Risk Analysis, Vol. 31, No. 5, 2011
DOI: 10.1111/j.1539-6924.2010.01538.x
Perspective
Risk-Taking and the Media
Peter Fischer,1,∗ Evelyn Vingilis,2 Tobias Greitemeyer,3 and Claudia Vogrincic1
In recent years, media formats with risk-glorifying content, such as video games that simulate
illegal street racing (“bang and crash” games), films about extreme sports, and risky stunts
have emerged as top sellers of the media industry. A variety of recent studies conducted by
several researchers revealed that exposure to risk-glorifying media content (e.g., video games
that simulate reckless driving, smoking and drinking in movies, or depictions that glorify extreme sports) increases the likelihood that recipients will show increased levels of risk-taking
inclinations and behaviors. The present article (1) reviews the latest research on the detrimental impact of risk-glorifying media on risk-taking inclinations (cognitions, emotions, behaviors), (2) puts these findings in the theoretical context of recent sociocognitive models on
media effects, and (3) makes suggestions to science and policymakers on how to deal with
these effects in the future.
KEY WORDS: Media effects; risk-glorifying media; risk taking; sociocognitive models
haviors. For example, binge drinking is on the rise
in Western countries;(10) with Germany witnessing a
doubling in the number of 15- to 19-year-old adolescents being treated in hospital due to extreme alcohol abuse between 2002 and 2009. In Germany,
still 20.3% of 11- to 17-year-old teenagers are smoking cigarettes,(11) and the 2008 report on the global
AIDS epidemic found that HIV infections had increased to approximately 33 million people worldwide in 2007.(12,13)
In the meantime there is considerable evidence
that risk-glorifying media content such as video
games that simulate reckless driving or illegal street
racing, smoking and drinking role models in movies,
or advertisements for extreme sports significantly
foster the occurrence of risk-taking behaviors in society. Although it is not known how often riskglorifying media lead to negative consequences, one
study did examine media-based, “copycat” burn
injuries. Hurley et al.(14) retrospectively examined
medical records of patients aged 5–19 admitted to a
hospital burn unit between 2000 and 2003: 4% were
potential copycat injuries.
Use your car as a weapon and battle your way to the
front of the pack by taking down rivals and causing spectacular crashes. (advertising slogan for the video racing
game Burnout 3)
In as much as risk-taking behavior is among the
main causes of lethal injuries among children, adolescents, and young adults,(1) it is not surprising that
both the general public and scientists are concerned
about the determinants of and how risk-taking behavior can be reduced.(2−7) For example, risky behaviors in road traffic such as impaired driving,
excessive speeding, illegal street racing, and failing to
use seatbelts(1,8) accounted for approximately 51%
of the total economic crash cost ($230.6 billion) of
all 16.4 million U.S. motor vehicle collisions (with 5.3
million injuries and 41,821 fatalities) in 2000.(9) The
picture is similar for other forms of risk-taking be1 University
of Graz, Austria.
of Western Ontario, Canada.
3 University of Innsbruck, Austria.
∗ Address correspondence to Peter Fischer, Institute of Psychology, Social Psychology, Karl-Franzens-University, Graz, Austria;
peter.fischer@uni-graz.at.
2 University
699
C 2010 Society for Risk Analysis
0272-4332/11/0100-0699$22.00/1 Fischer et al.
700
Inspired by media violence research (which provided strong evidence that violent media causally
increases aggression; see Anderson et al. 2010),(15)
an emerging field of research has been investigating whether similar causal links can be found between exposure to risk-glorifying media content and
increased risk-taking inclinations. This expectation
has been confirmed: several types of media (video
games, films, TV shows, newspaper articles) that
depict risk taking in a positive light causally increase risk-promoting cognitions, emotions, and behaviors.(16−18) The present article reviews recent
research on the impact of risk-glorifying media
content on risk-taking inclinations, identifies underlying psychological processes, and integrates these
findings into a new theoretical perspective based on
sociocognitive theories.
1. CORRELATIONAL AND EXPERIMENTAL
RESEARCH ON RISK-GLORIFYING
MEDIA EFFECTS
The current perspective article works with a definition suggested by Ben-Zur and Zeidner:(2) “Risk
taking refers to one’s purposive participation in some
form of behavior that involves potential negative
consequences or losses (social, monetary, interpersonal) as well as perceived positive consequences or
gains” (p. 110). Risk-taking behaviors can be observed in a variety of domains, such as unhealthy
living (drugs, alcohol, smoking), promiscuous sexuality (unprotected sex, promiscuity), road traffic
(e.g., reckless driving, street racing, driving without seat belts), or dangerous sport activities (e.g.,
solo climbing without security ropes).(2) Can risktaking inclinations and behaviors be influenced by
risk-glorifying media content?
The media that surrounds us is full of riskglorifying depictions. For example, in the famous
TV show Jackass (MTV), young men engage in extremely dangerous activities, such as risky driving,
downhill racing with skateboards, risky stunts, selfexperimentation with weapons and electro shocks,
etc. All these dangerous activities are performed in
a rather “funny” and thus risk-glorifying way. In addition, we find risk-glorifying media content in music
lyrics, car advertisements, and video games. Moreover, Vingilis and Smart(19) have suggested that illegal street racing has increased because of the promotion of a risk-glorifying street racing culture in
the media, including video games, movies, and car
advertisements. This risk-promoting culture is even
communicated to young children with cartoons such
as Speed Racer, and there is anecdotal evidence of
“copycat stunts.”(19) For example, the public recently
became aware of the potentially detrimental effects
of risk-glorifying video racing games (which simulate street racing in a photographically realistic video
game environment) when the popular racing game,
“Need for Speed,” was found in the vehicle of one
of two young male drivers who appeared to be racing in Toronto on January 26, 2006, following a collision that led to the death of a taxi-driver.(19) This
and other similar events have led policymakers to
wonder whether playing racing games that promote
illegal street racing might motivate players to engage in real-life street racing and other forms of
risky driving. For example, Australian road safety authorities tried to ban a video game on street racing
through virtual images of Sydney, Australia (cited
in Vingilis & Smart, 2009(19) ), which was promoted
by the following advertisement: “Burn up a storm
past famous landmarks such as the Opera House and
Sydney Harbour.” Do games like these and other
forms of risk-glorifying media increase risky driving
and other forms of risk taking? In the following sections we review the empirical evidence on the question whether such risk-glorifying depictions in the
media indeed increase recipients’ inclinations to risk
taking.
1.1. Correlational Research
A variety of correlational studies indicate that
increased levels of exposure to risk-glorifying media
are associated with increased levels of risk-taking inclinations and actual risk-taking behaviors. For example, Beullens and van den Bulck(20) obtained data
from 2,194 adolescents and found a positive correlation between exposure to risk-glorifying media and
positive attitudes toward both risky driving and willingness to take risks in traffic situations (e.g., driving while impaired). Further positive associations
between consumption of risk-glorifying media content and willingness to take risks have been found for
viewing images of smoking on television and starting
to smoke;(21−23) exposure to alcohol advertising and
adolescent alcohol consumption;(24) and adolescents’
exposure to sexual media stimuli and actual sexual
activity.(25) Fischer et al. (2007, Study 1) also found
that weekly frequency of playing racing games was
significantly positively associated with self-reported
competitive driving, obtrusive driving, and motor vehicle collisions, as well as negatively associated with
Risk-Taking and the Media
cautious driving.(17) In a similar study, Kubitzki(26,27)
found that among 657 13- and 17-year-old participants, there was a positive association between consumption of risk-glorifying racing games and illegal
underage driving.
Findings from longitudinal studies also support
the assumption that consumption of risk-glorifying
media content is positively associated with risktaking inclinations and behaviors. For example, Wills
et al.(28) investigated a sample of 961 young adults
and observed that prior exposure to alcohol depictions in movies predicted both level of alcohol
consumption and alcohol-related problems later in
the life course.(29−31) Longitudinal effects of riskglorifying media content were also observed for
smoking. In a sample of 2,614 5th–8th graders, Wills
et al.(32) found that exposure to smoking in movies
significantly predicted actual smoking behavior and
smoking inclinations 18 months later (see also TitusErnsthoff et al.(33) ). Finally, similar longitudinal effects were found for exposure to sex on television
and initiation of sexual behavior.(34) In sum, both correlational and longitudinal studies support the hypothesis that there is a substantial positive association between being exposed to risk-glorifying media
content and subsequent risk-taking inclinations and
behaviors.
1.2. Experimental Research
Experimental research examines whether exposure to risk-glorifying media causally leads to
increased risk-taking inclinations.(17,35,36) In the
standard experimental study, participants are first exposed to either risk-glorifying media content (e.g.,
movies that portray people who perform risky behaviors positively; e.g., Hines et al.;(35) Kulick &
Rosenberg;(37) risk-glorifying pictures of extreme
sports; Fischer et al.;(16) or video games that simulate reckless driving and illegal street racing; Fischer
et al.(18) ) or non-risk-glorifying media content. Afterwards, indicators of risk-taking inclinations and/or
behaviors are measured. Classic indicators utilized
are degrees of cautiousness in driving simulators,(38)
risk tolerance in simulated critical road traffic situations;(17) the accessibility of risk-positive cognitions
and emotions;(16) as well as the individual inclination to take physical risks.(35−36) By using an experimental paradigm, several authors have consistently
gathered causal evidence that individuals exposed to
risk-glorifying media content react by exhibiting in-
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creased risk-taking inclinations on cognitive, affective, and behavioral levels.
For example, Fischer and colleagues(17,16,18) undertook a systematic experimental investigation of
whether exposure to risk-glorifying video racing
games increases individuals’ inclination toward risk
taking. Video racing games (also called virtual driving games or bang and crash games; e.g., “Need
for Speed,” “Burnout,” or “Midnight Racer”) have
emerged as top-sellers in the video game industry. Within photographically realistic virtual environments, players race through regular urban and
suburban traffic. Driving actions often include competitive and reckless driving, speeding and crashing
into other cars or pedestrians, or performing risky
stunts with the vehicle. The authors showed that a 20minute session playing this type of game (compared
to non-risk-related titles) increased the accessibility of risk-positive cognitions and emotions and led
to increased behavioral risk taking in a subsequent
simulated critical road traffic situation (WRBTV).
The use of this well-established reaction time based
risk-tolerance task (WRBTV; Vienna Test System
by Schuhfried, 2006) made these results particularly
concerning. This measure is standardized and widely
accepted for measuring risk taking, specifically willingness to take risks in critical, dangerous road traffic
situations. It has been successfully employed in traffic
psychology (e.g., it has 89% accuracy in identifying
multiple motor vehicle collision drivers). In a recent
series of studies, Fischer et al.(18) showed that playing video racing games also increases blood pressure,
sensation-seeking, and attitudes toward risky driving. Two studies included a time lag of 15 minutes
or 24 hours between playing the games and the reaction time task, but both showed that consumption
of risk-promoting racing games increases risk-taking
inclinations. Finally, Fischer and colleagues (2009,
Study 3) also found that playing risk-glorifying video
racing games (vs. non-risk-related neutral games)
led to riskier decision making (e.g., financial decisions), providing first evidence that the effects of
risk-glorifying media content on risk taking are not
necessarily domain specific. That is, risk-glorifying
media content in one domain (i.e., risky driving) appear to carry over to distinct forms of risk-taking behavior (i.e., risky financial decisions).
Similar experimental effects have been observed
for health-related behaviors, such as alcohol consumption or smoking. For instance, a study conducted by Kulick and Rosenberg(37) revealed that
participants who were exposed to movie sequences
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featuring positive images of drinking exhibited more
positive alcohol outcome expectancies than participants in a control condition who were not exposed
to alcohol-positive imagery. Potts et al.(36) found a
similar risk-glorifying media effect within a sample
of young children. These authors assigned 6- and
9-year-old children to one of three different conditions: television programs with frequent physical risk
taking, programs with infrequent physical risk taking, or no television programs at all. Afterwards, the
children reported on a self-report measure their willingness to take physical risks. In line with a riskglorifying media effect, Potts et al.(36) found that children who had watched TV programs with frequent
risk taking reported elevated levels of willingness to
take physical risks compared to those who watched
programs with infrequent risk-taking depictions, or
those who saw none at all. Finally, similar effects
have been also observed for smoking. Hines et al.(35)
instructed participants to rate well-known movie actors who had either smoked or not in a viewed film
sequence. The authors found that participants who
saw the smoking scene reported greater likelihoods
of actually smoking in the future than those who
had witnessed the nonsmoking film sequences. In
sum, there is accumulated evidence that exposure
to risk-glorifying media increases risk-taking cognitions, emotions, and behaviors (for a meta-analysis,
see also Fischer et al.(39) ).
Finally, Fischer et al.(16) experimentally investigated the impact of risk-glorifying pictures and film
sequences about extreme sports on risk-positive cognitions and attitudes toward risk taking. The authors
exposed participants either to pictures of high-risk
sports (e.g., free climbing, ski stunts) or risk-neutral
pictures. Participants who were exposed to the riskpromoting pictures indicated a greater accessibility
of risk-positive cognitions and a more positive attitude toward risk taking than participants who were
exposed to the risk-neutral pictures. The same authors also used risk-promoting film sequences (i.e.,
sport stunts, risky scenes from a James Bond movie
as well as from the MTV series Jackass) versus riskneutral film sequences and measured participants’
driving behavior in a driving simulation task. Participants who saw the risk-promoting film sequences
were more inclined to risky driving than participants
who were exposed to the risk-neutral stimuli. In sum,
there is considerable evidence that risk-glorifying
media content causally increases risk-promoting cognitions, emotions, and behaviors.
Fischer et al.
2. UNDERLYING PSYCHOLOGICAL
PROCESSES: SOCIAL LEARNING,
PRIMING, AND SELF-CONCEPT
The most prominent theoretical approach to media effects falls under the rubric of social-cognitive
information processing theories, although most research on this model has been conducted in the
context of violent media effects.(15,40) Anderson and
Bushman(40) have integrated domain-specific theories of aggression into a framework called the General Aggression Model (GAM), which is based on
social cognitive models incorporating social learning;(41) the “social-cognitive model of media violence”;(42) social information processing;(43) the “excitation transfer model”;(44) as well as the “Cognitive Neoassociationist Model.”(45) GAM postulates
a multistage process whereby person and situation
factors influence outcome behaviors through the internal states of cognitions, affect, and arousal that
they create.(40,46) For example, violent media can influence aggression by priming aggressive thoughts
or scripts through the process of spreading activation along associative neural pathways to other
brain nodes representing aggressive thoughts, expectations, beliefs, and affect related to violence, and
can thereby provide the initial trigger for aggressive
behavioral responses. GAM also explains how processes of imitation, arousal, and excitation transfer,
long-term learning, norm changes, and emotional desensitization can be induced by violent media, and
thus lead to elevated levels of aggression in the recipient(40) (for an overview, see also Anderson et al.(15) ).
Recently, Buckley and Anderson(47) expanded
the GAM into a General Learning Model (GLM)
to address not only the effects of exposure to violent media but also nonviolent media. GLM assumes that input variables (personal and situational)
elicit behavioral responses through a person’s internal state (cognition, affect, and arousal). Unlike the
GAM, however, the GLM stresses the importance
of the media content. In fact, whereas exposure to
antisocial media evokes aggression and aggressionrelated variables, exposure to prosocial media has
been shown to instigate prosocial outcomes.(48−53)
Lending further evidence to the validity of the GLM,
it appears that exposure to risk-glorifying media promotes risk-taking inclinations.
In support of the theoretical perspective of
GAM and GLM, risk-glorifying media content
increases risk-promoting cognitions and emotions
Risk-Taking and the Media
(Fischer et al.(17) Study 2; Fischer et al.(18) Study
4), which mediates inclinations towards risky decision making (Fischer et al.(16) Study 3). These findings are consistent with priming explanations of
media effects derived from sociocognitive models.(53)
However, Fischer et al.(18) argued that self-relevant
processes might be especially important for explaining the effects of risk-glorifying video games on risk
taking where participants are actively involved in the
game content (in contrast to the effects of passive
media consumption, such as viewing pictures or reading articles that glorify risk taking). Actively playing
video games has a variety of implications for the self.
For example, video games should lead to stronger
self-involvement because the player actively controls
the game character and makes vicarious decisions
for it. In addition, video games systematically reinforce the player’s self-esteem by providing positive
feedback (game score); social status (players tend to
compare their game skills with each other; see especially online games); and feelings of self-competence
in case the player masters a specific game level.(54)
In line with this reasoning, active (such as video
games) relative to passive (such as television and
movies) exposure to violent media has been shown
to have considerably larger effects on aggressive behavior.(55) So far, however, the psychological mechanism underlying this effect has not been directly
addressed;(56) this was done by Fischer et al.(18) In
support of these self-based assumptions, they found
that changes in the automatic self-concept and associated self-perceptions play an important role in
the context of risk-glorifying video games: participants who played a racing game perceived themselves more as a reckless driver and also evaluated
reckless driving more positively. In contrast, changes
in arousal, risk-promoting cognitions and emotions,
and blood pressure did not mediate the basic effect.
The risk-promoting effects of racing games on a behavioral reaction level only occurred when participants played racing games that reward traffic violations and when the individual was an active player of
such games rather than a passive observer, which further supports the assumption that racing game consumption changes self-perceptions. In other words,
the racing game effect requires the player to perceive
that he or she is actively involved in breaking traffic
rules, which leads to the self-perception that one is a
reckless driver, and thus finally to more risk taking.
In sum, from this new self-based theoretical perspective on media effects it appears that mostly
703
the effects of passive risk-glorifying media (pictures,
films) are mainly driven by priming effects. That
is, risk-glorifying images increase the accessibility
of positively risk-related cognitions and emotions,
which in turn increases the probability that actual behavioral risk taking occurs.(16) In contrast, the effects
of active risk-glorifying media formats (video games)
are mainly driven by a change in the perceived selfconcept. Players of video racing games positively perceive themselves more as reckless drivers and thus
show increased risk taking in simulated critical road
traffic situations.(18) In our opinion, this is a new theoretical perspective on media effects and the self,
which should be taken up by future research.
3. CONCLUSIONS, FUTURE DIRECTIONS
FOR THEORY AND RESEARCH,
AND SOCIETAL AND PRACTICAL
IMPLICATIONS
The present article (1) reviewed the latest research on the detrimental impact of risk-glorifying
media on risk-taking inclinations (cognitions, emotions, behaviors), (2) put these findings in a theoretical context of sociocognitive theories on media
effects, and (3) makes suggestions to science and policymakers on how to deal with these effects in the
future.
There are important themes for future directions. First, clarification is needed on whether consumption of risk-glorifying media leads to increased
risk taking in actual road traffic (which is difficult
because of ethical restrictions). Although recent research used highly valid and reliable instruments for
measuring risk tolerance in road traffic, future research should identify even more realistic ways to
measure risk taking in road traffic. Second, there
is initial evidence that the effects of risk-glorifying
media contents are not domain specific. Future research should investigate whether carry over effects
can also be found for other forms of risk-glorifying
media formats as well as other types of risk-taking
behavior. Third, it is important to further investigate the duration of these risky media effects. Although Fischer et al.(18) found that the effect can still
be found after 24 hours, more evidence should be
gathered (e.g., in longitudinal or cross-lagged panel
studies). Fourth, it is important for future research
to gain insight into the brain correlates of risk-taking
behaviors that are triggered by risk-glorifying media contents (functional magnetic resonance imaging
Fischer et al.
704
(fMRI), electroencephalogram (EEG) order to further specify the underlying psychological processes.
The results of this research can inform various educational, legislative, and regulatory policies.
For example, some jurisdictions have self-regulatory
codes to govern advertising of motor vehicles “to ensure that motor vehicles are not marketed or advertised in ways which might, however unintentionally,
encourage inappropriate attitudes or lead to careless,
inconsiderate or dangerous driving.”(57) Yet in North
America, with more lax advertising standards, research has found substantive risky driving in vehicle
advertisements.(58) As their studies did not directly
assess the effects of advertisements on driving behavior, Shin et al. concluded that “further investigation
into the influence of driving behavior, as portrayed
in automobile commercials, on consumer-driving behavior or attitudes is warranted” (p. 324). Studies on
the causal relationship between risk-glorifying advertisements and increased risk-taking driving inclinations could provide legislators with information by
which to pressure motor vehicle manufacturers and
the advertising industry to develop stronger vehicle
advertisement rules, as has been introduced in Australia, New Zealand, and the European Union. Similarly, the educational information and rating systems
for video games could be improved and expanded
within the context of these findings.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
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