body, More or less
is Nothing, but Comparatively, and wee must
In all disquisitions of body look for proportion
and Not Magnitude. Then when litleness comes,
wee are much disposed to charg Such bodys with
Somewhat inept or Impracticable: as If they Were
not Imbued with their Share in the affairs of
body, & Nothing Considerable Could Come from
them. Whereas wee ought to Conclude that the
least and greatest (so speaking after usage)
have their Energy In Every Respect according
to the proportion's betwixt them.
It is Most Certein Men Can never aggre about
magnitude, but by adjusting a Standard or
comon measure. therefore the ordinary aca=
demick Questions, whither wee perceiv the
true Magnitude of things or Not is vain. ffor I
May be bold to Say, as before, that without Com=
parison there is No true Magnitude, but all
Magnitude is alike; observe I say without
comparison, and If any man can Make ought
of Magnitude without /su such efficient\ Out goes Me in thincking.
104r
prjudice.
R.
The comon Caracter of magnitude with us
is from Comparison with our owne body's,
Such as Exceed that /us\, are Great & others, litle.
therefore No two Men in ye World can per=
ceive any thing Exactly /to be\ of the Same big=
ness, unless they were also /just equalls\. and for that rea=
son it is, that a man accounts a room Small
wch when a child he thought great; becaus
then it was 6 of his length's, & Now but 3.
for If the person grows, or the room demi=
nisheth, the Result, proportion of both Colla=
ted /wch declares ye magnitude\ is ye Same. besides No two Ey's are in ye
same point, /or position\ Nor the Refraction's of any two
Ey's, no More then their person's Exactly Equall.
all wch vary ye opinion of Magnitude, So that
upon the whole, all Conception of Magnitude,
wch is Not founded on proportion, /yt is comparison\ is vaine, &
necessary to be layd aside In order to Make
a just judgmt /conceptions\ of Naturall beings /body, necessary to be waived\.
I Should willingly Recomend to all /who are\ addicted
to philosofick Study's that /they\ habituate their Mind=
to the Conformation of /in a practise of in conforming\ Magnitudes to theyr /the
nature\
owne porpose /of their Speculations\. as for Instance In the Mundane
Systeme. wee may Mentally deminish all
the /supposed\ family's of Sun's & their Retinue of
planets, Into as litle Compas as we pleas
and
104v
S.
prjudices
and withall Conserve their Supposed order
& proportion, and after all Extend that Con=
tracted Scene by Similar addi/ti\on to Infinite
/Space\ againe. So on ye other side, wee May In fancy
Magnifie, a Small parcell of moss or Mouldy=
ness, Into the Condition of woods, & forrest's, and
In like manner /So also\, a peice of file dust, to be a
Mountaine of curled-horshair, or ye like
/so as it may be\ pervious to Many & Many other Sorts of
body's & those /Still\ Sub-pervious to others ad
Infinitum. This way of thincking will bring
Great Eas, In Reflecting, at on possibility's
and thence arguing probability's, wch to one
/Not\ accustomed to Such Mentall Exercises of power
are most /is a\ difficult of Conception /undertaking.\. and this Wee
may depend on, If, So as wee thinck, they are
not they /yet our conceipts\ May be true, while /for\ there is No Con=
tradiction /or absurdity\ Involved, Nor axiom thwarted. and
by this practise one may In great/ly\ Measure o=
vercome Great part of humane frailty /such as lys in ye way\ [off?] a
philosofick caus, prjudice.
[marg]125 Another considerable branch of Comon
prjudice is the ordinary Idea Men have
of force. Whereby they are disposed to Mag=
nifie or Extenuate, after ye dictates of fancy
and ascribe positive vertues when Nature hold's
none
125
marg: 'force appliess'.
105r
prjudices.
T.
None; and this is from ye Same root as the
other, that is Measuring by our owne abi=
lity's, and from thence Inscribe Caracters. for
Say wee what a prodigious force is Weight,
when 40. men Cannot Mannage the bulk
of one Man in lead. and what a Miracle
is there in Explosion, when 0. ll.126 Gunpowder
Shall Carry a bomb of So vast weight so
farr? Indeed there is this reason of the wonder
here, that wee See & prove ye weight, but the
caus of the Explosion is hid from us. If wee
knew the Quantity of Matter, that contri=
buted to the action, wee Should Not thinck
Strang it Carryed ye bomb. Wch I may Endea=
vour to Make Intelligible, In due place. Now
there is No account of force, but that wch Co=
incides, with Quantity of Substance, ffor In
More or less of Substance, there is generally
More of less of force. and therefore fforce is
Reducible as Quantity all into Comparison
and proportion, and as that admitt's all de=
grees, and falls within ye Sciences of Measu=
ring, as substance & its figures & demensions
doe, wch wee call mathematick. and all pow=
er's are More or less /In degrees\ as they are opposed; for
one
It is clear that RN means some weight of powder - 0. ll, i.e., pounds, as in our
figure '£' (does he mean very little powder is required to fire a cannon?).
126
105v
V.
prjudices
one power wch is prvalent agt this, May Not be
prvalent agt that opposition, and Nature hath
No Standard of power, but More then of Mag=
nitude, so that take away opposition, that
is Comparison there Rest's Nothing to be
called force or power. That wch ffills us with
conceipts concerning force, is an Idea /wee have\ of our
owne Strength, of wch wee have No Slight o=
pinion, but thinck it is No Small Matter Can
be too hard for us. Now If wee can lay a=
Side this prjudice, Nothing of force can be Strang,
/for\ then wee Should Say, Is that weight So Strong?
why /is\ Not our Strength /rather\ weak? ffor to a Weak
body, any weight Seem's More then /to\ a Stronger.
and had [....?] wee Not Comon Measures, as
pounds; &c. wee could as litle agree about
weight or force as about Magnitudes; ffor /ye Same proportion\
it gives ye Same Idea, be ye weight litle or
our Strength Great. /Its No Matter wch you Call litle & wch Great, while they are alike
distant asunder, and\ If there Comes the Same
proportion between them. So as the Explosion's
wch are the Greatest force from Invisible Springs
of any wee can /find out or\ prove. Say Not the powder
and its Explosion is Strong, but that Weight
is weak. why Not that, as well as ye other?
by what authority doe wee give a positive
106r127
pejudices
W.
prminence, abstractedly stated, on ye one side
rather then on ye other. the Inconvenience of
this Sort of prjudice is, that wee Reject pro=
bable Causes assigned, becaus wee Cannot bring
orSelves to be of opinion, It possible such Strang
Effect Could follow. As about Muscular Motion
Gravity, & others of wch In due place. but In
ye Mean time let us Not Say it is Strang the
action of Muscles Shall rais Such weight's
when wee may as well Say It is Strang the
weight Should Not be raised with less. therefore
on ye Whole, Wee must Resolve to Subb Sub=
mitt all force and power to be Ruled by
Quantity, and ye law's of Motion Motion,
such as are found out and approved to be
universall, and Conclude all things that
[marg]128 consist with them possible, and Nothing Els.
[marg]129 Another branch of prjudice, is an attachm't
to hypotheses; or a propension to Entertein
Invention's ffor their aptitude, Such were the
ptolemaick130 cicles & Epicycles, wch according
to discovery's of ye age when these prvailed, was
Sufficient to Resolve & calculate all the Mo=
tions of the planets. but In Regard /from ye fittness\ it did Not
ffollow ffrom the fittness, that it was true, however
men /might\ served themselves of the systeme to Cal
culate by, /but\ they Should Not have So adhered
as the
The shaded area on this and the succeeding pages has been struck out with diagonal
lines in the MS.
127
128
marg: '[....?] is prejudice'.
129
marg: '[....?] causes'.
Ptolemy of Alexandria (Claudius Ptolemeaus, 90-168), astronomer, geographer,
mathematician, identified as the inventor of the 'ptolemaic system' of concentric
globes, centred upon the earth, which explained the cosmos before Nicolas Copernicus
(1473-1543) suggested a heliocentric model. As RN's discussion goes on to state, the
Catholic Church resisted the new model, and persecuted its proponents. During the
seventeenth century the Church rejected heliocentrism as a literal description, while
conceding its effectiveness for enabling calculations. Church opposition ended in 1758
with the withdrawal of the condemnation of heliocentric texts as forbidden books; from
1822 books promoting heliocentricsm were allowed to be printed within Rome.
130
106v
X.
prjudices.
as the Scools and Roman church men have done
by Maintaining it with /setting up\ power & authority agt
all proof by demonstration against it Since
phisicall learning, In Matter's without /ye Survey of\ Imediate
sence. It argued /Doth fact ever are demonstrate\ from analogy or probability onely
doth Not Conclude universally as hath demonstra=
tion, Men Should on ye other side Never Engage /paralell reason argue probability's,
or In plain English guess, but that often So Shrewdly, as in Many Instances to have
Credit litle less then if demonstrated rigorously; but yet, in Conjecturalls Men
Should Never Engage\
their Minds in any thing beyond Reserve Whereby /they may be very clear of opinion
alter & yet not be wedded to it but\
If future discovery alter all their the State, the/ir\ assent
Should /May\ goe along. This gives Me occasion to discours
Somewhat of the late Sect of philosofers, who
renounce all propositions, wch doe Not fall under
Experiment or demonstration.131 first as to Experi=
ment, I Grant it the foundation of all Naturall
philosofy, wch hath No being, or progress but u=
pon the force of it. But If Experiment's were of
No use but In ye very Item's Experimented, there
would be Small gaine by them. but as there is a
latitude of arguing from one Experiment, wch is
of a single Item, to other's, upon analogy's, &
paralell reason's, Wee have all that wee know
from them. as for Instance the law's of Motion,
wch are So certein & Regular as wee find, and I
am to Shew, wee owne'em all to Experiment,
but from Some Item's proved, wee argue Infinite
others. But on ye other Side, I doe Not thinck
that
131
i.e., empiricists in general, and the Royal Society particular.
107r
prjudices
Y.
that Nice and Subtile Experimts So absolutely
necessary to philosofy as Some account. But
Instead of all this, It is a fashion, If an hypothesis
ffitt's Some Instances of Nature Exquisetly well,
It Must be driven thro all.
To Conclude, All that /let me observe the Mr D Cartes\ Noble process of Mr D.
Cartes, of Inventing truth thro doubdting, wch
takes Not with Churchmen (who /comonly\ Start at ye
word doubdt), Is No other then an artfull way
of laying aside prjudice; that is bringing the
Mind to that /Such an\ Impartiality, that all former
thought, & Impressions What Ever apart It
is ffree to Joyne with the weight that /and doe Entertein Such Notions as [....?]
[....?]\ reason
Suggests, and determined to fix there and
admitt onely them, & No other. and all ages /not onely ye prsent but\
/all ages\ Must agree that this is the great Most Im=
portant prliminary In and In deed Necessary
temper of philosofick Study's.
I Might give other Instances of prjudices
wch with Many take place, & hinder them
from a just advancemt in a cours of phi=
losifick truth, as Authors, Hypothesis &
Experi'mts, but It will be better to break
them Into distinct Essay's then croud
all together here.132
This would appear to be the end of the essay, but it continues, or begins again, on
the next page.
132
107v
prjudices.
It may be Noted for an ancient prjudicial
way of philosofising, wch fall's under the rule
of Ignotium per Ignotius.133 If a question be of
Something Extraordinary, and somewhat
very ordinary Can be found out to paralell
it with, it goes for a solution, tho perhaps
the latter, /so\however Comon is the greater ridle
of ye two. So in ye life of Esop for Instance, ye
Question was why ye Garden bore weeds rather
then flowers. ansr, becaus to the flowers it is a
step mother, but to ye weeds one Naturall.134 this
went for profound wisdome in Elder times; but
What hath the vegetable Juices of ye Earth to
doe with, No humane passion's, or how comes
a similar that Joynes Nothing to be a caus of
any thing. The being satisfyed with such stuff
as this is a great hindrance to knowledg.
And of this sort was the Enigmaticall philo=
sofy of ye ancients, and Is Indeed the very Eldest
philosofy wee have any acco of; This I conceiv
began with prtence of profesy, wch, among the
Nation's, was Nought Els but Jargon's of bears
lyon's, wolves & Such like, adapted to amaze
the Ignorance of those times. And such was
then growne Into a Mode of learning, and
prtended to by all tho the true guift of
profesy,
i.e., 'the unknown by the unknown', i.e., where the explanation is even less
understandable, or creditable, than the thing to be explained.
133
Aesop, like Homer, is not so much a person as a tradition. The story here explains
itself; it is used elsewhere by RN to represent an 'ignotium per ignotius' explanation
(see Add MS 32546, f. 229r). There follows a remarkably 'Enlightenment' history of
scientific thought.
134
108r
pleasure.
Intending to discover, if possible, the originall
Caus or Source, of those ordinary Resentm'ts wee
Call pleasure & paine. I consider 2. Reflections
Incident to humane Nature /consider here I consider two Comon Notion's\ 1. /of\ our
being. 2. of
our State & Condition. the former is pure and In=
dubitable, and is therefore pure pleasure; ye other
is obscure, and doubdtfull, and therefore a Caus of
paine unless when /except onely being\ in a process /cours\ of Melioration /amendment.
\.
and then may be /afford\ a sort of pleasure /not pure or [....?] positive\ but owing
onely to Comparison /as all things are heightned by a proximity of their Contrary\.
The knowledg wee have of
our condition ffixeth No where; there are /is\ No Stated
Estimate in us of it /standard whereby to Estimate ye condition of our life, onely\
but as occurrences prove aggre=
able or disagreeable, and our memory gives us a /helping us to\
power of compar/e\ing them, wee /fancy or\ argue ye State /it\
better or wors; All wch whole affair depends Not
on thing's but accident; and if the caus that /shews why\ poor /men\
& Rich are Much upon a levell as to true happyness.
ffor as ye poor have not ye /tho destitute of\ plenty of the Rich, So yet
they Escape their cares & diseases /of ye Rich\; and on ye Con=
trary ye Rich /In all their affluence\ want ye Eas & appetite of poor /Men\
peoples and neither thinck themselves well but onely
in prferment and by ye Rule of /for and according to\ proportion a Small
step in a low Condition /mean Estate\ hath ye value of a long flight
/rise\ of a [....?] /great man\, and Hence also grows /Endless\ ambition, and
Restless aspiring to perfection. ffor If wee know any
thing of or State, it is defect, and of that More or
less according to or learning & habits, but In ye Main
our Education, & circumstances of life, wch /of as and\ wee would
rise wee Judg/ing\ by /mistaken\ Comparisons /however\ wee urge them mistaken, to
[....?] would, wee accordingly blunder thro /on wch occurs\ perpetuall [change?] Error
& [change?]
108v
If it be ask't what defects are these wee are So
Embarras't in or minds with I ansr, wee want all
things we would have, wee would know, possess,
use, pass swift, obtein, & Indeed /have\ Every thing yt or
Mind suggests capable of possession or as, [and?] wee
find wee Cannot; but then say wee, If wee had
this or that, or were like this or that person, then
many pleasures would flow. wee try & are deceived
& so on for Ever. the sence of defect is a diseas
of Restlessness, & Impatience, & uncabable of Cure.
No man is free /from desire\ tho Sence forbear persuit of Impos=
sibility's; & that is ye fruit of philosofy, wch is /ye\ an
art to know of good & Evil, and working ye Mind
or att least or practis of life to a conformity, but of
This Enough.
I have say'd that Reflection on or Condition being
So defective as it is, is painfull; And I must sub=
joyne that a Great catalogue of vulgar pleasures
are derived from it, wch are known by ye termes of
diversion's or pastime. All wch I may allow Some Share
of positive pleasure, /with Regard to\ as the first consideration I had
of our very being as I Shall Shew; but ye Greatest
Ingredient of them, is drawne by Comparison, of
better & wors, wch collated Ever Sett off one and o=
ther. So painters Exalt their lights by darkning
their Shades. and Orators perswade, by Exaggera=
ting a contrary. If wee have Nothing but or Selve
to Contemplate, ye Compa is Not aggreable; and
the cards, chase, or any thing to Imploy ye attention
109r
without Such Grating, is called pleasure, & is So
as as Remission is to person's in Torture; Not positively
but compared with the prceeding condition. Now
This sort of pleasure, I have No designe to dilate
upon; but onely as Such thing's as give a direct
Ingagm't and therefore drop it; and onely desi=
ring it May be Remembred that it will have
Some Share In all our Injoymts, I proceed to Exa=
mine pleasure upon or first consideration, the
being Sensible of our Existence.
As to have a being, is better then Not to be,
so to be sensible of that being, is better then to
have a being without sence. I Grant a being
may be accursed /to pain\ & /so be\ miserable, and supposing
that, It is certeinly better to have No sence
of it. but I spoke of In Indifference, as at least
wee may suppose /allow\ or owne Case to be. tho it
will be allowed me that a Man is a happy &
Not accursed in his Nature. I shall not Require
So Much, but assuming that /affirme that\ to be sensible purely
of a [very?] being, is a pleasure, becaus it is a Conscious
possession of somewhat it self /& that is\ to be prised as Somewt
whereas Nothing Can have No value. So to goe No
farther, to Say I am, without More, is to be
is pleasure. And If wee could Rest there as I may
prsume Spirits & angels doe, there were our hap=
pyness (not the prime, that is Exalted by a farther
flight, of knowing God, then all perfection). And When
objects & occurences of life call us from this to
[marg]135 to our worldly Condition, then wee have an allay
as I observed.
135
marg: 'no defect'
109v
I doe not Contend that as self-knowledg is an
happyness, and that our State of body & life, is an
allay to it, to affirme also, that there is No happy=
ness but Self-perception. ffor. 1. there are degrees.
1. that I call Self is not allwais ye Same or Equall.
I doe beleev, that ye Spirits of men are intrinsically
various, as their faces; Some are of better Mould then
other's; and abstracting all Corporeity, among
pure spirits, or as wee terme them Angells, there
are variety's, as of other creatures. ffor who hath
discovered any parity or Equality among creatures?
I am Sure all wee know are otherwise, various &
unequall, wch is reason Enough for arguing ye like of
what wee Cannot know. Then this follows, that
as ye Creature is More Refined and Excellent in its
Nature, So Much ye More pleasure it hath in its Self
perception. Wch Easy logick will prove, ffor it is a
Sence of a better thing, that is More pleasant.
2. Another difference is found. this self perception
may be with more or less force frequency or force,
or with More. and this depends on the organ's of
our body's, or upon su objects prsented. 1. If the
case of a person be Such, that from defects of ye
organ's he can Scarce perceiv any thing, as in
distemper's of ye Nerves or parts yt are ye Instrumts
of Sence, Such can have litle pleasure, that is litle
Sence; and If he perceivs that he lives, it is
much. but More then that prtends Not too. It is ye
Same, In case of Naturall dullness, when ye organs
are stiff, and are Not Moved by Small Impressions
he
4136
RN begins numbering the pages at this point, although only intermittently
throughout this essay.
136
110r
and If Stronger, ye parts correspond Not in trans=
mitting ye action to ye perception, Such a /sleepy\ person
hath Not So much pleasure, as one of a Quick
& agile Sence, yt looseth Not any Impression's but as
one awake /at\tends to all, and feels himself, not onely
more vividly but /more\ frequently then others doe.
I add a 3. Ingredient of pleasure, & that is being
in ye way of much action of ye Mind, no Man thin=
king att all, forgett's himself. and when Either
from frequency of occurences, wch fasten on ye Mind,
as matters of gaine or prferm't doe, or a vivid
and active body, [Inquisitice?] & of thriving fabrick,
makes all of things Significant by thincking, wch is
ye Case of learned men & philosofers, Such Cannot
but be happy, ffrom a Multiplyed, & lively Sence
of their owne Existence. and ye latter Sort when by
accident Not determined to a Speculative life
to feed their joy's; divert to active buissness, po=
pular traffick, & ambitious projects.
<flourish/underline>
I know it will be asked Me how this Self perception
wch I make an Indifferent case, can be pleasure; and
yet many times wee find or thincking a paine, or yt
it is more or less so, & often pleasant, as divers
outward objects prsent. Whereby it Seem's More rea=
sonable to assigne pleasure to objects, then to our
self perception. to this I ansr.
That ye pleasure Cannot be in ye object, becaus
many have direct contrary Effect's on divers persons.
wch
5
110v
Could Not be, If the force were in ye object. there=
fore, while when wee opine /fancy\ our attention /is to\ on ye
object, it is /intruth\ but a Reflex Notion of orSelves. wee
doe not observe it /thinck so\ but I realy thinck ye truth is so.
As for Instance, a clear light (as fireworks are) out
of darkness, is an object as generally delighted in
[marg]137 as any thing. I take ye advantage of it to be onely this
that the force /for\ being so distinguish't from ye dark, out of
wch it appears, wee cannot but attentively observe, What?
that wee are observing that, or in Short, that wee are.
The light is ye occasion of our thought, but the thought
is, that wee are thinking, wch will Continue as long as
ye light is so distinguish't to be ye occasion. againe it Can=
not be the Impression of the light yt So pleaseth; as if it
were a thing felt or tasted; ffor at Noon Day, kindle
a litle sulfr & camfir, there is No Sence of it at all.
therefore it is the distinction, owing to ye dark, that
makes it aggreable, that is observed, and all obser=
vation is pleasing; Nor is a distinction of any force
to pleas, nor really doe Contrary's give force to ye
Impression Either makes. I grant Contrariety distin=
guisheth, and that makes object's Considerable apart,
yt act, and So gratifies us, with a perception of our
selves. I doe not Say yt all sence is pleasure, but without
circumstances positively to deprave them, wch I shall touch, they are So
Than Resting here, that ye pleasure of sence ly's in
ye tast of our owne Existence,138 I am to shew what cir=
cumstances may be to heighten /or debase\ this pleasure. And these ly /the\
/former consist in\ in fforce, variety, /or plenty\ & variety or plenty /and
clearness, & ye other in weaknes, rarity & uncertainty or. confusion\ as to all wch
In generall I may prmiss, that If perception of outward thing's be Ex Nomine a sence
of or Owne Existence & as Such
137
marg: a very large exclamation mark ...
This last sentence of the previous paragraph and the rest of this paragraph have
been added later, executed in a finer pen, or using the very tip of the pen.
138
111r
A pleasure to us, /as to force\ Every circumstance that Invigorates
that sence /ye Impression\, Increaseth ye pleasure, with this Qualification
onely; that, the force holds proportion /so\ with the Substance
/of our body's\ as It doth not dilacerate or wound ye organs. So light
sound, heat, &c. are more pleasing when Strong, provided
as the organ is Not hurt; the Sun it Self, is too Much
for ye Eye, and therefore is usefull onely at Secondhand
by Reflexion. And a Strong Sound raiseth ye Spirits with
amazem't, but when it is a canon at hand, or
bell's on ye Inside of a steeple, the force wounds & so
cannot pleas us. As for Musick wch is drawne from /by\
feeble force, as ye voices of Men or ordinary Instru=
ment's, If the force be not Increast /unless Invigorated by\ Numbers it
is Not so majestick & powerfull as it may be. the
great defect of musick is Softness, as I shall have
full Scope to Shew hereafter. It Must be admitted
that If ye sence or tast of our owne Existence Exerted
by /Externall\ objects, be a pleasure, their striking with greater
force, saving the Contixture of or Organ's, ye Greater
must ye pleasure be. and on ye other Side If Some
circumstances happen, as I may after shew, that to
make a sensation painefull, then the force Exaspe=
rates ye paine; It seem's that ye Rule of proportion
holds well Enough here.
2. Variety or plenty of Sensations, is a great
addition to the pleasure of life, wch will be granted
Since nothing is So hunted after, in that wee Call
diversion & play, comon to all creaturs to
affect. and Still as more is had ye More is desired
ad
111v
Ad Infinitum. And this is like Riches, Qualified by
Education; or prjudice. a litle makes a poor Man
Rich, and a great deall is wanted by a Rich Man.
So ye Rule of proportion holds thro all or Concernes. I
may add here the fancy's some have to Snuff, tobacco
and ye like, pungent Entertainm'ts onely becaus they
touch ye Sence, & Excite our perception of our Existence,
wch otherwise for want of variety Seem's to Grow flaccid
& decaying.
All that sence gather's is differences; ffor If wee had but
one thing to observe continually without Chang, I Can=
not Say that it toucht ye Sence, but onely at the very
Introit of it In or Minds. Afterwards the thought Con=
tinues without chang, that is without Sence of life
or being, untill Renew'd by variety of objects. and then
they are Remarked, that is wee Remarq or being in
observing ye difference of ye latter from ye former. And
although our life Seem's an unterrupted series cour's
/of\ like Motion Continued, yet I conceiv it to Consist of
perpetuall variety /Succession\ of pulses, or Swiftly Repeated
Strokes upon ye sence. Many /ordinary\ Sensation's Seem Con=
tinued, as tones In Sound, coloured body's, whereas in
truth, ye former are but strok's Repeated, & ye latter
but Specks of light. as I shall Shew more fully after=
wards. Even so wee judg our Sence or life to be
a Continuall protraction of time wch is as ye other
but Swift Repeated pulses. And ye variety of things
Makes them taken Notice of. /So as If it could be so ordered that hours & weeks should
pass between one\. Sensation & another
that would be as much out of our acco of life, as If the
succession were Instantaneous.139
8.
139
marg: 'how variety affects'
112r
Of pleasure.
1.140
It is onely perception, wch advanceth /Setts\ a man above
a lump of Earth. All agree that /And ffor\ to be, or Exist is
a positive good, /but yt availes not ye Creature /unless\ and then there pure be added
a\ then the sence of that Existence, had
/wch mankind hath\ or every act of /wch is the prejudice the result\ of perception is
good, or as wee call
it /that is\ pleasure /[....?]141 a sensitive creature [carry's all his?] is happy\. as
for paine, I shall ansr for that anon,
In ye mean time I observe yt among ye various
opinion's of ancient philosofers, Some held Indolence
to be ye cheif good;142 Supposing there was No posi=
tive good in life, & that wch seemed so, was but
Eas from paine; But this State certeinly belong's
to Inanimated Matter onely, wch, having No per=
ception of its owing being, admitts No Such dis=
tinguishing Caracter, as happy or unhappy. And
If paine were ye positive, & pleasure but an In=
cident, or very Existence were a defect, wch is al=
most a Contradiction. That Consisting in Selfperception (ffor what Els can wee find In Sence
but that it ffeel's & so know's it self?) If the be=
ing be good ye Sence of it must also be so. And
Surely a Capacity of perceiving [Inv?]olves No
defect, wch should Render it Evil in it Self, how=
ever it May meet with circumstances from with=
out, wch may more or less content or afflict[,]
So that I conclude pleasure to be rooted in
a sence or perception of or owne being, pure &
abstract from Such accidents & circumstances
as may disturbe it, of wch in its place.
The heading, carried through succeeding pages, and the page numbering (now set in
the top RHS on the recto, although, again, not consistently used throughout) indicates
the start of a new essay on the same theme.
140
As well as being multiply overwritten, this page has had ink spilled upon it,
making transcription difficult.
141
Presumably Epicurus (341-270 BCE) - although he knows very well that that is not
quite what Epicurius meant!
142
112r
2.
pleasure.
This perception of our Existence is Not from pure
Inward Reflection, (as wee may fancy ye Case of
Spirits & angells to be) but derived from outward
objects; for /by\ perceiving them, wee know or Selves
that wee are, for Nothing Cannot perceive; And
from hence proceeds all diversification of per=
ception in ye way of more or less, Either in what
wee call pleasure, or paine.
1. There being (as I Suppose) No perception in
us, but by ye mean's of outward objects, So that
wee cannot perceiv our selves, but by Mean's
of them, Nor them without a Reflex Sence of
or owne concerne In the matter. It ffollow's that
as the Circumstances of objects are, with Respect
to ye Manner of our Enterteining them, So Wee
are like to be affected; If perfect, or any way
rising towards it, the perception is aggreeable
more or less accordingly. ffor the perception an=
nexes ye object, & ye Sensitive being together,
So that ye former admitt's No chang, but ye
other take's it, & If for ye better, then joy, If o=
therwise the opposite affection succeeds.
I can find No other principle of better or
wors in objects with Regard to our perception
of them, but in ye clearness, & frequency of them.
And as to clearness, one cannot but thinck, when
an object is perceived fully & plainely, it Comes
with
113r
pleasure.
3.
With all ye advantage it is capable of, and
on ye other Side if it be confused & weak, it is
wors. and Next as to Comprehension; If percep=
tion be good, the More is perceived, the greater
is that good. To observe 2. 3. 4. or More ob=
ject's is More pleasure, then one onely. and as
They are Hudled together In time closer. Sup=
posing them distinctly perceived, the pleasure
is still Inhanced. Therefore to present the grea= /an Emi\
test /p=nent\ pleasure, as may be Contrived is to ffill ye
Sences with as /as\ great variety & frequency of ob=
jects as can be /as may\ without disorder & Confusion /be contrived\
ffor this In Every Instance occasion's the Sensitive
creature to perceiv its owne Existence, & is thereby
accordingly happy.
Out of this are derived Severall vulgar denomi=
nations of pleasures; as variety, play, diversion,
They Suppose, that these have a reall vertue, where=
as In truth, it is /still\ onely More of ye Same, wch /perception but increast that\ is
So
aggreable. the Repeated Sence of ye same object,
Minds us of our being, but another/s\ different one /superinduct\
much More then adds greater [....?] doth it /doe it\ with
More efficacy. ffor ye sence hath More object's by
divers various succeeding Impressions /are more pleasure\ then Repe=
tition of ye Same. becaus out of the variety are
Spawned a world of Comparison's, wch are as Effec=
tuall to hold /Imploy\ the perception, as ye object's them=
selve's. So play & diversion, if onely Hunting for
plenty of perception's, wch in veget body's that
113v
4.
pleasure
Move not onely Easily, but with benefit to
with Respect/-ing\ to growth, are /persued with\ wonderfully Content,
& less in old & stiff, wch move Not without More
difficulty.
But this variety of perception's wch is So great
a felicity, Is by nothing more [........?] then Me=
mory. ffor that is a reiterated (tho fainter) per=
ception, of former sensations. And In vertue of this
faculty, wee have a vast addition of Reasonings
comparisons, & judgm'ts, with Infinite severall Res=
pects, Either to truth, or the occasion's of life. So
multifarious & Extended, that a litle thincking
will prsent it much better then a world of Word's
in describing. I cannot avoid Reflecting on ye
happyness wch learned & Curious men Injoy on
this acco. They bring ye whole world (If I may use
So bold a figure) and all its variety's, Into their
private Recess. What other's hunt, like doggs in
a chase, sweating & venturing, they have in
peace, Rest & safety. I beleev ye former will Not
yeild their point, Esteeming ye Silent opperations
of ye Mind, No action, No variety, or Content, ffor
Ignorance is a knowne Enimy to arts; but Wis=
dome is justified of her children.143
Now to distinguish, according as hath bin hinted.
I take pleasure to Consist Either in Diversion,
or knowledg knowledg or diversion. As ffor
Eas from paine, and Grat gratyfiing Naturall
Appetites
143
Luke 7:34; actually 'But wisdom is justified of all her children'.
114r
pleasure.
Appetites, wch in Great Measure ye Same thing.
I shall pass them by, beecus all their vertue is
derived Comparison, unless in ye Case of appetites.
wch May have Somewhat positive, but it is rooted
So deep in litleness, yt wee cannot reach so farr
as to Examine ye Ingredient's of it. But It May
be, If in Grosser cases, wee can Shew ye Mechan=
isme of pleasure, Analogy may help In guessing
at that. I made clearness & Comprehension
or Extent, In Number or otherwise, the Exalters
of ye pleasures of life; from the first I derive ye
pleasure yt is had in knowledg, & consequently
its opposite pain, Doubdt. /from\ The other, diversion
of wch litle more needs be sd at prsent.
But as to knowledg, Considering that the per=
ception of our being, in the Connection or occa=
sioned by ye object prsented to it, is thro pleasure the
more ye object clearer /as\ ye object is perceived /is clearer\
ye stronger /so\ in or Sence of our owne being, & the
pleasure from it /stronger\ a weak Impression is Not /of\ ye Same
Efficacy as a stronger [So iff?] our /one of more force, and likewise an\ object
[Content?] is
distinctly terminated, & hath /&\ all /ye\ parts by
wch it is perceived /are\ clear & plaine. the Sence
is accordingly clear & contented. but if it be
misty & confused, So that it doth Not appear
of what /neither ye\ magnitude or Quality it hath, /of it\ Nor
is distinguishable, nor is there any possibility /it may be compared\
of comparing it with other's, as the nativity
as ye Mind for Inlargmt of its Injoyment, as
well as occasion's of life, desires. then ffollows
114v
6.
pleasure
Doubdt. and as ye knowledg is pleasing becaus
it is a clear sence of it Self, that is of a perfec=
tion (I mean as to a capacity of perceiving.) but
Doubdt is paine, having conjoyned a Sence of
a Manifest defect, becaus it is Manifest the
thing Cannot be compared with others, & So the
carrier of ye fancy thro the ocean of objects it
hath to play with, is Stoptt & ye Mind Suspended
from the Injoyments native to it farther Satis=
faction, till this ill contrived thing is Either re=
moved or understood. And if at length a dark
& obscure object, is discovered & cleared up, the
mind is pleased, as with a victory, or Sence of
its power in [....?] conquering a defect; wch is /this is\ ye
joy of /an happyness wch ffew know but\ Students, & Inventors of arts. /In short\ To
Con=
clude this matter, I have onely to add in Sume
that pleasure & paine is /are\ founded in
knowledg, & doubdt, and if how farr that
may be made appear by the Consideration
of particular's, is ye buissness of wt follows.
I May distinguish knowledg, into /by\ truth and
usefullness. The knowledg of truth meerly, is
a pleasure, as Such as wee have by glorious &
clear objects wee have of sight & hearing,
wch have No Regard to humane life. Such
are Jemm's, Illustrious buildings, & lights,
and Great & pompous sounds, as well as
procession's, while we know wt they are,
115r
7.
Nay the view of a comon object, as a Stone
or tree, yt is plain & distinct is aggreable. It is
well knowne what a delight some have in
a mathematicall figure as for Instance a. ∆.
That is not ye Same to others. the reason is
the artist hath a multitude of objects in ye one
as Not onely ye figure but all its property's and
Comparison's, wch branch out in to a Copious
science. And however the Reference to useful=
ness may Exalt ye pleasure, it is certein that ye
very multitude of Images that prsent's to ye
mind, is a pleasure to an artist as great as
a Spectacle /of great [....?]\ is to an ordinary person. But Next
usefullness, wch is originally drawne from ye Same
root, carry's the pleasure beyond all. /that of\ meer
sensation. ffor it Stirrs up the memory of former
content, wch as in ye Injoym't, so in the Remem=
brance is pleasing. ffor None judgeth a thing
usefull, but at ye Same time, that usefull, is ye
Remembrance of /some\ what he hath Injoyed, & May
againe. I shall say No more of this matter in
generall, but leav it as a subject rather hinted
then discours't, & wch will afford copious /matter of\ Specu=
lation, and proceed to the applycation in our
ordinary use of Sight, and hearing. wch are
the most wonderfull way's of our being /where by wee are\ Con=
cerned with various & distant objects, and with
Great affections of pleasure or paine.
<flourish/underline>
115v
8.
perfection In objects of Sight is beauty, &
of Sounds Musick. The latter is My province
but I shall use ye other as More demonstrable
to Explaine but ye other /[....?] of in pa\ being More Exami=
nable, will Serve ffor Explanation. The Sight
is Enterteined with objects that, are /glorious\ clear
orderly or usefull, the clear are light and
But the other dealing more distinguishably
wch may open our judgm't. Wherein ye /but\ other,
being more distinct & Examinable /& therefore\ will be
of use to Explaine & illustrate, and therefore
shall be first considered.
Wee Must Now lay aside the Consideration
of pleasure from pure sensation, and take it
as it is Exalted by ye Circumstances & dispo=
sitions of things. The Sight is Enterteined with
Regularity's, Such as wee see in plantations
walk's, Building's & gardens. So also with
Movements, If regulated, as dancing, & Machines.
The reason of this is In the [....?] /that more of Such\ objects /is\ becaus
more is understood, then of Irregular's. As the
parterr is Not onely seen, but /forthwith also\ knowne to
consist of the squares & rounds yt Compose
its Shapes and if another like it be orderly /wch being [....?] orderly plac't the
orderly placing\
plact wee / of wch is\ call/d\ it uniformity /wch wee [....?]\ and affect it
Extraordinarily /all\ in visibles. When /if\ an object
consist's of many & Incoherent part's /Such\ as
Rocks, Ruines & the like. they May from
magnitude rais admiration /and dwarf so dwarf\ but being but
but ffor want of Regularity, by wch the Members
116r
pleasure144
1
perception distinguisheth a man from, and
Exalts him above a lump of Earth. this
latter hath a being, but know's it Not, and
therefore is Not a Subject, or Capable of good
or Evil. The other feels its owne Existence, and
all the Incidentall occurences that affect it,
and is accordingly Susceptible of good or Evil,
wch wee Call pleasure or pain.
I apprehend first that a pure Sence of Exis=
tence is pleasant; ffor if ye Existence it Self,
as all agree, is good, the Sence of it Must /also\ be
so; wch is the case of Every Indifferent act
of perception; So that a Sensitive creature is hap=
py in its very Existance; what Circumstances
may be to Exalt this Sence Into delight, or
to depress it Into Suff'ring, are to be Considered.
but certeinly those that held Indolence to be
happyness, are Mistaken; Its true Eas from paine
is accounted a pleasure, but that ariseth Not
from the thing it Self, but Comparison. If to
perceiv be Simply good, the Sence of ye use
of that faculty is so. and If any thing may
deteriorate, other thing's may happen also
to Meliorate that Condition. Evill ariseth from
defect, and the faculty of perception, as to that
End is perfect; for None can doubt, of his owne
power of thincking, & sence of himself. there=
fore to Make that positively unhappy, is Not
reasonable.
The abrupt termination of the previous essay is succeeded by a new essay on the
same subject, with the first page numbered '1', reworking the same first sentence.
144
116v
146
2 1/2
73
292
365
-> Top of page.145
8.4
8.4
8.4
5.5
1.10.5
<diagram>
These calculations are written sideways-on to the page, LHS at top. A diagram or
plan, showing either a groundplan, or the detail of a moulding, occupies the lower
part of a page. Whatever the problems to which these sums represent solutions, they
work around (or towards) the number 365. One sum calculates 365d in pounds, shillings
and pence (8s/4d = 100d, etc.), revealing, perhaps, an annual salary or cost from a
wage or payment of one penny per day (not likely ...). The other sum begins with an
unlikely number, 146, and multiplies it by 2 1/2. 146 is the fifth octahedral number maybe there was a mystical arithmatic at work here, one leading back to the number of
days in a year.
145
117r
Pleasure of the Mind146
The Comon opinion is, yt ye world Receives great
advantage in ye way of more happy living, by
knowledg, & Comerce; I can so litle agree to it,
yt I thinck no particular man is happyer after
any improvem't, then he was in his ignorance.
in another place I have set downe wherein happy=
ness consists. there I Call it pleasure, according to
ye stile of ye world, tho in truth there is litle real
pleasure, if any, and much less happiness in ye
world. yt pleasure of ye mind, wch is ye subject
here, is either an opinion of prference, or diversion
of ye thoughts from ye sence of vitall uneasiness.
the former is ye same whether it be upon just
grounds or not. and a fantastick Conceited fool
is as happy in his owne perswasion as a Solid wise
man yt understands himself. the reasons of opinion
are not to be considered if ye opinion be such, for
reason to Every man is grounded upon his prposses=
sions or principles, and those are ingrifted by ye
accidents of Education, & life; wch are various in
all men, and yt is ye source of ye disputes, & ye ir=
reconcilableness of Rationation; tho men yt are
Educated totgher together have a proximity of Reason.
wch strangers will not allow of. and it hath bin
ye labour, & will be, by ye learned & judicious, as long
as ye world lasts, to setle principles to be allowed
of by all men; wch I fear proves labour in vaine
because men Concerne themselves most with irrea=
litys, yt is things of wch wee have no Certein &
determinate knowledg, as wee have of quantity
At top of page, in pencil, in 19thc hand: 'Pleasure of the mind'. This, and the
next three sheets have a margin and top line ruled in pencil (these lines done in the
eighteenth, not the nineteenth century), as if preparing for a fair copy. None of the
next three pages has anything written on the verso. It is all in a very controlled and
regular hand, except towards the bottom of the page.
146
117v
<page blank>
118r
Herein is ye mistake of such as argue thus; if a
madman thincks himself realy a Soveraigne
prince, and all yt Come about him his Subjects,
his condition is as Envious as yt of a true King.
but no man will for yt opinion wish himself
madd; therefore ye opinion of ye world arbitrates
felicity, and not particular fancy. the prmisses I
take to be true enough, yt no man will wish
himself madd, but ye Conclusion failes, for he yt
might put himself into a state to have ye opiniona=
tive injoym't of all ye good things in ye world, &
doth Refuse it, is in as great a mistake as ye
madman; but it is other Considerations yt leads us
not to envy mad folk. wee see the cold, hunger,
& stripes they Endure, ye Sad distraction of mind
to be deposed from their Right of Governing, wch
almost alwais accompanys such princely distraction.
and ye payne of yt is greater, then ye trouble of a
private man yt was not borne to governe, tho
he has mind enough to it.
So yt I take it yt all ye pleasure of thincking
hath its measure from ye nature of those thoughts
with Respect to ye person onely, & not from any
rule of witt, prudence, or ye comon perswasion
of men.
This prsumed, it must be granted yt he yt hath thoughts
yt in their nature are such as conduce most to pleas
us men, is ye happiest, without considering whether they
be foolish or grounded upon mistakes or not147
147
The last paragraph has been added in a different pen.
118v
<page blank>
119r
There wee have a measure to Reason upon, as none
doubdts but one cubicall foot is Equall to 144
cubicall inches.148 because they doe really Exist; but
who Can determine with yt, or indeed any assurance
in Civil things, as whether a man in Such an
action were wise or not, or ye like; all wch sort
of Reasoning must be remitted to ye opinions of
those yt act, who move by Considerations yt perhaps
cannot, at least are not, Exprest or made knowne.
so as in them, ye Same action may be wise, wch
to a man of more Experience, shall be foolish;
and yt difference had never appeared if ye wiser
man had not bin borne; but it must be allow=
ed, wch I first hinted, yt when a man acts, he
thincks he acts wisely, and injoys ye pleasure
of yt opinion as strongly as any man wt soever.
As for ye other topick of diversion, I thinck it will
not admitt of question, yt its force & use lieth wholly
in taking ye mind from adverting to paine, & not
in ye quallity of it, whether, riding hunting, rea=
ding, Gaming, talking and Every thing Els wch
is considered as diversion onely; and according
to fancy, yt yt engageth mens minds most is
most pleasant to them.
On ye other side ye paine of ye mind, wch proceeds
from injury, mistakes, approaching want & ye like,
wch makes men abject, must be upon ye same
grounds measured by ye mans opinion, & not
ye Reasons of other men; as all light is glorious
till a greater appears, so Every man's Reason
tho upon mistake, is cogent, till a stronger infor=
mation convinceth him;
We might doubt this and still be reasonable, as a cubic foot is made up of 123, not
122 cubic inches - thus 1728 and not 144 cubic inches. That granted, the argument
still holds in sense in which RN intended it.
148
119v
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120r
ReaSon149
1
When Pilate askd what is Truth?150 he receivd no Answer, and no wonder,
for it was an impertinent Question; if he had askd what is
True? as when he Said, art thou a King? he was answerd affirmatively.
the word Truth151 (as all other Abstracts) hath no real Signification.
nor is corresponded by any thing existent in the world. It hath a Logical
Sense, and Servs to repreSent Mens Thoughts that use it, but these thoughts
without being applied to things now really or heretofore extant in the ⊙,152 are
in themselvs nothing at all. As to Say this Sentence is true means Something
to which the Thought is applied to; and would be the Same, if there was no Thought
or Enunciation about it.. But to Say Truth is Divine, means only a mode of
Thought which is Nothing. Therefore in discoursing of Things Supposed to be
some way or other Subsisting in the ⊙, abstract Terms Such as Truth Wisdom,
Policy, Virtue, Reason and the like are to be laid aside, and the Language to
fall upon Realities, as this History is True, this Action wise, this Ordinance Politick, this Resolution Virtuous, or this Argument Reasonable, or the like.
This Consideration is So just, that I dare Say no one useth Such Abstract
Terms without having in his mind at the Same Time Some Realities on which
he reflects.
But now to consider the Abuse of words, it was noted by an old Historian, that Omnis Etas habet Suas Veritates,153 which hints that in diverse Ages
men will hold opinions not only different from, but contradictory to each other,
and what is More Senseles, that meer words Shall be taken for things, and
without any Signification really defined, paSs in discourse as Axiomata, and
Serve in the Quality of Principles to Sustain certain prehended Demonstra
tions; and of these the most eminent is the word Reason; which at present
I am disposed to canvas, [bei?] the Abuse of it now in our Days, is most flagrant
and in the Ordinary disputes with the Theists or rather Atheists is of more
pernitious [ConSequetion?], in which both Sides seem to use the Language
in such a loose way, as renders the Subject undefined, and needleSsly obscure, which under proper Terms and Distinction would be clear enough
The Root of this Inconvenience is a mistaken Distinction, Some
are pleasd to make, between Reason and Revelation, where'as in Truth
both are reducible to rest upon one, and the Same foundation, and Reve
lation is not a Stronger Argument for Religion than (to speak in their Dialect) Reason is a proof of Revelation. They tell us that there is no
need of Religion, for Reason is Sufficient to hold men to Moral Duties, and
to preserve the Peace of the ⊙; the falsity of this will be exposed, but in
the mean time it is needfull to reduce that huffing DispoSition of the Adversarys who advance the Prerogatives of their Idol Reason, as if it were
no less
This essay, as is immediately apparent from the density of words per page, and
different conventions of spelling and abbreviation, is by another hand. Comparison
with Add MS 32546, f. 286v, says this is in the hand of Ambrose Pimlowe (1683-1753),
vicar of Rougham from 1710-23 (see also note on f. 123r, below). Each page is
correctly numbered.
149
150
RN is very nearly exactly quoting Francis Bacon's essay 'On Truth'.
Here, and at some other points of this essay, I have read a word as being
intentionally italicised. I also copy over the distinctive use of the long S.
151
This convention for representing 'the world' has its roots in alchemical writing,
also Masonic conventions.
152
i.e., 'every epoch has its own truth' - something like this had been said by many,
but I have not been able to identify any specific quotation/reference.
153
120v
2.
ReaSon
no leSs than (quasi) a Divine Influx imprest upon the minds of all men a
and a Sure guide Sufficient to determine them in all Cases of Good and Evil.
and to tell them of any other Rule or Authority not agreeing with their Reason
is to Preach out of Tom Thumb. This makes it neceSsary to take in pieces
this (Blind) Infallible Guide, and to Shew how Men that consider must under
Stand, which I think may be done without derogating in the least from the Common Sense and Understanding of Men.
Reason must be refered either to the Faculties of Men, or else
to objects of Sense without them, if to the former it must be alike in all men, being they Say, Original Notions imprinted by Nature upon the Under
standing of all Mortals antecedent, and Superior to all Laws, and Positives
Precepts whatsoever by which we are enlightened with Moral Principles
Such as Common charity, Obedience to Laws, to Doe as we would be done by
unto and the like. And what is wanted more than these to render Society
pfect? But if this must be the Make nothing is so various, incertain
and for the most part false. There are few men if any that agree per
fectly in any thing, not only pticulars but whole Nations and Kgdoms
have had not only different but contradictory notions of Duty, of which
Instances are innumerable, and there is no Criterion whereby men
may Sound each others opinions when they Speak Truth or Lye, or when to
Trust or not which is like to be a rare com'on wealth.
Therfore Reason must refer to Subjects ab extra,154 and that induceth 2 Inquiries 1. What is True, or really existent in the Nature of
things. which are. not variable or incertain, but fixd and determind whether Reasoners either are have to do with them or not. 2. what may be
the Events or Consequences of Such matters; and to these two Enquiries,
the office of Reasoning is confined 1 for reducing Sensations to Truth
(for that we do perceive is most certain, but what is most incertain)
we have the Benefit of Experiment that is of using diverse Senses
or modes of Sensation, to prove the Truth of any object (or as they Say) going round
it, by which means Gold is distinguishd from Gilt and the like; which differences direct Sense would not discover, and Life itself is a Course of Experiment, the Re
Sult of which is called com'on Sense, and I may as well term it Reason; for
So far as any man is taught with Such observations, So far he is a just Reasoner of the nature or Truth of things, and wherein he is wanting he is obnoxi
ous to mistakes. and being Sensible of his defect may doubt, or else be So fully
informed, that he accounts himself very Sure, and free from all man
ner of doubt Dubitation, and by this means he hath a clear use of his Rea
Son, that is Experiment. 2. Having reduced all that can be called Rea
Son in Men touching the Truth of things really existent to pure Experi
ence, we next enquire of Events, or the alteration of things in the ⊙
which Subject will branch into many heads or Partitions, but it will appear
that
154
i.e., 'from outside'.
121r
ReaSon
3
that all will stand upon the Same foot, and that is the real truth of the matters
perceivd. I observe the chief distinctions of 1rst of changes that are called natu
ral, which are chiefly motive, and 2dly Spontaneous, which depend upon Animal
free will. 1rst we gather by Experience a knowledge of the Properties and Powers of
body whence proceeds the Science of Mechanicks, and that in Such universa
lity and Constancy as affixes our minds for certain Truth; that whatever is affirmed to have happened inconsistent with Mechanicks is either false, or else af
fected by Some Power Superior, or distinct from Body. And any one Seeing such
an Effect must conclude either a deceptio ViSus,155 or the operation of Some Such
Power, and if the former is purged by Sensible Examination, the latter must volens
nolens156 take place. It is a certain Rule, quod omne Grave tendit deorSum157 and
if any one obServs an Anvil lying on the ground and then to rise right up without
Artifice applied, would not he conceive that it was done by means of Some incorporeal Power? It is the Same thing, when with the Sound of a few words
a man Stone dead shall be raised to Life, or native Blindness cured, and all other
miraculous effects produced. And it is plain that all Such Cases are not tested
upon Reason, as it it commonly understood, but upon matter of Fact stated
upon Experience, and as that is more or leSs perfect, so are the Notions just
or fallacious; and Such Conclusions are not Reasoning, but pure Sensation
as when things in Position vary, it is not Reason (in the Pretence of the Adver
sary) but actual Sense that declares it to be motion. The worst is when
things are not, and cannot be Experimented, and then we fall to determine
by Conjecture, and that (Say they) is the office of right Reason; I allow that
Such Proceedings is by Symptoms or Evidences, whether true or preSumed
and those refer to things real and Sensible, be it in opinion, or preSumption
and no man by mere Reason can find the way to York.
We come next to things that depend upon Volition, or the free will
of Men or (as we may Suppose) of other Animals, but I shall reflect only on the
former. there we might make many Partitions but I Shall Select only
two. 1. Politicks. 2. History. First to deal Singly and /to\ consider the Case of
Reaso
ning upon the Subject of one Person onely; it is proposed to discover whether
his speeches be true and Sincere, or false and treacherous, and that is done
by comparing them with his Actions, for it is found by Experience which the
Adversary may charge upon Reason that where those differ, the person
may not Safely be trusted; and other like Symptomes of Integrity or Perfidy
in men may be found, and prove usefull in Politicks, but all are derivd
upon Sensibles and common Experience, which the Adversary may charge up
in Reason, tho they are but meer Perception either immediate
or memorial.
Another
155
i.e., 'optical illusion'.
156
i.e., 'willy-nilly'.
157
i.e., 'that all heavy things tend downwards'.
121v
4
ReaSon
Another material Enquiry is by what means or inducement
a Mans Actions are directed, all the Masters of Ethicks Say to
purchase Good to himself, or what he shall opine So to be. All which
may be comprized in an ordinary Expression, Self Interest; here we
Seclude Actions that proceed from PaSsion or Anger and the like, for
under those Impulses a Man is not a free Agent but we presume
him to be compleat in his Senses. And then I challenge any one to
Shew me any Other inducement to incline any Man to act one way
or other, but Self Interest. The high notions of Eternal transcendent
had characters of Good and Evil inured upon the minds of all Men born
into the ⊙, which instruct them to act accordingly, unless depravd by
the undue Courses of Life and prior and extra to all other Laws and
Rules of Duty upon Earth whatsoever, are meer chimeras, and grounded upon no Reason, Authority or Truth; and in common Practise
we know that Profit, Pleasure, Pride, Security and the like are all
resolvable into Self Interest, and I may add with the greatest aSsu
rance that Religion itself is of all Interests the greatest, and that
all moral Duties, and Conservation of Justice and Peace in the ⊙. depend upon that and upon no other Rule or Principle whatsoever; and
Setting Religion aSide, a man th is weak that declines the most facinourous
Actions to obtain Good to himself, if he may doe it impunely, and free from worse
Evils, Such as the Laws inflict, Shame, and to mention one instar Omnium158 Eter
nal Damnation. Is it not a Common Notion that Mankind is governd by Rewards
and Punishments, and are not those held forth and denounced in Religion more
eminently than any temporary Concern can be; they that depreciate Religi
ous obligation and Authority by Setting up Terrâ Incognitâ159 Laws, or Rules of
Morality
against them, crying out Moral Principles are enough for us (well and good
if we knew where to find them) are Solemne underminers of all Property,
and Justice, as well as Peace upon Earth and if the Common People rightly understood them, they would be purSued like mad dogs to a final Destruction.
But are not the Men of Plenty and superiority
who by their Discours, merriment, and Encouragement of Atheistical attempts
endeavour (quantum in illis160) to extinguish the Sense of Religious Dutys in the
common People; it will be no wonder if inSults of the many Should happen
to teach them better manners. The Fool in the Psalms had more Wit
who kept the Secret in his heart, and did not like a changling Blabb it161
and
158
i.e., 'one standing for all'.
159
i.e., 'unknown land'.
160
i.e., 'so much as they can'.
The opening lines of Psalms 14 and 53 are virtually identical, respectively: 'The
fool hath said in his heart, There is no God. They are corrupt, they have done
abominable works, there is none that doeth good'; 'The fool hath said in his heart,
There is no God. Corrupt are they, and have done abominable iniquity: there is none
that doeth good'.
161
122r
ReaSon
5
and if the famous Heathen Nomarchs, as Lycurgus and Numa162 &c found a dispoSition in the People to a Sense of Religion, and made use of it, to the Purpose of
their Republicks, it doth not follow that all those, who for this 1700 years
have urged upon the People moral Duties upon the principles of Xstianity
have been and continue meen Tricksters, and yet be all along exposed
to discovery.
But to return to our Subject which relyes Reason wholly upon
actual Experience, our last Enquiry is concerning History, to the crredit or
disbelief of which all manner of Circumstances of Fact are conducing
as the person of the Author (if known) and his character, the Symptoms of
his deSign, the common Opinion of his Veracity, the Conformity of Cotemporary Accounts, the disinterestneSs of the Subject, and manner of Expres
Sion, with diverse other Evidences as may appear to vouch an historical
work. These are com'on Places which I am not here to enlarge upon
but only Subjoyn a short note, which is that Relation of strang Incidents
not consonant with our Reason, that is our Ordinary Experience, are
not for that Cause to be rejected as false, unless they imply a con
tradiction in Terms; as if a CaucaSean Mountanier is told of a Ri
ver in England that runs up hill and down hill, upon the Same Ground
every 12 hours, that agrees not with his Reason, altho it be true, and
wants only a fuller Explanation, tho (perhaps) even that might not con
convince him.163 Therfore the Rule of Reason (as it is calld but means
Experience) is no certain Test of Historical Relations, but other Symptomes or Testimonies are to be appeald to. It is certain that the Credit
of History admits of all degrees from being utterly rejected to an in
tire ASsent. I shall not Stay to compare any, but fall directly upon
that of the Xstian Religion, which we call the Gospell, and that is So far
verified, that as a worthy Author against the Deists hath proved, that it is impossible it Should not be true, for the 4 criteria manifestly attending never met, nor cannot meet in a falsity.164 So taking the Facts of that History
to be true, we must believe the Miracles actually wrought as there is rela
ted, which for the Reason before given argue a Divine Authority; and the
Precepts therewith enjoynd to be real Laws of Morality enforced with
Promises of Rewards, and Terrour of Punishments in the highest and
most flagrant State of human concernment; no Power on Earth
can
Lycurgus of Sparta (7th century BCE), the legendary law-giver of Sparta, Numa
Pompilius (6th century BCE), the second king and (also legendary) law-giver of Rome.
These two were paired in Plutarch's Parallel Lives, the first English translation of
which (via French) was by Sir Thomas North, RN's great-great-uncle.
162
Korsten, p. 313 states: 'These remarks were also made by Hickes [George Hickes,
1642-1715] in a letter to Roger of May 23, 1713 (for copies of this letter see BM
Add,MSS.32551, f.34v and Bodleian Library, MS. Eng. Hist. b.2, f.170r).'
163
RN refers here to Charles Leslie (1650-1722), A Short and Easy Method with the
Deists wherein the certainty of the Christian Religion is Demonstrated by Infallible
Proof from Four Rules … In a letter to a friend, London, 1698.
164
122v
6.
ReaSon
can dispenSe with these Laws, nor Criminals lie conceald. Here is
the true Principle of Justice and Peace in the ⊙ that can oblige Me[n?]
to Duty, which evulsed out of Mens minds, leaves the ⊙, as a Forest of
wild Beasts.
But now to Shew further that what Men call Reason, is sofar from being a Criterion of Good and Evil, that it is no Guide at all,
for granting that there may be a justice of Thought, and that it may
be pursued to a proper end, yet there is free will which for the mos[t?]
part gets the better of right Reason, that is true Interest, So that
as to Good and Evil, the Action as well as the Opinion, Shall take
a turn clean contrary, and of that kind are Revenge, Partiali
ty, Ambition, and not Seldom meer humour, or the nothingneSs
of Fancy which get the better of the most apparent Demonstrations
therfore that what the Adversarys mean by Reason is no Guide
but a Fucus, and held forth as I believe more to Seduce others, than
to Shew themselvs convincd.
This may Suffice for Explaining one Term of the Distinc
tion first Noted Reason; the next is Revelation which wants to be
glozed upon to prevent mistaking the Sense in which it is used; first
it is not Supposed that every pticular pson should be inspired,
for that would prove a ppetual contrariety of Revelation, and it
would be inconSistent with free will, and a real force to compell, rather than pSwade Men; and So to destroy both merit and De
merit; and all that pretend to Such Inspiration among us are found to be Foourbs and Enthusiasticks; and the Inspiration must be attended with Miracles; every one may pretend to
Revelations, but none without Supernatural ASsistance can con
troul and SuperSeed the Course of Nature. And these Miracles must
be made apparent to Sense, and not to be imposed upon Human
kind by the meer Sound of words as is falsly practisd by TranSubStantiation, the Nature of man is incapable of being informed
otherwise
123r
ReaSon
7
otherwiSe, than by natural means, and what is Supernatural cannot
otherwise be instructed; and to the intent that al men may be alike infor
med, it is neceSsary that the Miracles be done by [Some?], either one
or a few, and to be Communicated to others universally in an historical
way. And by that means (that is this History incontestably vouchd)
men by their ordinary Faculties come to be aSsured of what comes
to them by Revelation. As the Gospell for instance whereof the
History is vouchd better than any other History's are, however Cre
dited, is to us in the place of an undoubted Revelation, and pre
Scribes a Rule of Living eternally fixd, and determind, and
not Subject to the incertaintys of Fancy, which men call Rea
Son.
Finis.
By the Honble R. North 1732165
This is clearly in the hand of Ambrose Pimlowe. Pimlowe had become Vicar of both
Rougham and Castleacre, Norfolk in 1710. He resigned from Rougham in 1723, being
succeeded as vicar by Thomas Gregson. It was not hard for him to remain in touch with
RN, since Castleacre (now Castle Acre) is a mere three miles from Rougham (see
Korsten, p. 22, for overview of the appointment of vicars at Rougham).
165
123v
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124r
Religion 1
It seem's a prsumption to demand Reasons for Religious
Duty's. that is a Sort of proceeding used onely betwixt
Equalls. a superior, as God is infinitely to us, Requires
obedience, & justly imputes crime, where it is not per=
formed, without a better excuse then, that there appears
no sufficient reason for ye comand. this were not onely
foolish & absurd, for it concludes there is no reason, be=
cause it is not discerned, but it imports ye greatest reflec=
tion, implying ye comand is injust, & without caus. yet,
as it is in case of ordinary service, reasonable injunc=
tion's, where of ye reasons are understood, are obey'd with
greatest alacrity, so if there be no duty of Religion
ye reason of wch is not clearly visible to us, wee ought
to consider it as a mercy, & admire it; and if in Some
instances ye Reason is not so apparent, to indeavour
the discovery of it, is without doubdt a Religious &
offenceless contemplation. and such is ye Scope of this
essay, where in nothing shall be dogmaticall, but submis=
sive to learned correction.
In ye first place I find great Cause to thinck Reli=
gion imposed to no other End but yt men might live
beneficially to themselves & others. and that if mankind
were not inclined to ye Contrary, there were no need of Re=
ligion, at least such as wee know, for ye end of it were
accomplish't. all yt Religion injoyn's seems adapted to ye
infirmity's of men, as a supplemt to imperfect humane
nature. the particulars will argue wt I assert, & with Some
clearness, as I shall shew by degrees.
The Decalogue was distinguish't into 2 tables, ye first
conteining ye duty towards God, ye second ye duty towards
man. wch 2 topicks comprehend all Religion wtsoever; if
wee add
124v
Religion
wee add to ye 2d, as an explanation, ye Duty towards or
selves, for it is included.
1. The duty towards God Contein's, besides obedience in
generall, all externall worship & adoration, and also a
constant fear & Reverence. whereby wee thinck God is
honoured & Glorified; and this wee comonly take to be
ye end of Religious formes, but I shall offerr wt occurrs to
me in yt particular in Due time.
2. The duty towards man comprehends. 1. ye duty tow=
ards or selves. 2. ye duty towards others. under ye former
are listed ye vertues of temperance, sobriety, chastity, mo=
desty, humility, and all ye rest yt tend to make a man
happy within himself. The other takes in obedience to
ye Governem't & ye law's of it, justice & syncerity in pri=
vate dealing, peaceablemindedness, and all morality yt
tends to prserve society, peace, and comon utility of men.
Under ye 2d head, ye vices or sin's correspond to this
distribution, and are all either injury to orSelves, or to
others. and all action's wch produce neither of those
are lawfull. ffirst, as to orSelves. Excesses of Eating &
Drinking, are prohibited with ye Stigma of Gluttony &
Drunkenness, for they are ye causes of Diseases, paine, and
immature death. and if they were forc't upon us by
humane force, wee should esteem it a tyranous & in=
just cruelty. yet such is or nature, yt we cannot obser=
ve a mediocrity, /&\ are apt to Erre on ye more benigne pt,
plenty; wch is not discerned from /but by exceeding\ wt is comon /ordinary\ therefore
wee
are disposed to advance from one degree to another, and
are continually less able to resist, as or reason is opres't
by excesses, and habit grow's upon us, and wee are /insensibly\ brought
to suffer ye effects of tyrany & cruelty, from or owne neg=
lect. therefore it is a blessing to be temperate & sober
if wee value long life & eas from paine. the consequence
of excesses
125r
Religion
of excesses in this kind, extends not onely to make us
unfit for or owne. private concerns. but to ye publick also,
& by adding activity to ye body, & amortizing Reason, wee
fall into ye disorders of quarreling & fighting with others
yt are more sober, besides a generall remissnes of behavi=
our wch ought to be tempered so as to conforme to ye all
condition's of men, yt peace, & Good will might be prserved.
I could say ye same of chastity, & ye opposite vice, wch is ye
author of so much misery to men, and ye like of others.
but this is Enough to demonstrate wt a benefit it is to ye
race of men to be religious in ye observance of those dutys.
wch is an apparent reason why they are injoyn'd; then wt
need wee imagine, or seek for any other?
It is not amiss to Remarq, yt [whe] wee have no express
comand, but to obviate some infirmity. those things yt
are hurtfull to us, to wch wee are not att all propence,
are not prohibited. as if a man should thro his treasure
into ye sea, & leav himself no support, but starve for want,
wee should esteem him a fool, or a madman, but no
sinner, in yt particular. but should rather prdicate his ver=
tue. ye mendicant fryers, (in opinion) are an instance
tho, upon ye foregoing reason I look upon such a one to
be as great a Sinner as he yt dy's of a debauch. for if
excess be prohibited because of ye evil it brings, wtever
action brings ye same, is within ye phibition.
I shall touch upon two things wch Relate to this subject
1. Self denyall or pennance. 2. Self homicide; ye first is
Received out of a perswasion it expiates crimes. then wch
there can be no greater mistake. for if duty's are injoy=
ned for ye eas & Good of men, it is impossible yt paine
& torment can make amends, but is rather a new offence.
it is as if to Expiate for being drunk, anyone should
prscribe to be drunk againe, as ye most hopefull cours.
125v
Religion
I doe not so much wonder at this humor because in
all times men were inclined to thinck ye immortall
powers cruel, or at least that putting themselves to paine
prvailed upon their good nature, wch hath its rise from
ye passion of pitty /& yt\ wch takes place in men /who judge of ye diety by their owne
apprehensions\. I grant yt
where desire tends to ye breach of a duty, yt duty in=
cludes an inhibition to ye Gratification of it. but volun=
tary paine & pennance, is error & folly, where it is
prsumed to purg faults, or Reconcile heaven. it is ye
sincere Reformation, & Resolution never to offend, must
doe yt work. punishm't looks foreward onely, with re=
trospect it is better term'd cruelty, and were it not to
detterr men from breaking ye law, and taking off incor=
rigible members, there could be no punitive justice.
- 2. Then as to self homicide, I su am of opinion yt men
judg too severely of it, in Reputing it cannot be law=
full in any Case.166 /& there is no positive comandment agt. it. then considering it
upon reason\ the condition of a man may be
such, yt his paine is beyond support, and life desperate;
and yt it were a charity to dispatch him. another can=
not doe it, because positive law phibits homicide; but
it no where forbids yt a man should kill himself. and
it is a curtesie to himself, & injury to no man. then
why is it unlawfull? if ye consequence be ye forfeture
of goods, yt is no prohibition of ye thing. but a customary
disposition. Religion never did prohibite it, but has Com=
mended men for becoming euneuchs for ye kingdome's
sake, & amongst ye jew's, not getting children, was
look't upon as homicide. Some say it is a distrust of pro=
vidence, [.?] wt is phisick? an art to eas us of paine &
prolong life; that wee use, as if wee distrusted providence!
and yet wee must not use ye means, wch wee know will
eas us of insupportable misery. Reason extends to all like
cases. and to act with reason, not agt any positive duty, is no no
fault.
Now if
RN's position on suicide comes up in other places, see above, f. 18v, see also
Notes of Me: the Autobiography of Roger North, ed. Millard, P., Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, Toronto, 2000, pp. 207ff.
166
126r
A demonstration of free Will
Wch is short, that Wee
clear 'perception, of
wee have of any other
Greater demonstration
have a plaine &
Such freedome; as Much as
thing in ye world. and
is not to be Expected.
The objections are taken ffrom ye Inconsistency
fancyed with ye devine attributes; as prscience
&c. & ye Nature of contingency; wch they say
cannot be of thing's foreknowne; ffor what
is certeinly fore knowne, must happen, & is
therefore Necessary.
This objection is built upon principles, Not
perceeived Nor understood, And there is No
Sort of assurance, but ye Devine Nature (tho
wee know it Not) May consist with that
liberty, wch is allowed to ye Creature.
Therefore wee Must beleev wch is certein to
our Sence, agt the argumen'ts formed out of
uncertein, & unknowne principles.
As for the Argument from Revealed Religion
it is Enough to say, that in ye Notion's of
all good, & Evil, obedience & disobedience,
and all Morality of action, with ye attendant's
Reward & punishment; Are Comprised the No=
tion of liberty, as in ye Number. 4. is Comprised
2 + 2. So as to take one away, & ye other Ceaseth.
126v
<page blank>
127r
8.167
value pass on Most things. and also a trade
of wagering was very rife, so as a towne Could
not be Seighed, but Great Sumes went In wagers
on ye Success. all these Circumstances together
Gave occasion to subtile projecting citizen's
to run up their trading Stocks, by a sort of
confederacy. So that by dealing with one &
other at Noted clubbs & coffee houses, a fame
would go abroad as of rising Comodity's, to
make ye greedy bite, In hope of advantage.
and Such as bought & sold againe for Mode=
rate gaines/(Not\ Respecting ye Intrinsick, but Res=
pecting what followed) were considerable Sa=
vers, but Such as Stay'd, & bought on, Saying
as ye word ordinarily was, It will be higher.
were caught in a downfall & broke. to shew
the Extravagant pitch of this humour, take
but one Instance. African stock Intrinsically
was Not worth 100. pr. cent. & It came to be
bought ordinarily at 400, and ye very Comittee Men
who knew ye Secret gave it, saying it will be higher.
as in truth It might with as Much reason, as So.
And they went So farr, as to Establish & Cheat
Quantum in illis,168 by wrighting In their books
Every mans. 10/[9?]\0, 400. Saying, what is So abroad
ought to be So here, tantum valet Quantum &c169
This is not entered.
This page and the one following have been struck out with a single vertical line;
note the comment in RN's hand at the foot of the page. The reference to 'clipt Mony'
overleaf suggests that RN is remembering one of the bubble investment crises of the
early 1690s. The silver coinage was subsequently called in and re-minted in 1696, in
an attempt to stabilise the value of coin against the bullion, according to a formula
developed by (among others) John Locke. Although not ultimately successful, and
although other crises followed, the events did bring about Isaac Newton's appointment
as Master of the Royal Mint, a post he held from 1700-27. Newton became an zealous
prosecutor of coiners and an ingenious detective of their practices
167
i.e., 'as best they could' - i.e., meaning (as I understand it) that they changed
the number 100 to 400 in the account books (the figure '100' in the MS looks as if it
had been changed to '190'[?], the figure '9'[?] also being written above
168
RN invokes the Latin proverb 'Res tantum valet quantum vendi potest', i.e., 'A
thing is only worth what someone will pay for it'.
169
127v
9.
this was prvented by the No set price on ye Ginnys
but people were allowd to give what Excha
they thought fitt. and I Remember it, but
4d. & it stood long at 6d. so rose, till the
clipt Mony Made it rise to. 10d. above 20.
and on the regulation of ye Silver coyn, they
fell to: 21 1/2. Where now they stand.
Stock jobbing. from whence, Jobb, I find Not,
but it is used for any buissness to be done with ad=
vantage to any trade or Imploym't. as they say
after a fire of houses. - A good Jobb of work. So a
buying & Selling with profit, is a good jobb. and
comon buyers of cattell to Sell againe are
called jobbers. and the buying & Selling Stocks
In the trading company's is stock-jobbing. But
there is Somewhat singular about that fitt to be
Remembred. for In the time of the last warr
with france under Wm. & Ma. the Governemt
was tender, & necessitys as well as Hazzards
Great. and for raising Mony all ye various
devices /as could be thought on for yt End\ were put in practise; as lotterys,
annuity[s]
& ye like. and credit was set up upon all pub
lick mony,170 so that the Income of ye state, was
continually put to sale as tally's, debentures
&c. add to this, that ye Mony was pared to the
Quick, & Not half ye Intrinsick left, wch made a
fals
170
This is the basic 'business model'of the Bank of England, established in 1694.
128r
An Author Never makes greater advances In being
Ridicolous, then when he sollicits to obtein ye /sole\ prive=
ledg of Some sort of wrighting. And posterity will
Scarce beleev it possible there Should be any /that any ever were\ Authors
they who Should deserve a /Ever Resort to a\ Soveraine power Authority
to forbidd all men but them ffor Excluding all
but themselves, ffrom Sence & capacity in certein
matters
When /Suppose Some Certein\ poets, & /or\ Historians, Shall /Should\ obtein a grant
to be /ye\ sole poets & /or\ historians in ye Nation. Is it possi=
ble that, Even then they Should persecute with
More fury, and lay about 'em /worry with\ More Malignety
than Now they doe, those who venture to deal
In poetry or history?
Why doth /Should\ an author that /who\ fancy's him/Self\ of ye first
Rank be So very [downcast?] be in such pain, to /much netled of\
So very painefully endure's that /that there is\ any other good
author /should be\? ffor ye Same reason as an Intendant
Governour, or cheif Magistrate, can often is
In paine to bear with any persons of better
Quality or Consideration then himself. both are
affraid to be attaqt in their Stations.
The Jeylousy of author's Extends to ye future as well
as to ye prsent, they would Not Neither be opposed Nor
Succeeded. The thought /wch made\ Augustus had in appointing
a bad Successor, Is No where So /well\ copyed as among authors.171
This is possibly datable to the preiod preceding the publication and passing of the
'Statute of Anne', the introduction of copyright in 1710, which granted ownership of
copyright to authors (rather than, as previously, to publishers) for 14 years. At that
time RN was engaged in the preparation of his attack on White Kennett in his
(posthumously published), Examen: or, an Enquiry into the Credit and Veracity of a
Pretended Complete History; shewing the Peverse and Wicked design of it, London, 1740.
171
128v
Sweet Williams172
Aricolas
poleanthes
Sweet Sultan
Amerintha's
Capsicon Indian
Stock July flowers
July flowers clove
172
- 2. How-Irons
This list, in two columns as shown, is written upside down on the page.
129r
Nothing hinders the fruits & comfort /balsam\ of a pious bookMan
then the decrying its Style. I do Not read the holy Scrip=
ture with ye Respect I had did; /holy Rever[indes?] yt formerly I did\ Since they
Shewed Me
Impropriety's In the Some termes. A christian that reads
the Sacred wrightings with a Religious application, Shall
never perceive Such trifles. as they that onely Seek onely
God, shall find him onely.
When a peice is publish't in print, Every Man hath
a right to put his censure upon it, but None can prtend
to a right of printing his censure on Some Sort of
books, Especially When Envy & vanity are ye onely
Motives to it.
It is childish to Criticize on ye Stile of a book ill
wrote, but it is /out of\ Envy & ill will /a bad Mind\ to doe it on /such as are well
don\ Such a
good books ; both are Equaly useless; If ye book's Not
well wrote, It will be /so\ Understood without ye help In dis=
covering it, If [Ill?] well; you have a fine time [....?] /office to find\
fault with What will be approved. Every one knows the
pucelle was an ill poem, before any one wrote agt
chapelein;173 and Every one thinks ..... a Good book
altho so Many Cry it downe. Therefore all ye time Spent
In Crittiscising those & books, was throwne away
/all\ ye authors of Critiscisme, thinck their Subtilety's Serve
to undeceiv ye publik, or at least In their prfaces they
prtend So boast of it. but I scarce thinck any one Instance
can be produced, of a book that was approved before,
and blamed after ye critique had done with it.
The observing that, an author Miserable torne by Critiqs
In his life, and much Esteemed 20 years after his death
is an Excellent [lesson?] ffor ye [tradin?] Crittiqs
Jean Chapelain (1595-1674), linguist, classicising critic and founding member of
the Academie Francais published a verse narrative of Joan of Arc, La Pucelle, in 1656.
The poem became the object of ridicule following the publication ten years later of
Satire VII by Nicolas Boileau-Despréaux (1637-1711); it has never recovered from the
attack, although Chapelain remains a key figure in any history of French literature.
To what book RN refers with '....' is not to be known.
173
129r
<page blank>
130r
Generall prface.
65.
[marg]174 had an Estate given him upon condition to
change his Name from Leonard (that of ye Dacres
family) to Bar/r\et. His Eldest Son is also married
and hath children; his Seat is at Ball hous park
near purfleet in Essex, and they write their
Names Barret [als?]175 Leonard. The Lord Dacres had
[marg]176 Issue by a former wife, of whom the /qu\ Now Earle
of Sussex is discended. After the death of the
Lord Dacres, his widdow ye Lord North's daughter
marryed chaloner chute, who was once spea=
ker to ye pseudo hous of Comons; She had No Issue
by him, but his Son /. chaloner\ (by a former Wife) Marring
Her /his wifes\ daughter by ye Lord Dacres, there was /had\ Issue
3. Sons and a daughter; chaloner, ye Eldest
Dyed Single; Edward the 2d. Marryed the Wid=
dow of Mr Tracy, a Daughter of Sr Anthony
Keck, and having divers children, lives at the
line in Hamshire; The yongest Thomas was once
clerk of ye Crowne in chancery, and Marryed
<space left> the daughter & heir of <space left> Rivett
of <space left> In Suffolk, and left children of
whom Thomas Leonard chute /The Eldest son\ Now lives at
picknam in Norfolk; And Here Concludes
all the discents from ye younger children, that
is of a daughter of ye old Lord North by his
onely Married daughter the Lady Dacres.
that
marg: (In pencil, curator's hand) 'imperfect document tracing the pedigree of Ld
North, &c.' This is, in fact, part of the MS life of Francis North, the rest of which
is in the library of St John's College, Cambridge. Note RN's own page numbering, ff
65-70. This part of the preface is exactly that relating to the immediate and recent
family of the Norths. RN is more than disingenuous in relating their stories, however
accurate or otherwise his identification of their names and titles. We read of his
relatives on his mother's side who, in accepting the Order of the Bath, declare
themselves at the very heart of the Hanoverian system. There were ancestors on both
sides who had been embroiled on both sides during the Rebellion. And then there is his
nephew, Edward, Lord North and Grey, a boy to whom RN had served as guardian (he was
guardian to all his brothers' children). Edward had enjoyed a brilliant career under
Mary, Anne and George, he had married the daughter of one of the richest men in
Europe, and then he became embroiled in a Jacobite plot, fled to Europe, converted to
Catholicism and served as a General in the army of the King of Spain. Edward was
probably not what RN calls, later in the fragment, a 'scabby sheep' - but his is a
fascinating and complicated story to sweep under under this blandly patterned
narrative.
174
175
I read 'als' as 'al's' and therefore as an abbreviation of 'alias'.
marg: 'qu Late'? referring to the 'qu' in the text, updating the information. RN
uses this abbreviation (a lower-case 'q' with an indeterminable superscript letter,
which I read as 'u') a number of times throughout the MSS. I read 'qu' (here, and
elsewhere in the MSS) in agreement with Jamie C. Kassler (Seeking Truth. Roger North's
Notes on Newton and Correspondence with Samuel Clarke c. 1704-1713, Ashgate Publishing
Limited, Farnham, 2014, p. 10) as an abbreviation of 'qaere' meaning 'enquire', or as
we might say 'to be checked out'. Talbot Yelverton, Earl of Sussex, died in 1731. Any
contemporary reading this would immediately see that the Norths were related to
important players at the very heart of the Hanoverian system.
176
130v
66.
Generall prface
[marg]177 That Nobleman was /a person\ full of Spirit & flame; yet
after he had consumed the greatest part of his
Estate In the Gallantrys of K. James /or rather his son prince Henrys\ Court Retired
and lived /more\ honbly In ye Country upon what was left /then ever he had done before\
He /was a great witt &\ published a /folio\ book 'tituled, a Forrest &c.178 and
there may be found the Idea as well of /his\ Gayetys
as of his Moroseness. He bred his Eldest Son Dudly
/the ffather of these 3 brothers\ after ye best Manner; ffor besides ye Court, and /
choisest\ best
[*marg]179 compa at home, he was /Entered among ye *\ Sent to travell, and then
Into ye army, /& served\ as Captain under Sr. Francis vere.
Then /At length\ he Marryed with Anne one of the Daughter's
and Coheirs of Sr. Charles Mountague; He Served
for the County of Cambridg /his country\ In divers partts, and /was misledd to\ Sitt
In that of 40,180 till he was secluded; after wch he
Lived private In ye Country, and towards ye latter
End of his life Enterteined himself with /Justice, buissness [&?]\ books
and, (as a very numerous Issue Required) oeco=
nomy; He put out a litle tract of ye Subject,
with a prface /lightly\ touching ye cheif Crises of his Life;181
Afterwards he published a small peice 'tituled
passages Relating to ye Long parlimt, with an
Apologetick, or rather, Recantation prface.182 he
wrote also the history of ye life of the Lord Edwd
North, ye first Baron of ye family, from whose
Daughter the Dukes of Beaufort are discended.183
He wrote also divers Slight Essay's, & some verses
wch he 'tituled Light in ye way to paradise. These
[@?] last his Eldest son Caused to be published
with
marg: 43.
An acco of the
Grandfather &
father, his Match
& ye Relation.
177
Dudley, 3rd Baron North, A Forest of Varieties, London, 1645; A Forest promiscuous
of several seasons productions, London, 1659.
178
The asterisk refers to a marg: *
'made Kts. of the
Bath, and'
The Order of the Bath was re-introduced by George I in May 1725. These family
connections were also RN's political opponents.
179
180
i.e., The Long Parliament.
181
Dudley, 4th Baron North, Observations and advices oeconomical, London, 1669.
Dudley, 4th Baron North, A narrative of some passages in or relating to the Long
Parliament by a person of honor, London, 1670.
182
Dudley, 4th Baron North, Some notes concerning the life of Edward Lord North, Baron
of Kirtling, London, 1658.
183
131r
Generall prface
67.
his Name to it, vist. Dudley the 2d (misprinted
for Dudley the first /2d\ Dudley) lord North.184 these
were /at first\ designed to Remain with his family /In MSS\ and
Not to be published, But there is No harme done;
ffor He was a christian Speculatively orthodox
and good; Regularly /charitable &\ pious in his family, Rigid=
ly Just In his dealing, and Exquisitely ver=
tuous, & sober In his person. All wch Will appear
In his wrightings, altho ye Style is Not So poynant
as his fathers was. But to persue ye Relation, his
Lady by her /by the\ mothers side, was discended of Sr
Georg Whitmore, once Lord Mayor of London, wch
opens a large kindred towards wales, of wch
name /family\185 it is sayd that above 30 came Into
coparcenary shares of the Estate of Sr Charles
Kemish. /Her father was\ Sr. Charles Montague was ye /of from the five the\ yongest
brother of the Boughton family Now Hon with
ye title of /a\ Duke/-dome\186 he had divers /from the other\ brothers from when /of
many\
other /divers\ Noble family's are /also\ derived. As Manchester,
Sandwich, & Hallifax. He /Sr Cha Mt\ had two other daugh=
ters, one Marryed the Lord Hatton, & had divers
children, & amongst the Rest, the Incomparable
Capt Charles Hatton. the other daughter Married
Sr. Edwd Bash of Hertfordshire, who dyed without
Issue, then She marryed Mr Ino cary of ye falkland
family, & Mr of the Buckhounds /under K. Cha 2.\ and Dyed also
without Issue.
This Last Dudley Lord North187 & his lady had
six son's and four daughters who lived to
appear
184Dudley,
4th Baron North, Light in the Way to Paradise: With Other Occasionals …,
London, 1682.
185
the word 'family' has been scraped out.
186
The Duke of Montague, created in 1705.
marg:
'44.
The Son's of ye
2. Dudley lord
North & their
matches.'
187
131v
68.
Generall prface
Appear In the world besides divers others /some\ that
Dyed In minority /vist Frances, Edward & Dorothy\. The Eldest Son was charles
who Recd ye honr of Knighthood, & Marryed Kath
the daughter of the Wm Lord Grey of Wark, and
was In his fathers life time Called by writt to
the Hous of peers, by ye name /title\ of /Charles\ Lord North
and Grey of Rolleston; They had 2. Sons &
two daughters who Survived; the Eldest son, Wm,
is the prsent Lord North & Grey, who is Matched
with <in a space left, later filled in:>
/Maria Margareta one of the daughters of C. de Jonge
van Ellemete late Receivor generall of the
united Netherlands\188
The second Son charles, Dyed /being\a Major In the
Late warrs on flanders /dyed there of a calanture\. The Eldest Sister
Katherine dyed at Sea Coming from the Bar=
badoes, and ye yongest /named Dudleya\ having Emaciated her
Self with Study, whereby she had Made fami=
liar to her, Not onely Greek & latin but More
[marg]189 Especially ye orientall languages /under ye Infliction of a sedentary
distemper\ Dyed also,
[marg]190 and both without Issue*. The Lord Norths Second
Son Francis, the third, Dudly, & ye fourth John,
are the Subject of the 3. life-treatises Intended
to follow, where will be Remembred ye State
of their familys; the fifth son Was Mountague
A Levant Merchant, who dyed without Issue
the yongest Roger Marryed /Mary\ ye daughter of Sr
Robert Gayer, of Stoke Poges Neer Windsor
And having /had. 2 son's & Roger*191 & Mountag & 5. da. El. An. Ma. Kat., & chr\ divers
Sons & daughters /yet [living?]\ Lives, out
of ye way, at Rougham in Norfolk.
[marg]192 Of the four daughters /of Dudley Ld North\ the Eldest Mary /was\ Married to
Sr Wm. Spring of Pakenham by Bury In Suffolk,
she
188
William was a notorious Jacobite, see note above on f. 130r.
189marg:
'Her library Con=
sisting of a choice
collection of orien=
tall books by ye pr
sent ld N. & G. her
onely Surviving
brother was Given
to the parochial
library of Rougham
where it Remaines'.
Charles had three children, not four. It was Katherine, Charles' widow, who, having
married Francis Russell, Governor of the Barbados, died on board ship returning to
England in 1694.
190
marg: '*qu Wm'
It is not clear to what this asterisk means. Note RN's aggressive modesty; also
that he only includes his wife and children (in abbreviated form only) post scriptum.
191
marg: '45.
The daughters of
the same, & their
matches, noting
also ye benefit
of an Honble Re=
lation.'
192
132r
Generall prface
69.
She had Issue a Son; but lived Not to have any
more, & the son dyed In his Infancy. The 2d da.
Anne Marryed Mr Robt foley, a yonger branch
of the (Now) Lord foley's family, and their Eldest
Son North foley, Having Marryed a daughter of
Sr Charles Holt /of Warwickshire\ Lives Now at Sturbridg In Wors=
tersheir. The 3d. daughter Elizabeth Marryed
Sr. Robert Wiseman /a yonger son\ of the Rivenhall family
In Essex, Dean of ye Arches, who dying without
Issue She is Since Marryed to ye Earle of yar=
mouth. the 4th, & yongest Sister Christian Married
Sr. George Wengeve of Brettenham in Suffolk,
And they have left divers children, of whom
the Eldest Married a daughter of Sr christopher
Musgrave and Now Resides In ye place of his
father at Brettenham. This Is the family
Relation of these 3. brothers whose lives are
upon ye Carpet before me. So Much of particu=
larity of /concerning\ them, (altho In a just pedigree there
ought to be /have\ taken in Much More), May /perhaps\ be thought
Superfluous, as Not being of any generall Con=
cerne; yet really the Case is memorable, ffor the
Happy circumstance of a family /flock\ So Numerous
and and diffused as this of the Last Dudley
Lord North's was, and No one scabby Sheep in
it /considering ye advantages of their Quality is not of Every days notice.193 \ And It
was their good fortune to be Sur=
rounded. with Kindred of ye Greatest Esti=
mation & value /more anciently derived then those I have Named\ wch are a Sort of
obligation
to
marg:
considering
what temptations
& snares have
layn In their way
193
132v
70.
Generall prface.
to a good behaviour; It is very unfortunate for
any one to stray from ye paths of honr & vertue
that hath Such /prcautions and\ sonorous Memento's on all Sides
[marg]194 of him.* And (Allowing No /peculiar\ Intrinsick worth in
a particular person, derivable from ye honr of his
family, becaus his owne value, & Not his Ances=
tors Must Set him off, ( altho a buena Casta195
is Not to be slighted) yet there is this /some\ good /comes\ from it,
wch is that the descendants must know that the
world Expects More from them then from Comon
men, and /such\ a perpetuall Monitor is an usefull
Companion. And If there be any such persons of
Such upstart principles, that /with them\ antiquity of fami=
lys, is with them /rather\ matter of Redicule, rather
then honnour, or worth, let them Enjoy their
Epicurian prospect, and See their posterity
run riot Into destruction, before the Earth co=
vers ye Mortal Reliques of them the Corruptible
Ingredients of their Composition.
<Red BM stamp>
marg:
'* And it is almost e=
nough to be Educated
In a family, where=
in was No Instance
of Irreligion or Im=
morallity, Either
practised or allowed, Such vertue /or efficacy\ hath /an\
Early Example, to
person's affect the
manners of good
Natured youth;
I would Not have
it thought that
beyond this ad=
vantage, I hold
forth a family /Relation\
as a Matter of Meritt to any one /in particular\ but Say
onely that'
194
195
i.e., 'a good family/descent'
<unnumbered page>
<In pencil: Folios Jan: 1886. [illegible signature]
examined by [illegible signature]
<unnumbered blank page>
[colophon i]
(binder's paper)
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(binders' paper)
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pasted-in record of Dept. of MSS Record of Treatment
<4/4/2000 Reattached front cover. FS [initials]>
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(inner of board cover)
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