The ‘Loud Joy’: Music as a Sign of Power
EVELYN KORSCH
(ZÜRICH UNIVERSITY)
The Polish King Henry of Valois left Cracow on 18 June 1574 in order to
succeed to the French throne. He travelled via Vienna, Venice, Ferrara,
Mantua, Cremona and Turin to Lyon, where his family was waiting for him.
The King stayed in Venice from 17 to 27 July. The signoria knew about his
desire to visit on 30 June and started the preparations immediately: ‘elessero
molti nobili con carico di proveder per vettovaglie, per apparati, Musici,
Comici, e chi per l’una, e chi per l’altra cosa […]’.1 Two savii agli ordini
(Ministers of the Marine) were appointed and charged with organizing the
festivities in the city.2 One reporter of the celebrations called Thomaso
Porcacchi mentions the two musicians who were responsible for the
conception of the musical performances: Claudio Merulo and Giuseppe
Bonardo. Merulo was employed as organist at San Marco and asked to
compose music for the festival events.3 Bonardo was charged with engaging
the musicians for the concerts.4 There was a great demand for
instrumentalists to serve the diverse ceremonies. The capitano of Padua had
orders to send to Venice all his trumpeters and drummers. It was pointed
out that this particular solemn occasion required trained trumpeters and not
military signal players. Pipers and horn players should also be sent - if
possible 30 persons.5 The following will reconstruct the musical
performances6 in honour of Henry on 18 July, the day of his entry into
Venice.
The entry
1
‘They elected many nobles with the charge of providing food, festival architecture,
musicians, comic actors, some for one task, and some for another...’, Lucangeli, Nicolò,
Successi del viaggio d’Henrico III. Christianiss.mo Re di Francia, e di Polonia, dalla sua partita di
Craccovia fino all’arrivo in Turino (Venice: Gabriel Giolito de’ Ferrari, 1574), p. 23.
2
Porcacchi, Thomaso, Le attioni d’Arrigo terzo Re di Francia, et quarto di Polonia, descritte in
dialogo, nelquale si raccontano molte cose della sua fanciullezza, molte imprese di guerra, l’entrata sua al
Regno di Polonia, la partita, et le pompe, con le quali è stato ricevuto in Vinetia, et altrove, con essempi
d’Historie in paragone, et massimamente de’ Principi di Corona, ch’altre volte sono stati ricevuti in
Vinetia (Venice: Giorgio Angelieri, 1574), fol. 16r.
3
Porcacchi, fol. 16r: ‘Fu eletto a far la musica Claudio Merulo da Correggio Organista in
San Marco […]’.
4
Porcacchi, fol. 16r: ‘[…] fu eletto Giuseppe Bonardo Musico a provedere i suonatori
convenienti a tanta impresa: talche in brevissimo spatio fu fatto un soavissimo concerto’.
5
ASV, Secreta, Materie miste notabili, b. 37, No. 39, on 6 July 1574.
6
‘Acoustic presentations’ would be more precise because the diverse kinds of gun salutes
belong to this sphere and they are of crucial importance.
In the morning, when the king left his accommodation at Murano in order
to go to mass, he heard ‘trombetti e tamburi’ (trumpets and drums) and a
‘gran salva di codete’ (great salvo from salutes fired out of mortars). On the
way back gun salutes were fired ashore and volleys with rifles and muskets
from the offshore boats.7 In the late afternoon the doge and the signoria
entered a magnificent galley with about 400 slave rowers in order to pick up
Henry at his accommodation and to accompany him to San Nicolò del Lido,
where the king would start his triumphal entry into the city. While leaving
San Marco they were greeted by the surrounding ships with rifles and
artillery. This was repeated on their arrival at Murano, where small cannon
were also fired ashore. After the official welcome at the Palazzo Capello, the
doge, signoria, king and his entourage entered the splendid galley, listening
again to a ‘bella salva’ (fine salvo) of artillery, rifles and cannon. 8 When the
ship arrived at Sant’Elena an enormous number of boats appeared: among
them 14 galleys with senators, the fuste (privateers) of the Council of Ten,
200 brigantines of the guilds and a huge number of rowing boats with
spectators. All ships were decorated most festively, and the ones under
official command were also armed. On the boats of the guilds there were
trumpeters and drummers, and sometimes timpanists or castanet players as
well.9 When from all boats a simultaneous salvo was fired and the galleys
repeated the salute, the king enjoyed this perfect co-ordination. Then, up to
the arrival at San Nicolò, there was ‘tanto strepito d’artigliaria, e d’archibugi,
di trombe, e tambori ch’era uno stupor, in tanto che apertamente si
dimostrava [i.e. the king] non meno allegra che contenta, vedendo cosa così
rara, da lei non mai più vista’.10 The two fortresses at the Lido participated
too.11 The object of all these efforts was to produce as much noise as
possible while proceeding with as much order as possible. At San Nicolò
were built a triumphal arch and a loggia. Inside the loggia an altar was
constructed where the king kneeled down. There are diverse accounts about
the order of the religious rite. Della Croce mentions only some prayers and
the blessing, whereas almost all the other authors write that a Te Deum was
sung before the prayers: ‘cantandosi da eccellentissimi musici il Te Deum
7
Della Croce, Marsilio, L’historia della publica et famosa entrata in Vinegia del Serenissimo
Henrico III. Re di Francia, et Polonia, con la descrittione particolare della pompa, e del numero, et
varietà delli Bregantini, Palaschermi, et altri vaselli armati, con la dechiaratione dell’edificio, et arco fatto
al Lido (Venice, 1574), p. 6.
8
Della Croce, p. 11.
9
Della Croce, p. 10 and Benedetti, Rocco, Le feste, et trionfi fatti dalla Sereniss. Signoria di
Venetia nella felice venuta di Henrico III. Christianiss. Re di Francia, et di Polonia (Venice:
Libreria della Stella, 1574), fol. 4r.
10
‘...so great a din from the artillery, arquebuses, trumpets and drums that it was amazing,
until he [i.e. the king] clearly showed that he was no less cheerful than satisfied, seeing an
event so rare that he would never see its like again...’, Della Croce, p. 12.
11
Porcacchi, fol. 23v.
laudamus, et altri lodi’.12 Since the ceremonies at the loggia functioned as the
high and turning point of the triumphal entry, their particular importance
should have been reflected in the form of the music. The performance of a
Te Deum would have been consistent with ceremonial practice for such a
solemn occasion. In the Cerimoniali, which record the official version of the
event, there is no indication of a Te Deum.13 On 14 July the senate had voted
twice on the proceedings at the Lido. In the first version the Te Deum is
mentioned explicitly, whereas the decision is formulated vaguely: ‘le debite
orationi, appropriate à simil solennità’.14
The Capitoli of the guild of the mercers give a description of the entry
and a detailed accounting of its expenditure. The guild’s boat, on which
there were a trumpeter and a drummer, was allowed to follow right behind
the bucintoro. The Capitoli not only mention a Te Deum, but also refer to the
persons who sung it in front of the altar inside the loggia: ‘[...] sua Maestà
con la compagnia sopranominata [i.e. doge and signoria] con il
Reverendissimo Patriarca di Venetia, et Canonici di San Marco e di Castello,
et Musici cantorono il Te Deum laudamus [...]’.15 This implies that the nuncio
Filippo Boncompagni did not take part in the rite. The reason was that he
felt he had received an affront when he was not permitted to make his entry
on the bucintoro. This insult led to further ceremonial refusals during his visit.
A confirmation of this occurrence can be found in the writings of foreign
diplomats. In his own report, Boncompagni misses out completely the rite
at the Lido, and gives the impression the stop has been made only for
changing to the bucintoro.16 Della Croce describes what happened when the
bucintoro cast off after the doge, signoria, king and entourage had entered it:
‘movendosi il Bucintoro diedero nelle trombe, e tamburi, e nel levarsi dal
Lido quivi li Castelli, tutte le Galee, Fuste, Bregantini, Palaschermi, e barche
armate fecero cosi stupenda, et maravigliosa salva d’artiglieria, d’archibugi, e
moschetti, con tanta corrispondenza in un’istesso tempo, che per tremendo
12
‘...the most accomplished musicians were singing the Te Deum laudamus, and other
songs of praise...’, Lucangeli, p. 31; Benedetti, fol. 5r: ‘fu cantato da cantori il Te Deum’;
Porcacchi, fol. 24v. Not even the anonymous Ragguaglio dell’entrata di Henrico III. Re di
Francia et di Polonia nella città di Venetia, et delli superbissimi apparati, et cerimonie fatte da quella
Republica nell’incontrare, ricevere, et honorare Sua Maestà (Rome: Heredi di Antonio Blado,
1574), mentions this rite.
13
ASV, Collegio, Cerimoniali, reg. 1, fol. 43r-45r and Cerimoniali, reg. 2, fol. 20v-21v.
14
‘...the proper prayers, appropriate to such a solemn occasion’, ASV, Senato,
Deliberazioni, Terra, fil. 63, on 14 July 1574.
15
‘His Majesty with the above-mentioned company [i.e. doge and signoria], with the Most
Reverend Patriarch of Venice, the Canons of San Marco and of Castello, and musicians,
sang the Te Deum laudamus’, ASV, Arti, b. 314, fol. 80v.
16
BAV, Archivio Boncompagni, Cod. D. 6, fol. 32r-37v.
strepito pareva ogni cosa ruinasse, e cadesse […]’.17 Similar words are used
by Benedetti: ‘un ribombo d’artegliaria che pareva si aprisse il cielo’.18
The bucintoro headed towards the city, and the boats anchored at the
shore fired gun salutes. While it passed by the doge’s palace there was raised
a ‘generale salva, raddoppiò talmente il strepito, che commosse l’acque
pareva, che ogni cosa tremasse, che venisse a terra continuando sempre tale
ribombo in molti luoghi per mare, e per terra, dov’erano state poste di molte
codete, e particolarmente alle parocchie, e monasterii per dove passavano,
con rumore di tambori, e suono di trombe, e piffari sopra li vascelli’.19 The
particular significance of the Piazza San Marco as a political and ritual centre
is emphasized by Benedetti: ‘Si sparorono in piazza molti pezzi, sonavansi
trombe, piffari, e tamburi su le galee, e bergantini, sonavansi le campane di
San Marco, e per tutti i campanili della città, e da per tutto ogn’uno
applaudeva, che certo non s’udì (credo) maggior strepito nella giornata
navale, ne in altro trionfo maggior applauso’.20 Porcacchi points out that the
intensity of the firing of the diverse guns was such that nothing else could
be heard, neither bells nor trumpeters nor drummers.21 Moreover, he states
that already, while passing the Rio di San Domenico and the Canal
dell’Arsenale, the artillery fire increased to a ‘horribil rimbombo’ (terrific
thundering).22 There were salutes from all directions, all places and all ships
at the same time until they reached the Canal Grande at the Dogana.
Lucangeli mentions that as a breathing space for the pipers a dialogue
17
‘As the bucintoro started to move, trumpets and drums were played, and while it cast off
from the Lido, the castles there, all of the galleys, privateers, brigantines, palaschermi [a
kind of ship], and armed boats fired such an amazing and marvellous salvo of artillery,
arquebuses and muskets, with such great cohesion at exactly the same moment, that
everything seemed to fall to ruin and destruction in the wake of such a terrifying din...’,
Della Croce, p. 15.
18
‘...a thundering of artillery that seemed to open up the sky...’, Benedetti, fol. 5r.
19
‘...widespread salvo, which doubled the noise to such an extent that the waters seemed
to churn, everything seemed to tremble, and to fall to the ground, and this thundering
continued in many places on both sea and land, where many mortars for firing gun
salutes were placed, and particularly in the parishes [regions of the city] and monasteries
where they passed by, along with the noise of drums, the sound of trumpets and of pipes
issuing from the ships...’, Della Croce, p. 16.
20
‘They fired many shots from the piazza; trumpets, pipes and drums were played on the
galleys and brigantines; the bells of San Marco and those of all the other churches of the
city resounded, and everywhere every person applauded: indeed, no greater din has ever
been heard – I believe – at a naval battle, nor greater applause for any other triumph...’,
Benedetti, fol. 5r.
21
Porcacchi, fol. 26r: ‘[…] voi sentiste da tutto il mare, et da tutta la terra cosi gran
bombo di grossissimi pezzi d’artiglierie, che ne il suono di tutte le campane, ne il clangor
delle trombe, ne lo strepito de’ tamburi era piu da alcuno sentito: anzi facendo tutti i
soldati delle galee salva con gli archibugi; il fracasso di questi cedeva al tuono di quelle’.
22
Porcacchi, fol. 26r.
between Nais and Hospes was sung aboard the bucintoro.23 During the
passage in the Canal Grande, gun salutes were fired from the places in front
of Santa Maria del Giglio, San Vito, Santa Maria della Carità and San
Samuele.24 The arrival of the bucintoro at Cà Foscari, which had been
prepared as accommodation for the king, was again accompanied by artillery
fire, drums, trumpets and pipes.25 The palazzo in the turn of the Canal
Grande represented the last stop on the triumphal entry, and doge and
signoria took their leave of Henry. The bells of all churches rang on three
successive days until midnight – as a sign of greatest joy.26
Despite the bells, it was obviously possible to give excellent concerts
in front of Cà Foscari: ‘si facevano da Musici concerti singularissimi, onde ci
pareva d’essere in Paradiso’.27 These concerts were organized by the signoria
in honour of the king every evening at 10 p.m.28 The allusion, ‘in lode della
maestà sua’ (in praise of His Majesty), suggests that there was not only
instrumental music but also singing. The documents do not make a precise
distinction between musicians and singers. Usually musicians mastered an
instrument as well as singing. Many listeners in gondolas attended the
concerts.29
The costs of musical performances
After the departure of the king, the French ambassador at Venice, Arnould
Duferrier, made gifts of money in the name of Henry. Eighteen trumpeters
received ninety escuz; twenty drummers one hundred escuz; seven pipers
thirty escuz; the players of the silver trumpets fifteen escuz; and the
organists and singers of the chapel of San Marco one hundred escuz
between them. The sums are quite high and express the king’s esteem for
these performances. In comparison, three hundred escuz were given to
23
Lucangeli, p. 32: ‘[…] e melodie di pifferi, iquali mentre per respirare si posorno con
risonanti, e grate voci d’eccellentissimi musici fu sentito un dialogo con queste parole.’
The Latin dialogue follows.
24
Benedetti, fol. 5v.
25
Della Croce, p. 16.
26
Della Croce, p. 18: ‘con infinito strepito di campane in ogni luogo per tre giorni, e
notte continue in segno di molt’allegrezza per sino alle quattro hore di notte’.
27
‘...the Musicians gave outstanding concerts, so that it seemed to be in Paradise’,
Benedetti, Rocco, Le feste, et trionfi fatti dalla Sereniss. Signoria di Venetia nella felice venuta di
Henrico III. Christianiss. Re di Francia, et IIII. di Polonia, et in questa seconda editione sono aggiunti
molti, diversi et degni particolari, che nella prima non erano (Venice : Libreria della Stella, 1574),
fol. 7r.
28
Della Croce, p. 18: ‘maravigliosi concerti di musica dinnanzi il Regio palagio in quello
canale, si come si fece ogni sera su le due hore di notte, d’ogni sorte di concerti di
stromenti, in lode della maestà sua, per ordine della Signoria Illustrissima’; Benedetti, fol.
5v; Lucangeli, p. 33.
29
Porcacchi, fol. 26v: ‘[…] sentir la dolcezza delle musiche, fatte la state in gondola per lo
fresco’.
Luigi Foscari, the owner of the palazzo where the king was accommodated;
five hundred escuz were put at the disposal of charitable institutions. The
crew of the bucintoro received two hundred escuz between them: one
hundred for almost four hundred rowers and one hundred for the admiral. 30
Henry had also engaged a singing couple and paid them generously: ‘A la
Marthe Thudesque, et à son mary qui ont esté mandés deux fois pour
chanter et sonner du luth et de la viole quarante escuz, cy 40’.31 As a second
comparison, Tintoretto received fifty escuz for three portraits
commissioned by the king. The signoria spent for ‘musiche’ three hundred
and ninety-two ducati and fifteen grossi. A comparable sum, three hundred
and eighty-seven ducati and twenty grossi, was paid for sixty servants.32
The Significance of the Individual Acoustic Features
a. Salvos
Salvos of artillery, rifles and small cannon accompanied the king on his way
through the city during the entire visit: ‘si sparassero per dovunque passasse
molti pezzi d’artegliaria’.33 These gun salutes were fired in honour of the
guest and as a sign of joy of the host: ‘in segno d’allegrezza fu fatta salva
d’artiglierie […] et qui con molto maggior ribombo d’artiglierie fu fatto
nuovo segno di festa, et di trionfo’.34 Moreover, they made an important
contribution to the onomatopoeic setting of the festivities. The principle
was that the louder it sounds, the more festive it will be. This ‘loud’ joy
creates a divine context by alluding to the heavenly thunder: ‘[…] fra tanto i
soliti segni d’allegrezza […] andavano con grandissimo rimbombo al
Cielo’.35 In the festival reports, 10 different terms can be found for
describing the volume of noise alone – a sign of the exceptional significance
of this category.36 The ability to produce an extreme volume lends divine
legitimation to the act involved.37 In this context, noise – devoid of any
negative connotations – signifies power. It must always be integrated into
30
BNP, Fonds français 3321, fol. 19r-21v. The information of Della Croce, p. 29, is partly
wrong.
31
‘To Marthe Thudesque and her husband, who were twice asked to sing, and to play the
lute and the viol, 40 escuz’, BNP, Fonds français 3321, fol. 20v.
32
BMCV, Cod. Cicogna 3281, No. 53; ibid.: ‘per pagamento di servitori 60’.
33
‘...wherever they passed, many artillery shots were fired’, Lucangeli, p. 24.
34
‘...as a sign of delight an artillery salvo was fired...and here with a much louder thunder
of artillery a new sign of celebration and of triumph was indicated...’ Porcacchi, fol. 20v.
35
‘...among the customary signs of delight [...] they proceeded with the greatest
thundering to heaven...’, Porcacchi, fol. 21.
36
These are: ‘rumore,’ ‘strepito,’ ‘salva,’ ‘tiri,’ ‘ribombo,’ ‘gazara,’ ‘fracasso,’ ‘clangor,’
‘suono’ and ‘tuono’.
37
Zak, Sabine, ‘Musik als ‘Ehr und Zier’ im mittelalterlichen Reich,’ Studien zur Musik im
höfischen Leben, Recht und Zeremoniell (Neuss: Päffgen, 1979), p. 10.
the context of a public order to achieve its political and legitimizing effect.
Therefore all documents refer to the observed order. The perfect
combination of both components evoked the king’s enthusiasm and might
convince him of the power of Venice. Furthermore, noise demonstrated
military strength because it was produced by arms. Henry’s extended visit to
the Arsenal served the same purpose. However his visit to the armoury in
the doge’s palace had more a representative nature. Everywhere the king
arrived or left, salvos rendered his presence public. A look at the official
route taken within the city not only shows an almost complete circle of the
lagoon, but also marks the most significant places of Venetian
representation of power: San Marco and San Nicolò as ritual centres, the
doge’s palace as political and the arsenal as military centres. In these places
the already high volume of noise was further increased. It should be noted
that the noise may not have been so great as reported but may have been
magnified in people’s imaginations because noise was a topos for power and
splendour – the perception of the spectators is important.
b. Bells
Bells functioned as another sign of power. Their chiming was an expression
of joy and helped to increase the volume of noise. The prime function of
the bells, often accompanied by trumpets, was to control public life. They
regulated ritual and political life by announcing council meetings and
masses, accompanying processions etc. The bells of San Marco, the state
church, were a particularly essential part of state symbolism. Each bell of the
campanile had its separate function and was used only on particular occasions.
c. Trumpets
There was a long tradition of trumpets as a sign of power. Since classical
antiquity they had been used as insignia by emperors and princes and were
bound to titles. Trumpets achieved their legitimizing effect more especially
in combination with flags, i.e. a visual sign supported an acoustic one. The
flags could be carried ahead, or the colours of the ruler were attached as a
pennant to the trumpet.38 The trumpeters, who were escorting Henry, wore
his livery, and the coat of arms of the Valois was fastened on the
instruments. Apart from ceremonies, the trumpet was used principally for
military signals, because of the volume that it can reach. In both cases its
official character was crucial. The trumpeters, who were serving the king,
not only announced his presence but also communicated his claim to power
– to the French throne, not to Venice. Trumpets were an indispensable
component in the representation of power. The silver trumpets which were
38
Zak, p. 52f.
carried before the doge during his andate publiche (public progresses) were
viewed as special insignia; they were part of the trionfi39 which were given to
Venice by Pope Alexander III in 1177. Trumpets could be accompanied by
drums and pipes. The signoria let Henry have at his disposal as well an
appropriate number of drummers wearing the royal livery.
d. Te Deum
The Te Deum is the most solemn of the Christian hymns of praise. It could
be regarded as a form of acclamation by the clergy. Sometimes the singing
was accompanied by an organ, which was used as an instrument of
acclamation in the ceremonials of the Byzantine emperors.40 The Te Deum
was performed only on particular festive occasions. Therefore it had an
essential significance concerning the ritual acts at San Marco and San Nicolò
– the central sites of Venetian state symbolism. The Te Deum had legal
effect: the individual or group singing accepts the claims to power being
made. A refusal to join the singing was meaningful. Evidently, Boncompagni
considered the Te Deum at the Lido rather an acclamation of Venetian claims
to power than a tribute to Henry, and therefore committed a breach of
ceremonial.
e. Concerts
The sound of the concerts, given in honour of Henry, is always
characterized as ‘dolce’ (sweet) and ‘soave’ (gentle). The sweetness of music
and singing is a topos pointing to the heavenly sphere. It evokes a quasidivine character of music which becomes intensified when combined with
the appropriate use of illumination. In the festival reports the comparison
with paradise is mentioned. The prime aim of music is to represent harmony
and order. The documents quote ‘concenti divini’ (divine harmonies). The
music functions as a reflection of the state order that pursues the ideal of a
‘buon governo’ (good government). These efforts imply again the way to
divine climes: ‘[...] la Musica è armonia, che quanto piu puo si va con la
soavità conformando alla celeste’.41 The musical expenditure effected in the
course of the celebrations shows the high degree of esteem for the guest.
Therefore the extravagant floating stage decorations, the number of the
persons involved and their costumes are described in detail. Any kind of
musical performance is a tribute to the guest, but newly composed works
increase the degree of honour. In addition to Claudio Merulo and Gioseffo
39
The trionfi also included umbrella, sword and flags. By silver trumpets Moses called
together the people on God’s orders.
40
Zak, p. 170f. Later the organ was used for court music.
41
‘Music is harmony, and uses sweetness as much as possible to conform to heaven...’,
Porcacchi, fol. 27r.
Zarlino,42 Andrea Gabrieli also wrote festival music for Henry’s visit. He
composed two madrigals which were probably sung on the floating stage in
front of Cà Foscari: Hor che nel suo bel seno for 8 voices and Ecco Vinegia bella
for 12 voices. Of the music composed for Henry’s visit, only these two
works survive. In Ecco Vinegia bella the king is celebrated as Hercules who is
returning to his sister Vinegia (i.e. Venice). She is asked to welcome him
honourably with the traditional acoustic signs of joy:
Così tu spiega le tue pomp’e’n mille Modi, e col dolce suon, co’l dolce
canto
Col ribombar di squille E co’l tuonar de cavi bronzi [...].43
Conclusion
The signoria followed the traditional ceremonial concerning the acoustic and
musical performances: ‘[…] in ogni luogo, ove il Re arrivava, fossero
suonate campane, trombe, tamburi, et tirate artiglierie’.44 So Henry’s visit can
be seen as an incessant acclamation in which the signoria, clergy, foreign
princes and ambassadors and the applauding audience in the city
participated. The via triumphalis, which was prepared for the king in Venice,
represents an important part of the via triumphalis to Paris. The ceremonial
acts in Venice served as the first step to the enthronement. As a second
effect, they improved the reputation of Venice because by honouring the
guest the degree of honour of the host was increased. The music was of
crucial importance within the display of pageantry and self-glorification. In
this context the function of San Marco as a state church and its chapel as an
institution for the production of state music has to be emphasized. In the
course of the sixteenth century, the chapel’s fostering of musicians and
singers steadily expanded, and it developed into one of the most important
musical centres in Europe. The maestri di cappella were drawn from the most
reputable personalities of the time. The increasing integration of music into
state symbolism and ritual acts went simultaneously with an augmented
production of pictures and the architectonic remodelling of the Piazza San
Marco. All these artistic efforts pursued only one aim: the promotion and
42
Merulo composed the music for the ‘Tragedia’ by Cornelio Frangipani which was given
on 21 July. The performance is described by Porcacchi; the text has been preserved by
prints. Zarlino’s works have been lost.
43
‘Thus you unfold your splendour in a thousand ways: with sweet sound, with sweet
song,/ With the sounding of bells, and with thunder from bronze moulds’, Gabrieli,
Giovanni, Canto, ‘Concerti di Andrea, et di Giovanni Gabrieli, organisti della Sereniss.
Sig. di Venetia, continenti Musica di Chiesa, Madrigali, et altro, per voci, et stromenti
Musicali,’ à 6, 7, 8, 10, 12 et 16, libro primo et secondo (Venice: Angelo Gardano, 1587),
No. 75.
44
‘In every place the King arrived, there would have been the sound of bells, trumpets,
drums and artillery fire’, Porcacchi, fol. 21v.
passing on of the Venetian myth and therefore a strengthening of Venice’s
position of power.
Evelyn Korsch graduated from Bonn University with an MA in History and Literary
Studies. She is currently working towards a PhD in Early Modern History at Zürich
University, the working title of which is ‘The image of Venice in the 16th century – the
entry of Henry III into Venice in 1574 as a communication system.’ Evelyn teaches at
Venice University. E-mail: korsch@unive.it