Polar and Content Questions in Taiwan Sign Language
Presented in English
Zeshan (2004) investigates interrogative construction across thirty-five sign
languages from theoretical and typological perspectives, focusing on polar questions
(yes/no questions) and content questions (wh-questions). In her investigation,
question particles in Taiwan Sign Language (TSL) are briefly discussed. Later, in an
edited volume (Zeshan 2006), a more detailed treatment of interrogative construction
of a dozen of sign languages is provided. But, TSL is not included. This study
attempts to provide the first detailed analysis of polar and content questions in TSL,
adding to the growing body of literature.
In addition to requesting information, interrogative constructions can be used to
accomplish a variety of different speech acts, such as complaining and invitation
(Heinemann 2008). In order to interpret an utterance as a question, the sequential
position of the utterance in the conversation and the organization of conversation
should be taken into account. Therefore, this study investigates TSL polar and content
questions in face-to-face dialogue settings with a conversation analytic framework
(Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson 1974; Schegloff 1984).
The analyzed data contain approximately 3 hours of spontaneous signing, taken
from 4 dyads conversation. The data are annotated using ELAN annotation software.
The appearance changes for facial expressions are annotated based on Facial Action
Coding System (Ekman, Friesen, and Hager 2002).
Similar to other sign languages (Zeshan 2004), in TSL, polar questions only
employ non-manual expressions while content questions are formed by using question
words and some non-manual expressions. TSL has an extensive question-word
paradigm. Question words tend to be in sentence final position.
Three non-manual mechanisms are repeatedly observed accompanying a
majority of questions: eye gaze at the end of the questions, eyebrow movements, and
head movements. However, non-manual behaviors for questions in this study differ
from what is suggested in previous literature (Zeshan 2004, 2006). Non-manual
expressions do not have a clear and specific onset and offset pattern in TSL questions.
The components and the scope of non-manual behaviors in TSL vary from one
question to another. Therefore, these non-manuals appear to be pragmatic rather
grammatical. They are interactional expressions.
The non-manuals identified in both types of questions are basically no different.
Non-manuals are related to the functions of the questions rather than to different
question types. Gazing behavior functions as a conversation regulator. It is a
turn-yielding cue. Eye gaze behavior not only signals the interlocutors it is their turn
to speak but also monitor feedback. With respect to eyebrow movements, signers tend
to do furrowed eyebrows (AU4) when they have doubt or do not understand what the
previous utterances have been said whereas they tend to raise their eyebrows (AU1,
AU2, or AU1+2) when they want to ask for information or confirmation. This is
similar to what Ekman (1979) has observed for hearing non-signers in conversation.
As for head movements, manual signs sometimes influence the position or
movements of the head. Tilting is relatively common co-occurring with questions but
it does not occur with most questions.
References
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