THE MYTH OF THE DOUBLE-ADVANTAGE:
BLACK WOMEN IN MANAGEMENT
by
KAREN LYNN FULBRIGHT
B.A., Wellesley College
(1977)
M.C.P. Massachusetts Institute of Technology
(1979)
Submitted to the Department of
Urban Studies and Planning
in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements of the
Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
at the
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
June 1985
Signature of Author
d.
Department
rhan Studies afd Planning
Ma. 2 , 1985
Certified by
Accepted by
K
*
I
C
Rotcft
JUL 11 1985
LILR R K
Xe')fnett Harrison
is Supervisor
THE MYTH OF THE DOUBLE-ADVANTAGE:
BLACK WOMEN IN MANAGEMENT
by
KAREN LYNN FULBRIGHT
Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning
on May 22, 1985 in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Social Science and Policy Analysis
in
ABSTRACT
black women, as "double minorities",
It has been said that
Black women who work
have a double-advantage over other workers.
in professional occupations are believed to be in a particularly
good position to take advantage of their dual status.
notion,
centered around this
The theme of my dissertation
"Are black female managers a doublywith the central question:
I used four data sources to address this
advantaged group?"
2)
segregation;
work on occupational
1) theoretical
question:
survey data of
empirical research on managers; 3) my own original
4) my own original interview data of
black female managers; and
managtrs.
25 black female
The primary focus of the first two sources is black men and
white women. However, I concluded that given the characteristics,
and pervasiveness of the obstacles that black men and
regularity
to
likely
women are
black
white women tend to encounter,
gender.
race and their
experience obstacles on account of their
The second two sources provided support for my assumption.
I found that: 1) highly educated white women appear
Specifically,
to have a greater chance for upward mobility than highly educated
women who have achieved
of black
black women; 2) the mobility
be explained by their
can
progress
rapid
made
or have
high levels
age of the companies
and
growth
rapid
the
or
length of service
to
experience limits
who
women
black
3)
and
for which they work;
race
plus
inhibitors
mobility
generic
their mobility experience
and gender related mobility inhibitors.
the assertion
of the evidence, I concluded that
Given all
that black professional women are doubly-advantaged in the work
place is more a statement of fiction that it is of fact.
Thesis Supervisor:
Title:
Dr. Bennett Harrison
Professor of Political
1
Economy and Planning
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My dissertation is dedicated to my grandfather, who passed
He was a black man who
away while I was completing my writing.
education that he
of
value
had such a high regard for the
Mississippi
in
Sturgis,
traveled fourty miles from his hometown
kitchen
his
at
read
to
how
He taught me
to attend high school.
in his
forever
be
will
I
and
old,
table when I was three years
to
me.
on
debt for the love of learning that he passed
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation
committee, Phil Clay, Bennett Harrison, Gary Marx and Phyllis
I
Wallace for the guidance and encouragement that they gave me.
Without
owe a special thanks to my advisor, Bennett Harrison.
his quick turnaround time in responding to my drafts I would not
have met my goal of getting out of school before my thirtieth
birthday.
I would also like to thank my friends, Allen, Deb, Carol,
Eric, Michelene, Jane, Jimmy, Karen, Loretta, Mary, Susan, and
Sharon. They gave me moral support, read my drafts on a moment's
notice, typed for me, listened to me whine endlessly about how
to finish on time
and had faith in my ability
deprived I felt,
when I had lost faith in myself.
They have
Finally, my special thanks goes to my family.
career.
academic
my
throught
me
been a source of inspiration for
never
I
would
Without their constant support and encouragement,
have been able to complete this task.
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter One:
Chapter
Two:
Introduction..............................p.-
4
The Myth of a Woman's Place, Social Science
Theories of Occupational Segregation.........P- 14
Chapter Three:
Literature Review.............................p. 42
Chapter Four:
Methodology and Survey Results................p. 65
Chapter Five:
The Double Advantage of Black Female Managers
Fact or Fiction?............................... p. 120
Chapter Six:
Conclusion....................................p. 151
3
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
4
Chapter One:
Introduction
A major criticism of affirmative action programs
that they support preferential
that
is
treatment for women and minorities
at the expense of better qualified white males and therefore
compromise
system (Benokraitis and
the merit
J., 1979).
Abramson,
as "double minorities",
It has been said that black women,
have a "double-advantage" over other workers (Glover,
for
In
to as "two-fers"--two
common jargon black women are referred
minorities
et.al.,
1978).
1982; King,
1975; Krieter and Piercy,
1979; Nelson,
the price of one--who have better opportunities
for entry and mobility
in
popularized by the media.
business,
women in
1978;
Feagin,
the workplace.
stated that
been
on black
in an article
For example,
Time Magazine (1971)
This view has
:
Heeding the call for social responsibility, many
corporations now try to fill managerial posts with
An even more logical solution,
blacks or women.
though, would be to employ persons who can meet the
black
demands of both the N.A.A.C.P. and Women's Lib:
business women (p. 102)
And at least one scholar developed a theory around this issue
on
based
(Epstein,
That is,
with
interviews
1978).
The
female
lawyers
a mathematical
theorem.
black
twenty-five
theory was posed
as
the two negative statuses of being a black person and a
woman cancel
each other out and enable black women to parlay
their dual negative statuses into positive experiences.
Popular
little
sentiment
acknowledgement
"doubly advantaged",
and the double-advantage
to the possibility
that
black women may actually
5
theory gave
instead of being
face a "double
hypotheses
advantage
illogical
intuitively
and
sexism
experience
they
as
burden"
double-
The
racism.
sounds
mathematically
to me.
As such,
logical
but
the objective of my
to assess the merits of this hypotheses.
dissertation is
The unit of analysis
black female
is
for my dissertation
I have chosen to focus the analysis on the experiences
managers.
of this group for five reasons.
women who
work
in
male-dominated
occupations.
mobility. If
are characterized by generally
These occupations
higher status and greater opportunities
wages,
for upward
the promotion of increased numbers of black women
into the professional
is
ranks
a serious objective of public
attention
then we badly need to give the subject closer
policy,
little
Very
occupations.
black women who work in male-dominated
research has focussed on
higher
the experiences of black
I have a special interest in
First,
than it has received thus far.
Second,
of
is
management
the male-dominated
of all
interest
special
ocupations,
to
me.
The
the
educational
requirements of management are highly standardized.
thereby effectively
other occupations,
substantial variation in
field of
vis-a-vis
removing the influence of
human capital
from racial and gender
comparisons of career mobility.
Third, there is an existing and continuously growing body of
literature on managers.
Fourth,
managers,
which
can
there
while
per se,
serve
are no directories
there are
as
sources
existing
through
could be identified.
6
of black
professional
which black
female
organizations
female managers
one of the most interesting things about the notion
Finally,
doubly-advantaged
basis
of support
turn
normally
for it.
that
demonstrate,
black women
in
the
in
paragraphs
in
and
general,
women who work in male-dominated professional
been overlooked
in most
are
issues
As the brief literature
studies.
presented
a
to which we
perplexing
about
is
there
that
sources
traditional
The
for information
is
not clear
is
that it
work and empirical
theoretical
review
group is
are a
occupations
professional
in
that black women who work
and
theoretical
below will
black
particular,
have
occupations
work
empirical
on
occupations.
Criticisms of the Literature
That
economics
and
sociology,
the
two
science
social
disciplines that have studied workers and the labor market in
perhaps
the
greatest
detail,
area has been noted by several
have been sexually biased
scholars.
According to
in
this
economist
Carolyn Shaw Bell:
Women at work, their accomplishments, and even
their productive potential are measured and analyzed by
standards and terminology developed for the male labor
force even where (as in the case of women's work at
home) these are inappropriate (1978).
Concomitantly, sociologist Joan Acker stated that:
The basic assumption is: male = general. What is
typical, usual, or to be expected of human beings is
This equation can be seen
equated with the male.
of "workers," which are
studies
clearly in sociological
almost always studies of male workers (1978).
As the number of women entering the labor force increased
and the women's movement grew stronger,
attention
in
work-related
research.
7
Old
women received greater
theories about
working
women have been revised and new theories have been developed.
For example,
studies,
of the Hawthorne
a re-examination
in
Acker
and Van Houten found that the structure of the work situation,
caused
Subsequent work by Kanter (1977) uncovered
(1978).
Other
information that supports the Acker and Van Houten thesis.
scholars
have
ideology
about
the
the male and female plant
observed differences in behavior in
workers
may have
to women,
traits attributed
not personality
women
ways
the
examined
roles
their
and
effectively
1977; Blaxall and Reagan,
and
factors
cultural
block
1970; Larwood and Wood,
occupational mobility (Epstein,
Tavris and Offir,
that
1976; Laws,
women's
1977;
1976).
Still others have told the story from the point of view of the
women who work through in-depth interviews (Schreiber, 1979;
1982;
Walshok,
Douglass,
Despite the increase in
women,
Smith,
1980;
1975).
the number of studies of working
picture.
they have not presented a full
Rather, many
studies of working women have focussed exclusively on sex without
considering the possible joint effects of race and sex, as in the
case
one
of black women.
As
literature
on the
economic
scholar
employment
noted after
surveying
status of black women
during the 1960-1970 decade:
It soon became apparent that, although a number of
economists had conducted studies on the labor force
participation (LFP) of women, few had focussed on the
characteristics of black women in the
distinctive
Thus the economic literature is
force.
labor
civilian
particularly sparse on this topic. (Wallace, 1980)
More
recently,
on the need
All
the
this void has been noted in
for black women's studies
Women are White:
the forward of a book
that was so aptly entitled
the Blacks are
All
8
Men,
But Some
of Us are Brave... (Hull, Scott, and Smith, 1982)
The women's movement and its
scholars have been
concerned, in the main, with white women, their needs
and concerns.
(Berry, 1982)
In
a similar
vein,
studies that have considered
the effects
of race have tended to focus on black men (Sorkin,1971;
1975,
1978;
Miller,
implication,
By
there is
1978;
Davis &
1982).
the assumption of this
approach
is
that
no significant difference betweeen the experiences of
black and white women,
While it
America & Anderson,
Scott and Smith,
1982; Hull,
Glegg,
1975;
Almquist,
is
or between black women and black men.
that black women do in
likely
fact share
similar
it
labor market experiences with black men and white women,
not entirely clear that significant differences do not exist.
the
contrary,
research
that
has
considered
conjunction has generated evidence
that
race and
is
On
sex in
undermines such an
assumption.
Alternatively,
in
comparisons of black and white women on a
number of labor market related variables
ties,
occupational
status,
rates and distribution in
earnings,
employment
such as job opportuni-
labor force participation
training programs,
data have
indicated that the experiences of black and white women can be
quite different.
In
a study of the quality of entry employment
minority and majority working class women,
found
that
referral,
placement
and
Baker and Levenson
recruitment
prevented minority women from sharing the occupational
their white counterparts
participation rates,
(1975).
With respect
several researchers
9
secured by
activities
success of
to labor
force
have noted and analyzed
the fact that black women have consistently maintained higher
participation rates than white women (Wallace,1980;
1980; Cain, 1973; Sweet,
1973).
Differences
of black and white women who participated
training programs have been noted
in
in
Douglass,
the experiences
in employment and
a study by Perry
(1980).
A
major finding of the study was that black women were concentrated
in
programs that were not skill-oriented
and did not increase
their job options. In a review of the literature on black working
women,
Douglass noted
gender
allocates
allocates
(1980).
black women
to
"women
black women to jobs separate
Finally,
several
only" jobs
1982).
1981;
Almquist,
scholars have
1975,
and race
from those of white women
noted
that black women
have the lowest earnings of all workers in the
(Fernandez,
occupations,
female-intensive
that within
1978; Wallace,
labor market
1980,
Malveaux,
Thus the data indicate that black and white women often
have quite different
labor market experiences.
A review of the literature also indicates that when the
traditional
pattern of studying workers who are white women or
black men is
broken and black women are
unit of analysis,
context
the research is
of male-dominated
research
has
been
identified as the primary
seldom conducted within the
occupations.
conducted
As a
result,
on black women
who
little
work
in
managerial, professional, technical or craft occupations.
Description of the Dissertation
With all
of these
factors
in
mind,
my assessment of the
double-advantage hypotheses will be conducted
10
in
four stages.
Stage One
In
Because
Chapter Two I
of the dual
black people will
suggest
that
rationalize
will consider myths about a woman's place.
ascribed
status of black women,
also be included in
while myths
about
myths about
the discussion.
women
have been
I will
used
to
their underrepresentation in management and other
professions,
one can present the case
that women have acquired skills
that the myths indicate
that make them particularly well
suited for management careers.
Following this,
I will review paradigms from the disciplines
sociology and economics
of psychology,
prevalence of inequality.
the
intent
is
is
for
explanations
the
not the purpose of the review to
and indepth analysis of each discipline.
present a comprehensive
Rather,
It
for
to
survey these fields for insights about
our current system that may contribute to an understanding of the
status of black female managers.
It
should
be
noted
that
inequality often interchange
However,
in
some cases,
theories about
assertions
females.
tension.
black males
that
explanations
and white
of
females.
feminists have added another dimension to
sexual inequality and
have
For example,
anatomical
theoretical
different
have made
implications
the psychoanalytic
differences
between
the
provocative
for males
literature
sexes
These views will also be included in
as
one
and
points
to
source
of
the review.
Stage Two
In
Chapter
developmental
Three
I
will
aspects of the
and adults that are related
review
lives
empirical
of black
female
data
on
adolescents
to the hypotheses that are drawn from
11
the
This will
theories.
aspirations
career/educational
review of
a
include
Following this,
the career decisions of black women.
will
of
be made
empirical
and female managerial
of women who choose
and the influence of role models on
occupations,
non-traditional
the
of
fear of success
of adolescents,
personal and family characteristics
imagery,
studies
work on discrimination
a review
against
black
workers.
and professional
Stage Three
In Chapter Four I will describe the results of my own survey
These
female managers.
of black
will be
results
compared
with
secondary data sources on comparable white female
and black male
different
sampling
The
managers.
proceedures
secondary
sources
used
comparable with the
and as such are not directly
black female manager survey,
but can be used as a rough guide
to
assess the double-advantage hypotheses.
not compare my sample with surveys of white male
I will
managers because existing surveys of this latter group focus only
on senior
years
level
executives.
of management
The vast differences in age and
experience
make
the
two
data
sets
incomparable.
Stage Four
In
Chapter Five,
twenty-five
black
I will explore the issue df the mobility of
female managers.
on: a) access to entry jobs; b)
The examination
rate of mobility and c)
mobility. I will explore the validity
will
focus
limits to
of the following
three
hypotheses:
o
The processes that
sociologists and
psychologists assume
influence the non-traditional career choices of women are not the
same as those that influence black women.
o Contrary
promoted
more
to popular belief,
rapidly
than
better
black women
qualified
are not
being
white males
on
account of affirmative action.
o Black female mangers are
limits to
gender,
likely
to encounter the same
their mobility that anyone,
might encounter,
and they are
regardless
of race or
likely to encounter
limits
to their mobility on account of their race and sex.
In Chapter
advantage
Six,
hypotheses
I will summarize
the merits of the double-
and raise questions
this topic.
13
for
future
research
on
CHAPTER TWO
THE MYTH OF A WOMAN'S PLACE:
SOCIAL SCIENCE THEORIES OF OCCUPATIONAL
14
SEX SEGREGATION
Chapter Two:
The Myth of A Woman's Place
Social Science Theories of Occupational Sex Segregation
Introduction
By extention,
they occur.
which
the
about
insight
of
experiences
hypotheses
the circumstances
for social phenomenon and
explanations
of
influence
As
can be developed.
in
both social
segregation and
in
empirical
occupations.
dominated
As such,
female managers.
We can,
inequality/segregation
draw
focus
occupational
of
women in
malebase
the experiences
of occupational
use theories
inferences
of black
these
about
women
as
of the theories
the validity
and
women.
these
The
however,
data to explore
use empirical
regards
to
theories
we are without a theoretical
or evaluate
from which to anticipate
work on
black
one,
science
women have been overlooked
occupational
testable
chapter
in
noted
the
on
phenomenon
social
under
sciences provide
the social
from which empirically
individuals,
provide
to
is
sciences
social
the
of
function
One
of
this
is
chapter
segregation.
I
the
consider
will
phenomena
social
this
phenomena
of
within
the context of myths about the place of women in society. Because
of
the
dual
status
of black women,
to myths about black people.
theories
that offer explanations
of occupational
anthropology,
conclude
segregation will
psychology,
references
Following
will
this,
for the existance
also
social
and
science
and prevalence
be drawn from the disciplines
sociology
be made
economics.
of
I will
with a summary of hypotheses about black female managers
15
theories.
from the
that can be drawn
The Myth of a Woman's Place
prescriptions
on
based
for proper behavior
and
conclusions
of
set
a
formed
has
society
Every
sex
differences
(Janeway, 1971; Tavris and Offir, 1976; Epstein, 1971; Cater,
Scott & Martyna,
1977; Larwood & Wood,
this
Similarly,
1977).
society and others have done the same thing regarding racial
1972).
differences between blacks and whites (Baxter & Sansom,
One
effect of this
is
that men and women are
different duties and to conduct themselves
One
fact
which
is
universal
is
that
of the division of labor,
arbitrariness
in
a manner that is
views.
with society's
consistent
expected to perform
the
of
regardless
the work of white men
tends to be regarded as more valuable than that of women or of
blacks (Tavris & Offir,
only to look as
this.
1979; Harris and Hogan,
labor market
far as our current
One need
1975).
for evidence
of
It is undeniable that our labor market is segregated along
sexual
respect
lines.
Similarly,
to salary
blacks have
it
lines.
divided along racial
is
levels and the quality of work,
traditionally been
compared to white males.
With
women and
and remain at a disadvantage as
They continue to be underrepresented in
jobs that are characterized by upward mobility, high pay and
prestige.
paying,
Concomittantly,
no-growth jobs,
they are
As Janeway (1971)
tend to hold jobs such as:
16
in
low
that
appear to be
the home,
or by blacks
the kind of jobs
extensions of those held by women in
during slavery.
overrepresented
so aptly phrased it,
women
...Elementary school teachers (who) look after
and
(who) work as assistants
secretaries
children,
of active dominant males,
in
support
aides
and
receptionists (who) pretend to be hostesses,
interpersonal
facilitate
telephone operators (who)
by speeding communications. (p.183)
relationships
occupations
the
characterized
Hogan and Harris (1975)
Along the same line,
of blacks by stating that:
Blacks tend to obtain jobs that are latter day
extensions of the work they performed in the plantation
Blacks are highly
economy of the antebellum south.
aides,
cooks, health
as dieticians,
overrepresented
personal service workers, food service
maids, janitors,
drivers,
taxi
workers, laundry workers, bus drivers,
In addition, Blacks who worked with
and laborers.
brick or cement and wood as skilled construction
slavery
after
in
the south during and
craftsmen
A
continue to do so in record proportions today.
high
occupations...have
craft
number of skilled
proportions of Blacks simply because they involve hot,
heavy, and dangerous duties. (pp.19-20)
history,
Throughout
men
of
inferiority
revised
pursued
efforts
or
the
dropped
were directed
in
men due to differences
brain
size
and
surface
the brain weight
line
of reasoning
proving
correlated
As might be expected,
(Shields,
inferiority.
the
was
evidence
were
For
example,
to
inferior
became known that
and
that
favored
women,
this
1975).
there are a number of stereotypical
images about women and blacks that
their
the
reasoning
with body size,
to body size ratio sometimes
was dropped
support
that women were
brain size. When it
were
of
1973).
the
to explain
favorable
Jones,
1976;
toward
of
explain
not
did
line
original
and sources
& Offir,
(Tavris
evidence
When
blacks.
assumptions of inferiority,
often
to
attempted
as whites have attempted
status of women,
inferior
have
In one
of
accompany the beliefs
the best
17
known
studies
about
of
sex
to
passivity,
were
masculine.
In
Fernandez
reported
employees
research.
than most
products
actual
believe
people
biases
ideological
the
of
(Tavris
of blacks
attributes
dramatic
less
blacks
about
are
rather than
1977;
Offir,
and
general,
in
theorists
of
in
support
general
stereotypes
and many
to be
stereotypical
the
are fewer and
the sexes
between
the diffe-rences
and
attitudes
racial
found that
research has
On the contrary,
submissiveness
sluggishness.
found
not
were
number of those who
stupidity and
have
stereotypes
These
that
with
blacks
laziness,
of
characteristics
the traits
the
large
a
found that
attributed
interviewed
Clarkson,
white corporations,
in
of
survey
a
that
Broverman,
of those considered
opposite
diametrically
(1980)
which they believed
dependence,
as
a study of black managers
of corporate
were
was found that
such
female,
be
considered
It
1972).
and Rosenkwantz,
Vogel,
(Broverman,
differed
and men
fourty-one
identified
and behaviors in
attributes
characteristics,
women
students
colle.ge
stereotypes,
Ladner,
1973)
performance
that
professed
are
that
in
white men (Schein,
between
stereotypes
1975;
to
antithetical
necessary
successful
for
successful
survey data
indicate
manager must have such
emotional
stability,
vigor,
that are most often associated
characteristics
and self-reliance,
mismatch
the
as aggressiveness,
characteristics
with
that
being
For example,
management.
assume
many
as
are
blacks
to women and
have been attributed
those
the stereotypical traits that
interesting to note that
It is
Basil,
Clearly,
1972).
and
these characteristics
about women and blacks. What
18
is
the
there
is
a
commonly held
even more
interesting
is
one
the
finds
stereotypical
in
performance
best
are
expected
of women.
Sherman
identified
In
to
tasks
five
by virtue
the
William
successful
opportunity
tasks that
that
are
Silber
and
managers
determining
others;
perhaps
(1974).
bosses'
problem-solving; use of interpersonal
getting the job done;
This
place
in
generic
acquire
Goode made a persuasive
and juggling the
for
from other departments
demands
of their ascribed
to
is
tasks
practioners,
effective
of
activities.
organizations'
women,
had
people in
generic
and the
serving
and balancing the
her/his
the actual generic
a book for manager
included:
to assist
interests
that
stereotypical
for good management
perform
problems and opportunities;
skills
for
the
that
assertion
the
are necessary
required
managers
tasks
indicates
which
necessary
are
traits
when one considers
illustrated
These
masculine
of
traits
masculine
or weak evidence
little
management.
fallacy
The
to underlie management
that are assumed
the characteristics
skills,
the links between
we consider studies. that assessed
that if
argument
would
society,
characteristics match those required
stated
that:
that
should
have
managerial
that
female
suggest
the
skills.
stereotypical
in management when he
If our stereotypes of women are correct, the skills
and behavior they acquire in becoming a woman are
they are trained in
those of good managers:
exactly
in
tubes and machinery;
not test
human relations,
insight, in the organization and maintenance of a
command not through
the family; in
unit,
social
through persuasion and
but
arbitrary orders,
participation; in taking care of subordinates and
produce better.
serving their needs so that they will
surely they could
they can become good homemakers,
If
become excellent managers. (p.99)
19
of
combination
The
support
but
traits
this belief.
We
find
also
factual
little
is
there
have
inherently
to
are believed
and whites
personality
that
required for success in management,
to support this.
evidence
that are
little
but again there is
with
uncorroborated beliefs about women appear to have a good fit
skills,
required managerial
few women or blacks are in
In
view
in
the
yet few recognize or accept this,
management
of
inability
and
positions.
data
corroborate
to
the
and attitudes, one might therefore conclude that they
stereotypes
belong
of
the
we find that
Finally,
to
that are
traits
the
opposite
evidence
identified with white males are assumed to be those
factual
an
with
We have a situation in which women and men
interesting paradox.
and blacks
us
presents
factors
these
the realm
of myths.
According to
Anthropologist
Malinowski:
Myth fulfills in primitive culture an
it expresses, enhances and
indispensable function:
and enforces morality; it
safegards
it
belief,
codifies
and contains
vouches for the efficiency of ritual
not an
man...it's
of
guidance
the
practical rules for
imagery, but a
intellectual explanation or an artistic
pragmatic charter of primitive faith and moral
wisdom...a statement of a primeval, greater and more
relevant reality by which the present life, fates and
activities of mankind are determined. (p.42)
Myths
serve
societies.
troublesome
world.
no
less of an indispensable
function
They provide us with explanations
events
and
a perspective
in
modern
of puzzling
from which
or
to view the
According to Janeway:
Very early we find the myths that our ancestors have
made and hung like a tapestry of dream between ourselves and
thumping, unexpected universe of phenomenal
the rattling,
The assumptions embodied in this mythology channel
events.
our waysof thinking, of judging, of acting in and on the
world around us, and of communicating with each other both in
20
we
the
the roles
words and in the language of behavior,
to rectify
or
to
justify
play...They strive to interpret,
sometimes
are,
way things
--
--
illogically
once.
at
all
(pp.292 & 295)
Indeed,
argued that
many have
images of women and
stereotypical
blacks have been promoted and maintained because they provide
explanations for the status of women and blacks in
convenient
society
1973; Wilhelm,
(Jones,
1973;
1973;
Ladner,
Tavris &
Offir, 1974).
It
should be noted that the place of black women in
not entirely clear as their societal and
discussion is
this
labor
market experiences have been different from those of white women
and black men.
on
the
Black women have been occupationally
of
basis
their
race
and
sex
their
segregated
(Douglas,
1982).
Stereotypes about black women have often attributed them with
characteristics
masculine
1972; Scott,
of
segregation,
men,
have
1965;
1970;
Beale,
Ladner,
And, research on the workplace experiences
1982).
and
women
(Moynihan,
as
well
as
of
theories
tended not to include
occupational
Following
black women.
Goode's line of reasoning, one might argue that black women may
well suited for management because
be particularly
combined
traditionally
However,
the fact that
management
same
homemaker
with
roles
they have
worker
roles.
underrepresented
they are considerably
in
indicates that they may be effected by some of the
processes
that effect white women and black men.
(according
to 1980 EEOC data black women constituted 1% of private sector
managers
and administrators
as
compared
to
76% for
16% for white females and 3% for black males,
white males,
EEOC 1982).
In order to better understand the discrepancy between the
21
about black women in
myths and reality and to develop hypotheses
review
I will
chapter
this
of
remainder
the
in
management,
paradigms within the disciplines of Anthropology,
different
Sociology and Economics for explanations
Psychology,
for the
prevalence of inequality between women and men and blacks and
It
whites.
the purpose of the review to present a compre-
not
is
Rather, the
hensive and indepth analysis of each discipline.
is to survey
intent
provide
the
about
the
to
address
workplace,
the
disciplines
sociology
contribute
of
issue
of
The
narrowest .focus
school of psychology.
individual
as
its
unit
differences between the
mind.
This
a
given
is
will be reviewed in
presented
by
The psychoanalytical
of analysis
and
as
social and
culture.
Two
raises
22
the
this section.
the psychoanalytic
literature
examines
represented
sexes as
perspective
our
which was developed by those who
feminist,
issues,
stress distribution
facilitate
which was developed by biologically-
universalist,
oriented groups, and
and
uses entire cultures
It
produced
that
factors
psychology
examines the economic,
unit of analysis and it
environmental
the
Of these four disciplines,
focus.
Anthropology has the broadest
can
that
information
in
segregation
sex
anthropology,
understanding of this phenomenon.
perspectives,
who
that is most often
Although economics is the discipline
its
women
Theories of Inequality
Social Science
upon
and by
occupations.
penetrate male-dominated
drawn
of
experiences
the
about
hypotheses
extention,
segregation,
of occupational
issue
that they can
insights
for
these fields
in
question,
uses
the
the anatomical
the unconscious
"What
kind
of
view that
feelings are generated by the
and
reproductive
other's
abilities?"
analytic,
perspectives
vulnerability
and
existential
and
Three
They include the Freudian,
this section.
will be presented in
feminist
sexual
of the
sex has
one
perspectives.
perspective,
. Like the psychoanalytical
with the learned motivations,
Unlike
individual.
this perspective is
perspective,
psychoanalytic
of individuals
the
on
focusses
perspective
the psychological
more concerned
traits
and personality
expectations
the
than with the influence of anatomical differences.
The perspectives
in
that will be presented
this section include:
learning, expectation, and structural.
In contrast to the
perspective is
sociological
it
is
psychological
with the circumstances
perspective
the
perspective,
less concerned with individuals than
This
that surround the individual.
focusses on the people with whom and the institutions
with which people
the roles
interact,
that
people
the
play,
situations in which people find themselves and the rules that
people
perspectives
perspective,
theoretical
follow
unconsciously
will
(Tavris
presented
be
functionalism,
paradigm
in
is
in
& Offir,
this
perhaps
sociology.
section.
first
The
the most widely
It
Four
1976).
focusses
accepted
on
the
"inevitable" functions that society must assume to insure its
stability.
norms,
The second perspective focusses on social images,
and sanctions,
The third perspective
and will be referred to as role
focusses on organizational
way of explaining sexual or racial
23
inequality.
theory.
structure
as a
This perspective
The fourth perspective
will be referred to as a structural model.
,
conflict
1979).
will do the dirty work?" (Vanfossen,
both the individual and society as its
employ
be
in
presented
explaning
The
section.
inequality
and
radical
to
perspective,
first
the
workplace.
focusses
on
focus
second
structure
of
two perspectives,
The last
feminist,
the
The
on conflict between
capitalists and workers and the relationship of men,
and women,
will
perspectives
are made by workers as a
and their processes.
institutions
choose
that
in
institutional,
perspective,
Marxist
this
It
Four
resources.
focusses on choices
neoclassical,
way of
scarce
and distribute
units of analysis.
and society
individuals
which
in
on the ways
focusses
has
economics,
discipline that will be reviewed,
The last
question "Who
the
addresses
theory
do the
will
the question "Who
functionalism addresses
important work?"
inequality.
or racial
to explain sexual
power relationships
While
focusses on conflict and
conflict theory,
that will be presented,
capitalists
respectively as a way of explaining inequality in
the
workplace.
Anthropology
Universalists
Perhaps the most widely accepted view in anthropology about
the low status of women relative to men is
dominant
role
in
strength and women's
According
societies,
society
because
reproductive
of their
natural differences
in
greater
physical
responsibility.
to these biologically-oriented
biological
men assumed the
that
theorists,
differences between men and women
in
lead
all
to
the rights and duties that are assigned to
24
The biological
each.
fact of women's
limit
and the dependence of infants and children
free
only
not
are
the
of
but, on average,
experience,
the mobility of
to the domestic sphere.
to their confinement
women and leads
capabilities
childbearing
constraints
physical
Men
women
that
are also stronger and larger than
The combination of these factors make men particularly
women.
while
well suited to assume the roles of warriors and hunters,
women gathered plant
that the male
argued
has been
It
food and small game near the- homebase.
for survival and
provider of protein was viewed as necessary
led to the elevation of their
therefore
status
over
that
of
some have asserted that over time this early
Moreover,
women.
and
protector
of
role
division of labor generated a psychological association such that
in
the current
rewarded
system men's work is
than women's work.'This
the following syllogism:
more highly regarded and
been expressed
viewpoint has
Men
Hunting = essential;
in
hunting;
Therefore, men = essential (Tavris and Offir).
Feminist Anthropological
Perspective
The view that men are dominant because
than women
have cited
has
been criticized by
examples
of cultures
feminist
they are stronger
anthropologists
in which women worked extremely
hard performing tasks that required physical strength.
1975)
In addtion,
male
dominance
distribution
Leavitt,
of
1972).
perspective,
all
who
(Reed,
they argue that the existance of inequality and
is
related
to
the
valuable resources
locus
(Friedl,
of
control
of
1975; Tiffany,
the
1979;
According to those who subscribe to this
groups have three basic functions to insure
25
their survival.
It
is
believed
because
feed,
They must reproduce,
function,
the reproduction
of women's role in
labor arises
the division of
that an imbalance in
themselves.
and defend
but is
maintained because of their lack of control over the distribution
these theorists state that
of valued resources. Specifically,
their mobility and
women' s reproductive functions constrained
food near
the
resulted in
their adoption of the job of gathering
home base.
Because men did not have such constraints on their
the tasks of defending the group and hunting for animal
mobility,
the plant
In most societies,
their responsibility.
food became
internal
the
food gathered by women was used for
consumption of
the group while the meat was shared both within and outside of
has been argued
It
the group.
that this early division of sexual
labor put men in a better postion to acquire and control the
valuable resources in
needs
and
Moreover,
argue that when women contribute
feminist anthropologists
subsistence
1978).
1975;
society (Friedl,
participate
in
distribution
the
to
and
of valued resources beyond their immediate domestic
exchange
sphere to the same extent as men,
the power and autonomy of the
tends not to be different (Friedl,
two sexes
1976; Leavitt,
1972; Tiffany,
1975 ; Hartmann,
1979).
Psychoanalytic Perspective
Freudian Perspective
The
Freudian perspective presents the
status of women relative
motives
individuals,
of
two sexes.
feelings
This is
to men
and
view that
is a result of
anatomical
between
the
about
the
statement
that women develop when they realize
26
unconscious
differences
evidenced by Freud's
the lower
that
they are
physically different from men:
After a woman has become aware of the wound to her
narcissism, she develops, like a scar, a sense of
When she has passed beyond her first
inferiority.
attempt at explaining her lack of a penis as being a
punishment personal to herself and has realized that
sexual character is a universal one, she begins to
by men for a sex which is the
share the contempt felt
1924; p.253)
lesser in so important a respect. (Freud,
It
genitalia creates
women believe
is
belief
that they are in
on
because of
this,
As this
this
factors,
biological
immutable
that women's feelings
suggest
male
to men.
inferior
fact
the
of
envy
subconscious
feelings of fear and awe and,
premised
perspective
women's
that
believed
is
are
of inferiority
inevitable.
Feminist Psychoanalytic
A feminist psychoanalytic
was
Horney
analysis.
facts
in
developed
According
through
to Horney,
his analysis (such
emphasize or are built
perspective
critique
her
Freud's
as women's
1972)
and
Freudian
to include
social
to roles
restriction
that
patriarchal
establishment
Horney has argued that many men simultaneously
envy and fear the ability
mother.
failure
the
of
on emotional bonds) contributed to the
ideology that supports the existing
(Horney,
as expressed by Karen
To cope with these
of women to bear children,
feelings,
nurse and
men glorify male genitals
fight to maintain a superior status over women.
Through
the
former reaction men compensate for their inability to give birth.
Through the latter
sexual power.
reaction men control their
According to Horney,
the end effect is
are forced to assume an inferior status.
27
fear of women's
that women
Existential Identity and Vulnerability
The third perspective,
ty,
existential identity and vulnerabili-
premised on the assumption that women continuously receive
is
physiological
signs that
while men must learn to
they are women,
be men.
As a result, the sexuality of men is presumed to be more
fragile
than that of women.
Those who subscribe to this view
contend that the reaction of men to the women's movement can be
explained by fact that men must base their sexuality and selfOffir
hood on being different from women.
summarize this view in
and Tavris (1976)
their statement:
If men
Women make babies - men make civilizations.
because they can't make babies,
make civilizations
naturally they'll resent female efforts to usurp their
role. (p. 157)
If
and Offir are
Tavris
that males will
undoubtedly
this perspective
correct,
have negative
reactions
suggests
and resist
the entrance of women into their domain.
Psychological Perspectives
Learning Perspective
The
status by
learning
pointing
perspective
to
the different
of
sources
including
personality
parents,
that men
traits
These traits are
and women acquire as they grow up.
a variety
second class
women's
explains
teachers
learned from
and the media.
Thus,
women are believed to hold low-ranked jobs because they
have
acquired
or
learned
traits
such
as
fear
Maccoby,
(Mischel,
1974).
28
success,
that
limit
1966; Horner,
1969;
dependence, sociability and non-competitiveness,
their aspirations and abilities
of
Expectation Perspective
individuals'
those
to
contrast
In
for
personalities
deficiencies
to
look
who
in
of sex differentials,
the source
those who subscribe to this theory assert that an individual's
of
expectations
influences. This assertion is
when
that
are
expectations
motivational
important
as
serve
success
supported by data that indicates
controlled,
preference
or desire disappear (Gurin,
expectation
theorists:
sex differences
in
According
to
1978).
Perceptions of alternatives and beliefs about
opportunities may reinforce sex and race segregation in
supply
the labor pool and/or make for differential
(Gurin, p. 28)
elasticities.
This perspective suggests
that the absence of role models or
exist for blacks and women
other evidence that opportunities
to_ lower
serve
motivation
and
expectations
their
opportunities that are non-traditional
to pursue
for their groups.
Structural Perspective
According
that is
witnessed in
of positive
the sexual segregation
to Judith Long Laws (1976),
interlocking
and negative
incentives
things,
than
women belong in
These
men.
begins with
society that,
among other
encourage
effectually
is,
by
set
myths
are
employers
believed
to
create
The assumption is
to create work
the scene for a self-fulfilling
operating under
undesired
less desirable
the home and are
attitudes toward women workers.
factors
in
eftects.
This
false
that reward or
The cycle
punish the labor market behavior of women.
the myths that are held about women
of a series
the result
the labor market is
assumptions,
ultimately
29
serves
workers
prejudicial
that these
situations
that
prophesy.
That
they
to
create
the
support
and
perpetuate a system that restricts women to certain positions
in
the labor market.
Sociological Perspectives
Functionalism
promote
that social
the belief
According
rational.
As such the theory appears
than the causes.
inequality rather
inequality is
vary in
to
both normal and
to this theory, to function properly,
society
and that required duties
must insure that positions are filled
are performed.
of social
on the consequences
is
The focus of functionalism
The duties associated with different positions
"Some positions
and characteristics:
their requirements
are inherently more agreeable
than other...some
require
special
or training, and some are functionally more important
talents
accordance with the uneveness in
distributed unequally in
requirements for,
Rewards are believed to be
p.243).
than others" (Davis & Moore,
the
and importance of, different jobs. In this
social inequality serves the purpose of making sure the
view,
right person gets the right job:
Social inequality is thus an unconsciously evolved
device by. which societies insure that the most
by the
important positions are conscientiously filled
most qualified persons. (Davis & Moore p.367)
suggests
perspective
This
concentrated
in
the
that
lowest paying and
blacks
lowest
and women
are
status jobs because
important jobs.
they are not qualified to fill
Role Theory
Role
by
a
theorists maintain that,
network
consciousness
of
of
rules
that
them.
To
people's actions
operate
address
30
are governed
regardless
the
issue
of
of
our
sexual
segregation, these theorists tend to focus attention on variables
Epstein contends
example,
are characterized
composed
by shared
and status.
sanctions,
the
that
they are
that
in
communities
norms,
values,
images,
such as social
For
like
are
professions
of homogeneous
In
norms and attitudes.
groups
this
and
view,
those who are without the appropriate status who seek entrance
to social
subjected
regarded as
community are
into a professional
Under
sanctions.
deviants
these conditions,
the
and
few
deviants who gain access to these communities often find that
their opportunity structures are blocked (Epstein, 1971;
Hughes,
1958).
Structural Theory
Epstein's assertions were taken a step futher when Kanter
such as opportunity,
structure,
aspects
specific
that
suggested
(1977)
of
organizational
power and tokenism account for
many of the observed differences between women and men at work.
Kanter,
like Laws,
contends that sexual
perpetuating phenomenon.
jobs that
tokens,
inequality is
to Kanter,
According
a self-
when women are
in
lack power and opportunities and in which they are
they exhibit behavior patterns that are stereotyped as
female, hence negative or inferior.
Conflict Theory
The general
theme of this theory is
that some groups in
a
society are able to acquire sufficient economic and political
resources,
themselves in
through
force
privileged
inheritance,
or
positions.
to
establish
Conflict theorists maintain
that the dominant groups attempt to legitimize their position
31
through
control
the
of
promotion
to
and myth
ideology
off
and
resistance by subordinants .
To explain the place of women and blacks in
conflict
head
this society,
theorists point to the ability of societal institutions,
such as education,
to
occupations
(Vanfossen,
others
to
entry
and restrict
control
high paying
in high status,
and to the ability of the incumbents
low,
of subordinants
to keep the expectations
1979).
Economics Perspectives
Neoclassical:
Discrimination
The neoclassical
which
of the way in
theory of discrimination represents a model
employer,
"tastes
employee
consumer and
for
discrimination" affect the wages and composition of the labor
force of
(Becker,
firms
1957).
Employers
who harbor a distaste
for blacks or women are willing to sacrifice profits by paying
higher wages than would be paid in the absence of discrimination,
or to accept
in
lower quality workers
order to hire white males.
Becker's
In cases where employees have tastes for discrimination,
theory
predicts
that
employers
would
discriminating employees a premium to
against
whom
substitutable,
they
are
prejudiced.
If
have
groups
are
some employers would only hire women while others
would only hire men in
order to avoid paying the premium.
result would be a sex-segregated labor market.
which consumers harbor
tastes
These
tastes
serve
Finally,
The
cases in
for discrimination against women
can also contribute to occcupational
market.
two
the
groups
the
work with
the
pay
to
to
segregation
push women
32
into
in
the labor
jobs
where
consumer
contact
or prejudice
is
implication
The
low.
that
blacks
and women
in
white male-dominated
tend
to
employed
in
positions
be
that
is
occupations
will
require
much
not
do
then,
consumer contact and in which their subordinates are people of
their same race or sex.
While the theory of discrimination offers an explanation for
labor market,
the existance of a sexually and racially segregated
it
does not explain why the jobs to which blacks and women have
been restricted tend to be menial and low paying.
for the
An explanation
low pay of women and blacks has been offered by Barbara
Bergmann through the overcrowding theory.
The human capital
theory offers an explanation for the type of jobs and hence the
of
compensation
monetary
women.
and
blacks
Both
of
these
theories are reviewed below.
Overcrowding Theory
The overcrowding theory has its roots in the writings of
twentieth century.
British economists and historians of the early
These writings pointed
enforcer
(1971)
of sexually
used
these
discrimination
discrimination
Bergmann,
tastes
to
on
to male unions'
labor markets.
segregated
observations
develop
the
wages
exclusionary tactics as an
a
and
all
for discrimination
Becker's
theory
of
the
effects
of
According
to
about
theory
of
Barbara Bergmann
workers.
create a
situation
in
which
blacks or women are crowded into a few menial occupations and
restricted
from access to others.
a few occupations
of these workers
is
Crowding women and blacks
believed to lower the marginal
since each worker that is
33
hired adds
into
productivity
less to the
the
lowers
also
Crowding
product than the previous worker.
opportunity cost of these workers since their opportunities to
seek higher wages are curtailed by the restrictions on their
access to other jobs.
White males, on the other hand, do not
free mobility.
encounter such restrictions but instead have
in
work
can
the
wages
and
blacks
which
women
are
the occupations from which blacks and women are
restricted and in
restricted.
to
occupations
They
The combination of these factors results
in
lower
for blacks and women than for white males.
Human Capital Theory
The human
choice.
capital
a term that refers to
from making an investment in human capital,
The quantity and quality of
education_ and training.
investment
employment.
is
assumed
to
wages,
productivity,
individual's
have
and
an
effect
a utility-maximizing
stock
an
for
Just as market goods have utility so do
of
human
capital
is
rational,
discontinuities
in
from occupations
that do not penalize
employment; 2)
that
in
require
since
women
According to Blau and
human capital theory predicts that: 1)
enter occupations
As such,
a woman's decision not to acquire
household,
traditionally perform household duties.
Jusenius,
on
opportunities
the non-market goods that are produced in the home.
large
ones human
This theory also provides a model of the family and
women's role within it.
a
individual
individuals have the option to make or refrain
That is,
capital
of
a model
theory represents
their
women would
incumbents for
women would exclude themselves
lengthy
training;
and
3)
in
anticipation of high turnover rates among women, employers would
exclude
them from occupations
that entail
34
lengthy
firm-specific
training or on the
job
learning
programs and processes (1976).
Radical Perspectives
the
to
contrast
In
paradigm,
neoclassical
explanations for women's inferior position in
the labor market
A Marxist perspective and a
address issues of power and control.
radical
radical
feminist's perspective are presented
below.
Marxist Perspective
In
the
Marxist
view,
over the labor market.
market along social,
of any individual
in
the labor
as a way to maintain control
promoted by capitalists
market is
segregation
occupational
capitalists
That is,
racial and ethnic
segment the labor
lines to weaken the power
worker or group of workers.
Radical Feminist Perspective
An alternative
to the Marxist position has been provided by
radical femininsts. While Marxists stress the role of capitalists
in
radical
these
(1976).
labor market,
feminists focus on sex segregation and the role of men in
One of the most well developed
the promotion of sex segregation.
of
segregated
promoting a sexually or racially
perspectives
has been expressed
Hartmann has asserted
Hartmann
that segregation by sex is
the
maintains
the
primary mechanism in capitalist
superiority of men over women.
by Heidi
society
that
According to Hartmann:
Low wages keep women dependent on men because they
Married women must perform
encourage women to marry.
Men benefit then
domestic chores for their husbands.
from both high wages and the domestic division of
labor... I argue that male workers have played and
to play a crucial role in maintaining sexual
continue
divisions in the labor process (p.139).
She further asserts that capitalists inherited job segregation by
35
to their advantage by weakening the labor
sex and have used it
force, or by using status differences as rewards to men to attain
process
the
for
responsible
sex
for
and
women
of
status
present
is
capitalism
and
between patriarchy
of interaction
the
Hartmann's view,
in
Thus,
their allegiance to capitalism.
segregated jobs.
Institutionalist Perspective
The
from the
economic approach to be reviewed comes
last
institutional
Those who subscribe
school.
this approach
to
contend that many firms have developed internal labor markets
that
serve
to
relationships.
workers
allocate
As a result,
jobs
to
that can hamper
the uncertainties
while job
the daily and planned activities of firms are removed,
security
is
provided
for workers (Doeringer
wage
specify
and
1971;
and Piore,
Gordon, 1977).
According to these theorists,
into two broad
segments.
the labor market is
One segment
is referred
to
divided
the
as
secondary labor market while the other is referred to as the
The former market is characterized by
primary labor market.
routine work assignments,
As compared to the secondary
upward mobility.
primary
labor market is
ladders
which have
In
fixed
addition,
important role in
primary
for
labor market,
the
characterized by higher wages,
entry
ports
for upward mobility and job stability
market.
opportunity
and little
low wages,
custom
and
and
provide
career
opportunities
for those who work in
informal
systems
this
play
an
the allocation o.f workers to jobs within the
labor market.
According
to Blau
and Jusenius
36
(1976),
this
type
of
arrangement has a great potential for creating sex-segregated
categorical
homogeneity
the norm.
treatment of individuals is
be most efficient when
treatment will
is
greatest.
intra-group
are obvious bases
Furthermore, the importance of custom
labor markets
and the highly structured character of internal
the
or
Such group
the degree of
Clearly sex and race
for such diferentiation.
facilitate
group
labor market,
internal
the
Within
markets.
labor
occurance
of
unintentional
and
intentional
discrimination against women and blacks.
Conclusion
The above review indicates
disciplines
inferior
various theories have been developed
status
labor market or
into
that both within and between the
of women with either specific references
with general
explanations
in
indicates that a pattern can be observed
related.
in
Regardless of the differences
it
is
of
individual
Alternatively,
insight
provide
the review
explanations
for
paradigm
and is
the units
of analysis
They base their explanations
choice,
of
inherent
qualifications
of
or perceptions
differences between the sexes and inadequate
women.
to the
clear that the traditional/dominant
perspectives support the status quo.
issues
the
that transcends discipline boundaries
of the disciplines,
on
that
Moreover,
the labor market experiences of women.
inequality
to explain the
the non-traditional/radical
perspectives
attribute inequality to structural factors such as racism, sexism
and power relationships.
One
result
of
this
mainstream perspectives
difference
suggest
in
that
37
emphasis
the
is
that
the
of
the
evolution
it
For
suggests
that
feelings
are believed
the
is
a
for high status
they
are
their
of
the
the
other
as
the
hand,
radical
and
of labor
is
from men's
inevitable
efforts
to keep women out of the jobs and occupations
that
they
for themselves.
this
Clearly
that
that
and
household
results
but rather
to
of
neither
want
not
performance
that the division
suggest
nor natural,
choose
identification
theory and existential,
vulnerabi-lity perspectives
women
jobs because
On
Similarly,
or work experience
training
utility
at best,
difficult.
that
these
to men. As
inferior
is
that
to men,
inferior
suggests
the
action.
rational
conflict
feminist,
are
extremely
be
educational
duties maximizes
household
such
to
perspective
lengthy
required
they
to stem from immutable factors,
likely
capital
human
acquire
is
is
removal
their
the
and effectually,
reality
their
feel
since women
perspective
psychoanalytical
Freudian
the
example,
course.
own
left to run its
should be
it
was inevitable and natural,
because
By implication,
division of labor was a natural process.
can be derived
does suggest
dominant
that,
theories,
thread
not unlike
Janeway's
description of myths,
regardless
the status
in
of the discipline
occupational
that runs through each explanation
for whatever
institutional
the reasons -
discrimination,
or personality
factors,
line or blacks who cross the color
38
is
the
Freudian
universalist,
such as: human capital,
for our current
explanation
However, this exercise
from the disciplines.
are those that'support
and functionalism
important,
does not exhaust the number of explanations
quo.
More
which one seeks
a common
structure,
the
an
implication
that
myths and stereotypes,
women who
cross
the
sex-
line and enter white male
dominated occupations
are
likely to encounter numerous obstacles
due to external or internal
tenets of the disciplines
factors. Were we to use some of the
black
about
form hypotheses
to
female
managers we might find the following list:
1. Expectation theory would lead us to believe that black
make
women
the
up
professional workers because
expectations
than others.
of
percentage
smallest
and
lower aspirations and
they have
Conversely,
managerial
that those
we would expect
through adolescence
who are managers have had high aspirations
and adulthood.
In addition, we would also expect that the managers
2.
not have
would
seriously considered management
without
exposure
to role models.
Human Capital theory would lead us to believe that black
3.
particularly those who are married,
women,
into
this field might
training/educational
in
human capital
who did
that would
would also expect that,
in
extensive
sizeable
investment
choose not to participate
programs because of the
be
seek entrance
required by these programs.
in general,
We
have a low
these women would
level of educational attainment.
4.
jobs
in
The learning perspective suggests that women who hold
non-traditional
personality traits
as,
5.
is
are
likely
to
exhibit
that are typically associated with males,
competitiveness,
behavior
occupations
aggressiveness,
and
independence,
such
and this
likely to be negatively perceived.
Role theory implies that black women who have entered
the field of management are
likely to be regarded as deviants and
39
6.
sanctions.
social
subject to
and radical feminist perspectives lead us to believe
conflict
enter
who
that women
tend to hold positions that are regarded as
management will
and will
positions,
regarded
than
to
perform
less
assigned
be
be
less highly
tasks.
important
feminist
The
8.
and are
positions
"typically female"
hold
who
women
encounter
will
of management
field
The universalist perspective suggests that women in
7.
"male"
the
from men on the job.
resistance
resources (ie.
information,
participation
and
extends beyond
their
of
exchange
area,
immediate
to
valuable
particularly when
money),
jobs,
them
allow
which
positions
distribution
suggests that
Anthropology
in
perspective
management
the
in
participate
this
they are
to have the same degree of power and autonomy as their
likely
male
vulnerability,
and
identification
existential
The
peers.
9.
The feminist
anthropology perspective
women in management are likely
also suggests
that
to have fewer children and more
likely to be unmarried than other women.
10.
The Freudian and learning perspectives suggest that
non-competitiveness,
women's feelings of inferiority,
success,
fear of
etc. are so deeply imbeded that even those who obtain
management
to find that their progress is
positions are likely
stymied because of these internal forces.
11.
The
structural
sociology suggest
in,
management
perspectives
within
likely
to
find
40
that
and
to,
and progress
their
opportunity
that women who seek entrance
are
economics
structures -are blocked.
Chapter Three
In
theories
to
black
of the
I will assess the applicability
women.
This
will
be
done
by
reviewing
empirical work that relates to the theoretical concepts described
above,
such as,
aspirations,
this,
the importance of role models,
motivation and
sex role concepts and fear of success.
Following
a review will be made of empirical data on women and blacks
Because
of the absence
of black
in
management.
in
the majority of the studies of managers,
studies will
female
subjects
the findings of the
be used to form hypotheses about the information
that we might expect
the
interviews of black
yield.
41
female managers
to
CHAPTER THREE
LITERATURE REVIEW
42
Chapter Three:
Literature Review
Introduction
The hypotheses
the experiences of working black women in
number questions about
general,
in
and
about
particular,
The
occupations.
traditional
Chapter One raise a
that were outlined in
focus
aspirations
the
of
those
by
in non-
work
who
and
psychologists
the
raises
women
basic
sociologists
on
questions of:
What are the career and educational aspirations of
In what way are their aspirations similar to and
black females?
different
from those of white females and black and white males?
In addition, given that in
1981 31.6% of all black females and
we need
30.8% of all black families were below the poverty level,
to know whether or not
there are differences
of black females who are from different
become
As will
evident
from
in
aspirations
the
socio-economic
groups.
review,
the literature
similar
aspirations of black female adolescents tend to be quite
to
those
of
other
adolescents.
one
With
the
exception,
where
differences were observed they have occurred between black males
and
either
females who
resided in an urban ghetto,
or were
attending college.
A critical
question
regarding
the
issue of aspirations
is:
Are the aspirations of black and white women influenced by the
same
factors?
Moreover,
by the same factors,
and
psychologists
influence
if
black and white women are influenced
are their responses the same?
have
cited
a
number
of
the aspirations of white females.
43
Sociologists
factors
that
can
They include the
fear of success,
role models,
practices,
socialization
and role
conflicts.
denominator
A common
of these
for all
factors
their
is
influence by societal views about femininity and a woman's place.
the fear of success theory proposes that women's
For example,
a function of their internalization of the societal view
fear is
that
is
intelligence
however,
society,
the standards of femininity
this
In
not a feminine characteristic.
that have been
imposed on white women have not been so imposed on black women.
On the contrary,
personification
while white women have been exemplified
of
black women have traditionally not had
necessity,
choose between a career in
very
different
suggest that black and white women
are
likely to differ.
because
of
this,
their reactions to these
literature
As the
review will
differences have been observed.
All of the theories reviewed in
what
experiences
could
be
expected
in male-dominated
segregation theories,
about
Chapter One gave insight
women's
occupations.
empirical
been on black men and white females,
for
comparison.
44
access
Like the
to and
occupational
work on managers has devoted
attention to black females.
very little
standard
and
experiences
influences on their aspirations and
into
the option to
the paid workforce or a career as a
Both of these situations
reveal,
as
friends.
aunts and
grandmothers,
influences
viewed
They combined the two careers as did their mothers,
housewife.
had
the
Concomitantly, because of economic
the anthesis (Hooks, 1981).
have
black women have been
femininity,
as
Rather, the focus has
using white males as the
Studies of female and black managers have tended to frame
terms of
in
experiences
expected or actual
of their
the analyses
two forms of discrimination, access and treatment. The former
type
refers to action
of discrimination
lower starting salaries and placement in
non job-related reasons,
can
discrimination
raises
job
examples
are
qualifications
frequent
to white males with similar
level jobs relative
lower skill
a
With
to
relative
few
white
exceptions,
with
males
forms
less
similar
treatment
that
1971).
of
studies
access
and
rates
Quinn & Stains,
most
that
forms
promotion
examples of the
can take (Letvin,
discrimination
the
of
Slower
take.
are two
qualifications
at the
place
takes
Rejection of applicants for
filled.
time a job or position is
that
treatment
black managers have largely focussed on
discrimination-against
evaluations of their job performance.
Rather,
Research on female managers
studies have been made of their
has not been as
limited.
job assignments
and progression as well as
evaluations
of their
job performance.
review will reveal,
As the literature
that white women and black men have
treatment discrimination.
it
managers,
was reported
been victims of access and
More important, in the study that
the experiences of black
compared
studies have shown
female managers
to black male
that the women were the victims of both
forms of discrimination more often than black males.
In
the paragraphs
empirical
male,
that
follow,
a review will
work on the aspirations of black females
white
female,
and where available,
45
be made of
and on black
black female managers.
also be
will
workers
Both
chapter.
work
of
sets
their
for
reviewed
be
will
this
in
earlier
were raised
that
be
will
The work on aspirations
presented.
the questions
used to answer
on non-professional
work
empirical
appropriate,
is
it
Where
for black female managers.
implications
Educational and Career Aspirations of Black Females
aspirations
with those
of black females
those
than
1965);
Youmans,
aspirations
were
Orlendorf & Kuvlesky, 1968;
found
also
to be
equal
at
black males
had
aspired
to
finding
is
been
least
traditional
by
the
same
studies
that
sex role
many black
constraints
that
goals
1976).
equivalent
that both groups
(Hall,
careers
views about appropriate
1972; Gurin & Epps,
The
noted
females,
1975).
reported
have
reported
one study that
with reports
consistant
Their
than those
educational/occupational
female
traditionally
to or higher
1968; Gurin & Gaylord,
among black and white
influenced
and hold
(Gump,
at
addition,
aspirations
(Kuvlesky,
1974).
Hall,
two researchers
higher
slightly
than black females
In
least
1959;
& Brigg,
1965; Kelly & Wingrove,
of black and white males (Youmans,
Alternatively,
to or
equal
(Middleton
females
of white
A
females'
black
that
were consistently
and job aspirations
higher
the
findings.
has been reported
it
On the one hand,
educational
The
few.
adolescents.
of other
yields conflicting
literature
review of the
have been
have been made has been to compare
that
of those
career
and
educational
the
of
female adolescents
of black
aspirations
tendency
studies
of
number
The
as
roles
1974).
This
women have
white
women
for women
1975).
which reported
that
46
black
females have
lower
aspirations than black males focussed on ghetto youth and college
Those which found the aspirations of black females
students.
or
South
rural
Florida
on high
and
the aspirations
students.
school
Conversely,
of black females.
This
the South that
happening in
suggests that perhaps something is
boosts
focussed on the
to those of other adolescents
be higher or equal
to
something
may be happening in metropolitan ghettos and in
colleges that
or,
alternatively
raises
aspirations
the
depresses
of black females,
above
the aspirations of black males
those of black
females.
Sources of the Aspirations and Expectations of Black Females
A review of the research on black females'
perception of
their opportunity structures and expectations of success provides
some insight
into the reports of
low aspirations among black
females.
Fear of Success
Work
by
Matina
(1969)
Horner
suggests
that
women's
occupational and educational aspirations may be affected by their
As a result of tests that were administered
fear of succeeding.
to white college students, Horner found that many of the women
who were tested, experienced
their
increasing
becoming
levels of anxiety as
successful
increased.
the
Horner
potential
for
attributed
this occurance to the fact that many women "equate
achievement
intellectual
with
a
loss
femininity."
of
She
concluded that this fear of success might cause women to avoid
success and thereby impede their achievements.
As
might
be
expected,
the
women
47
in
Horner's
study
who
exhibit
terms of their career aspirations.
such a fear in
that
from
consistantly different
the
for
were,
part,
most
study.
the Horner
those of
the
subjects,
black
among
tested
results
yielded
studies
was
theory
this
careers.
latter group aspired to male-dominated
careers while the
The
female
enter traditional
former group expressed a desire to
When
did not
from those who
exhibited a fear of success differed
Several
studies that replicated Horner's study but used black subjects
of fear of
reported that college level black women had levels
that were considerably
success imagery
Mednick & Puryear,
1975).
Other studies reported
little
or no evidence of differences
between the relatively high levels (Lavach & Lanier,
low levels
relatively
Bright,
1970;
Horner ( Weston & Mednick,
for white women by
1970;
lower than those reported
(Mednick
1976)
& Puryear,
1975) or the
fear of
of the
and college
success imagery of black and white adolescent
level
females respectively.
More recently,
Flemming
students,
of fear
incidence
in a study of black male and female graduate
In
that
research,
but also,
indication
avoidance.
light of the evidence it
appears
the fear of success theory
for
would appear
explanation
the
low relative
there was no
females at the college or graduate school
support
was
only
not
imagery among females
of success
to Horner's original
of success
reported
(1982)
then,
for
that fear of success
the reports
college students.
that as regards black
there is
level,
in
empirical
It
viable
for black female
Further research is needed
48
work.
may not be a
of low aspirations
little
to assess
the
viability of this theory for adolescent black females.
Expectations
A number of researchers have reported that although black
women exhibited a high level of desire
express
for success,
they did not
the expectation that they would reach their desired
of success (Teahan, 1974; Hall, 1974;
Turner & Turner,
level
1975).
According to Teahan black female adolescents tended to be:
depressed in terms of expectations of success
whether they are of lower or higher socioeconomic
status and regardless of whether they are students in
primarily low or high socioeconomic settings (p. 252).
Teahan
also
socioeconomic
noted
that
status,
as
compared
to
black males
black females were not
in
of
any
an enviable
position:
Perhaps the most important 'conc lusion of the present
study may be that the only condition as bad as being a
lower socioeconomic black male in a predominantly lower
socioeconomic school is to be a black female in any
school (pp. 254-255).
In
a survey of students at historically
Gurin and Gaylord reported
lower expectations
knew required
blacks,
that one result
of success was that
black colleges,
of black
females'
they chose jobs that they
low ability, were traditionally held by females or
and were perceived as being less racially discriminatory.
According to Gurin and Gaylord (1976):
The finding that the black women we studied differed
from the black men primarily in their aspirations and
expectations, not in their need for achievement or in their
anxieties or basic values, suggests that early socialization
may be far less important than has been suggested in some of
the analyses of achievement among women. These black women
were motivated, but they chose to direct their motivation
into conventional roles, at least partly because they did
more challenging goals (p.15)
not as often expect to fulfill
49
According
to the authors,
students.
addition,
In
black
than did
people
males
white
and
females
black
perceived more
students
black college
against
discrimination
racial
occupations.
challenging
choice of less
females'
into black
from Turner & Turner provide some insight
findings
Research
white
perceived
significantly more occupational discrimination against women than
did white
that
It
females.
is
possible that black
females perceived
their dual status would cause them to face the obstacles of
double discrimination should
they choose a path
that is not
for blacks or women.
traditional
Traditional/Non-traditional Role Conflicts
possible
Another
inhibitor to the career
aspirations of
the role conflict between family roles and work
black females is
roles.
Role theory suggests that married women,
with
who
children,
experience
role
work
conflicts
in
mother/wife and the role of worker.
differences
in
labor
the
white women, it is
thdse
likely
to
jobs
demanding
are
traditional
the
between
particularly
role
of
Because of the historical
force participation
rates
of black and
likely that the two groups experience and
respond to this type of conflict differently. Married white women
have traditionally had lower labor force participation rates than
married black women.
In
white women have typically
addition,
withdrawn from the labor force for
children (Lloyd,
women have
1979; Douglass,
traditionally
long periods after having
Alternatively, black
1980).
combined several
roles by remaining
in
the labor force except for brief periods around the birth of
their children (Douglass,
1980; Wallace,
50
1980).
Several reasons have been suggested for this behavior by
economic
been cited
the influence of
1972);
social support network members (Hill,
polarize
African culture that has not socialized blacks to
ideology
role
for
of
integration
an
1980;
(Gump,
components
and traditional
traditional
is
women
black
their
has been suggested that the sex
it
1975); and,
behavior (Lewis,
include:
the availability of help from
1978);
necessity (Willie,
have
that
reasons
The
black working women.
non-
Malson,
1981).
of these reasons
All
expected
that
roles.
As
experience
imply that within black culture
black women combine mother/wife
such,
we
less conflict
women would.
expect
might
that
the
A review of
women
literature
would
than white
roles
these
combining
about
is
with worker
roles
black
it
supports
this
assumption.
Epstein (1973)
In a study of professional women,
that
who had
careers
their
children
than whites.
anxious
about
to be
appeared
black mothers
Fichter
reported
far
less
(1964) found
that one-half of the college-educated black women that were
studied
stated
that
they
preferred
with an occupational role.
were
twice as
combination of marriage,
combine
their
family role
According to Fichter, these women
likely as southern white women and
group of other white women in
1973).
to combine
a national
the comparable
NORC sample to select a
child rearing and employment.
(Epstein,
The finding that college-educated black women prefer to
family
and occupational
cross section of black women.
roles
has
been confirmed
for
a
In a study of black women with
51
different
that they
found
Malson (1981)
backgrounds,
educational
to combine family and occupational roles.
too preferred
of the factors that are believed to
Research indicates that,
affect the career decisions of white women, expectations for
to be the factor
achieving success appears
Although the number of black women in
black women's aspirations.
black
are
there
clearly,
small,
is
occupations
non-traditional
that most affects
women who have pursued and achieved careers in these occupations.
In
that has
literature
a review
follows,
that
the section
sought
of
be made
will
the
of black
to identify characteristics
women who pursue non-traditional careers.
Black Women in Non-traditional Occupations
Role Models
non-traditional occupations have
Studies of black women in
focussed on the issue of role models,
not specifically
have identified personal
However,
traditionals.
white
and family characateristics
there is
an influence
exert
and fathers
but rather
of non-
evidence that working mothers
on the career choice of black and
females.
the presence of a working mother is
It has been found that
an important
females.
In
predictor
addition,
studies have found
their
Crawford,
1977).
career
black females (Burlew,
to
the
(Henning,
not evidence
There is
working mother predicts
addition
decisions
non-traditional
1980).
status
of
that
professional
white females tend to be employed in
influence
desires
oriented
of career
Rather, at
being
52
1971;
for
white
the fathers of
occupations and
Johnson,
1975;
that simply having a
occupational
choices for
least two attributes in
working
women
have
been
identified
traditionals
tended
tended
traditionals,
better
be
to
non-
chose
educated
than
mothers
of
to hold professional or semi-professional
jobs and tended to be employed in
non-traditional
fields (Burlew,
1973).
Epstein,
1980;
who
women
black
It has been reported that mothers of non-
work.
traditional
of
mothers
the
for
Because most studies of black women have focussed almost
it
exclusively on the influence of mothers,
is
likely that others
who may have influenced the career decisions of black women have
For example,
been overlooked.
when black women in
the fields of
law and medicine were asked to identify the major sources of
information on their educational and career development,
reported
career
that their
fathers had a strong influence on their
1972).
(Heaston,
decisions
they
Personal Characteristics
have
Differences
of black women
been observed
who work
in
professional
non-traditional
occupations and those who work in
Unlike the latter group,
between the characteristics
traditional
female occupations.
the non-traditonal black women tended to
have had: early work experiences; non-traditional
roles;
to
views about sex
and strong feelings of self-assurance about their ability
complete
careers.
the
educational
requirements
Black women with non-traditional
for
their
careers were,
chosen
however,
less confident than traditionals that they would be successful in
their careers.
(Burlew,
1982;
Epstein,
1975).
53
1973;
Mednick & Puryear,
Managers
Access and Treatment Discrimination
In one of the few studies of black MBAs evidence of access
and of
against a subset of black MBAs,
discrimination
treatment
discrimination against the majority of those studied was reported
Specifically,
(Ford, 1977).
mixed
schools received higher
salaries
of whites.
that black MBAs
from
than their white
starting salaries
while black MBAs
counterparts,
starting
Ford found
from black schools
received
thousand dollars below that
that were several
Ford reported that with respect to salary
In addition,
and job progression, black MBAs progressed at a slower rate than
whites.
proportionately more blacks than whites
For example,
were in entry level positions after controlling for the number of
Consequently,
years out of school.
any initial
salary advantages
that the black MBAs from mixed schools may have had over their
white counterparts declined over time.
found that black female
Ford also
MBAs were the victims of
access and treatment discrimination more often than black males.
The number of black women included in
(N=13).
the Ford study was small
Despite the size of Ford's sample of black women,
observation is
this
relevant to the present study and
particularly
will be further investigated.
Ford's
findings
of
access
and
treatment
discrimination
against black managers have been corroborated in studies of white
women and black men who work in
occupations.
For example,
the results
of an
and professional
Terborg and Ilgen (1975)
experimental
traditional occupations
managerial
reported that
simulation of women in non-
showed that women were hired at an equal
54
to
rate
starting
assignments
than the males.
work
In addition, they reported
that
salary
second year salary salary offers increased the initial
353).
which occurred at hiring (p.
discrepancy
lower
offered
to more routine
also assigned
They were
salaries.
were
but
qualified males
identically
Access Discrimination
A study of preselection decisions for
cited
evidence
effect
negative
on
sex
the
that
applicant
applicant
job
of a
female applicants
can
Henneman
evaluations.
a
have
(1977)
reported that male and female college students rated hypothetical
for
applicants
the job of
life
insurance agent differently,
were equivalent.
despite the fact that their qualifications
High
scoring females were evaluated as being less suitable for the job
than high scoring males
(p.
525).
later study of preselection decisions,
In a
positions were mailed
resumes for entry-level professional
employers
designed
(McIntyre,
to contain
1980).
Moberg and Posner,
essentially
the
fictitious
same
to
The resumes were
except
information
for
the race and sex (black males, white males and white females) of
McIntyre,
the fictitious applicants.
of
favoritism
applicants,
toward
and toward
the
et.al.,
reported
applicants
black
the male applicants
over
over
evidence
the
the
white
female
applicants.
Other studies of access discrimination against women have
reported evidence that the perceived
and
level of difficulty of a job
the sex of subordinates can effect
applicants for managerial jobs.
the evaluation of female
In addition to reporting that
55
positions were evaluated as
female applicants for managerial
less
being
tendency
students)
business
the study (undergraduate
evaluators in
for the
a "marked"
reported
(1974)
Jerdee
and
Rosen
qualifications,
identical
with
applicants
than male
acceptable
Rose
512).
jobs (p.
to reject females for demanding
noted that evaluators favored applicants
and Andiappan (1978)
that of the subordinates.
whose sex was the same as
Treatment Discrimination
have
settings
in
employees
female
that black and
evidence
treatment
of
incidence
the
actual or simulated professional
discrimination in
reported
assessed
that
Studies
maleIn
dominated occupations are treated in a discriminatory manner.
investigation
an experimental
banking industry,
professional
(1975)
jobs
Rosen and Jerdee (1974b)
their
promotions,
reported
of employees
choice
conference
training
problems
supervisory
from
male managers
the
that male
tended to discriminate against female employees in
administrators
terms of
using
Terborg
support.
would
they
solutions
whose
and
attend
to
and
a
to
Ilgen
reported that female employees were assigned to routine
significantly more
often
than
were
they
assigned
to
challenging ones.
The incidence of treatment discrimination
against
experimental
traditional
Evidence of treatment discrimination
relationships.
blacks
by
study
white
their
of
the
status relations
and Gaertner,
1981).
It
not
clearly
black male or white female
limited to white male supervisor subordinate
is
peers
effects
of
was
observed
the
reversal
between whites
was reported
56
and blacks
in
of
an
the
(Dovidio
that white subjects were
more willing
the
to help their black partners when the status of
ability determined
partner was below their status. Alternatively,
whether or not white subjects would help their white partners.
In addition,
the authors noted that white subjects evaluated high
but rated
ability blacks as being less competent than themselves,
high ability whites as being more competent than themselves.
Perceptions of Job Performance
One
discrimination may be found in
treatment
of
reports
for
explanation
possible
a review of the
literature on the
sex and race effects on the perceptions of job performance.
Just
as the opportunities of black and female workers can be inhibited
by superiors or peers who underrate
them relative to white males
it
with essentially the same qualifications,
imagine
is
not difficult
to
that the efficiency and effectiveness of black and female
supervisors
can be affected by
subordinates
supervisors
competence.
underrate their
for whatever reasons,
or
who,
A laboratory
study designed to assess the impact of supervisors' race on the
evaluation
supports
this hypothesis
In a study that
Jaffee (1972) found
more
( Richards
that white observers
higher
evidence
that
Of greater
that
affected
ratings
importance,
subordinates
the
effectiveness
57
of
Richards
judged black
those
Richards
supervised
that
1972).
likely to give
than
evidence
and
leaders
subordinates with more
leaders and
liberal attitudes were more
attitudes.
and Jaffee,
used male undergraduates,
harshly than white
supervisors
reported
job performance,
of their
with
their black
less
and Jaffee
by blacks behaved
the
black
liberal
reported
in
ways
supervisors.
According to the authors:
It was found that white subordinates behave
differently when supervised by blacks and that some of
these behaviors impeded the effectiveness of the
supervisor...(p. 240).
The
authors
it
likely
was
that
many
than those
in their research and consequently white subordinates
displayed
such
that
workers had more conservative attitudes
industrial
in
noted
more
react
settings might
black
towards
negatively
supervisors.
The
Jaffee's finding that the race of the subordinate
to differences
may be related
not
their
support
in
subordinates
in
about
1976).
settings (Parker,
observed that black and white supervisors
but did
of
reaction
the
and
and supervisors
perception,
subordinate
hypothesis
industrial
Richards
study corroborated
of a later
results
white
While Parker
received different
from
those
observed by Richards and Jaffee. In a study of workers in
three
plants,
black
ratings,
the
midwestern
direction
industrial
of
the
ratings
Parker
differed
reported
that
supervisors were consistently ranked more favorably by their
subordinates
than were white supervisors.
A study of a large retail
organization reported
that were consistent with those, of Parker.
the
type
of
unit,
organizational
findings
After controlling
manager
for
background
characteristics, job responsibilities and duties of subordinates,
Adams (1978)
reported
significant differences
of black male and white
to white males.
in
the perceptions
female managers when they were compared
Black males and white females
were perceived as
exhibiting higher consideration behavior than white males.
58
Not
of
supervisory
training
Rather, black supervisors were rated on
behaviors.
their social
behavior (Beatty,
that
the
researchers
concluded
a supervisor did not have a consistent
influence
Several
or
behavior/performance,
and
supervisors
a
study
university,
more
the
with
satisfied
suggested
that this
the
jobs
their
of
the
bank
and
supervisor
job
(Petty and Lee,
of
the
those
than
have
a
and
subordinates
whose
the
whose
behavior are
supervisors
626).
are
It has been
been due
necessarily
of
southern
subordinates
but may have resulted
p. 627; Terborg,
Consistent with
in
consideration
finding may not
supervisor,
that
reported
behavior (p.
consideration
the sex of the
of
sex
students
employees
non-academic
are female and display
male and display
level
of
Petty and Lee (1975)
supervisors
the evaluation of male
undergraduate
both
1977).
evaluator.
the sex of the
In
affected by
were
&
findings.
that
reported
by
supervisors
female
Lee & Alvares
1976;
Others, however, reported contradictory
Rosen and Jerdee (1973)
(Day
satisfaction
subordinate
Osborn & Vicars,
1972;
of supervisory
the evaluation
behavior,
supervisor
Stogdill,
of females
of sex on the ratings
also been mixed.
sex of
on actual
1973).
on the effects
has
that employers
performance on program content or
their
task related
supervisors
a
completed
had
evidence
program reported
tended not to evaluate
Evidence
who
men
and
women
black
evaluations
employers'
investigated
that
study
field
A
supervisors.
black
for
ratings
positive
reported
studies
field
all
to
from the low
female
supervisors
1977).
Petty and Lee,
59
Bartol
and Butterfield
(1976)
that
reported
males
and
portrayed
females
identical
by management
behavior were evaluated differently
managerial
with
Women were rated higher on consideration behavior than
students.
and men were rated higher on structuring behavior
identical men,
They all noted that the sex of the manager
than identical women.
influenced
expectations
evaluators'
of effective managerial
styles.
Non-Professional Workers
The tendency
for women and black professional workers
judged by different standards
to be
than white men was also reported
in
an evaluation by college students of the performance of nonprofessional
Hamner,
Kim,
In a study of grocery store stock clerks,
workers.
Baird,
and Bigoness (1974)
reported that the sex and
race of the raters had different effects on the' evaluations of
the ratees.
than males,
Overall,
females were rated significantly
while blacks were rated
high performing
addition,
females
lower than other
higher
ratees.
In
were rated considerably more
favorably than high performing white males; high performing black
males were rated only slightly higher than
low performing black
males; while high performing whites were rated significantly
higher than high performing black males.
Another study that used
however,
reported no significant
students as evaluators,
college
effect
of race
or sex on the evaluation of black and white/male
and female supervisors.
(Hall & Hall,
1976).
Conc lus ion
For
the most
part,
studies
discrimination against professional
60
of access
and
treatment
workers have
not
focussed on
In
black women.
In the only study reviewed
tended not to focus on black managers.
that
the
considered
were dissimilar from those
males were studied and the results
black males
toward
favoritism
applicants was reported.
In the former study
1977).
for white females (Henneman,
reported
only black
1980),
et. al.,
(McIntyre,
for
applicants
black
selection of
positions
professional
discrimination have
studies of access
addition,
In both studies,
and
female
white
over
favoritism toward male
were reported.
applicant over white female applicants
male
However,
studies that considered the starting salaries and job progression
of black female,
black male and white female professionals tended
similar experiences
to report
for the three groups.
in
Although black females have been considered
of professional workers,
in
the similarities
few studies
the findings of
treatment discrimination against women and black professionals
make
it
Indeed,
that
doubtful
if
black women
Ford's findings about the black female
treatment discrimination,
professionals
job stress is
have been worse
considered,
much better.
MBAs in
his
appear that as regards access
study can be generalized, it would
and
fared
have
the experiences of black female
their counterparts.
than
there is
And,
if
additional evidence that black
females' work experiences are far from ideal.
In a study of black female managerial
and professional
in
three midwestern
workers
in
cities,
Edwards
management
private
firms
manufacturing
(1980)
examined
the
function and job support on job
stress.
perceived
job
management
function,
She
reported
effects
differential
that
of
satisfaction and
job
support,
not
accounted for the levels of stress perceived
61
by
the
study.
her
in
women
The
as being significantly and negatively correlated
identified
that
predictions
the
general,
theories. of occupational
study.
Edwards'
received by the black women in
with
least often
found to be the type of support that was
support was
was
Unfortunately, structural
support.
job stress was structural
In
that
support
of
type
drawn
were
from
the
found support in
sex segregation have
empirical work on women and black professional and managerial
workers.
For example,
evidence that: role models are
there is
important to career decisions of black females; white females
and
have been assigned to less important job responsibilities
have had
have
it
only conjecture
However,
true for black female professionals.
were the favored group, as in
the McIntyre,
the disfavored group.
as in
favored group,
disfavored group.
is
is
about black male and white female professionals
findings
possibility
work
Again, because of the small number of studies that
have included black women as subjects,
women were
simulated
in
from white males
resistance
encountered
environments.
the
and black workers
their opportunity structures blocked;
the Hamner,
It
escape
for
from
access
are
where black men
et.al.
study, white
Where white women were the
study,
et.al.
appears then,
that
black men were the
that for black women,
or
treatment
the
discrimination
slim.
This
review also generated
literature
from which
the
evaluated.
If
this chapter
experiences
the results
are
valid,
of black
several hypotheses
female managers
can be
of the empirical work presented in
we would
62
expect
that
black
female
managers are:
likely to have low expectations for success
1.
between work roles
to experience a conflict
2. not likely
and home roles
to have been influenced by their fathers
likely
3.
in
making their career decisions
4.
likely to have slower promotion rates relative
5.
likely to receive
to their
peers
relative
salaries
lower starting
to
their peers
6.
likely to receive less frequent raises relative to their
7.
likely to encounter problems with performance reviews
8.
likely to have low levels of stress if
peers
they receive job
support
from my own original
In the chapters that follow, results
and interviews with,
survey of,
and compared
evaluating
to existing surveys of white female managers.
the findings
I will
address
the
central
group? To the extent that it
question
of
is
possible and feasible,
I will
relevant hypotheses from those that were outlined in
evaluate
this chapter and in
Chapter Two.
this dissertation
Clearly, it
to assess
is
require
relative
not within the
the applicablity of all
the hypotheses that have been raised thus far.
which
In
Are black female managers a doubly-advantaged
the dissertation:
scope of
black managers will be presented
comparisons
between
of
Indeed those
workers
(i.e.
hypotheses 4-6 in this chapter and hypothesis 8 from Chapter Two)
cannot
be
properly
addressed
within
63
the
framework
of
the
design of
research
are not
addressed
As
this dissertation.
should be
treated
such,
as questions
hypotheses
for
that
follow-up
research on the issue of the double-advantage of black female
managers.
64
CHAPTER FOUR
METHODOLOGY AND SURVEY RESULTS
65
Chapter Four
Methodology and Survey Results
Introduction
The
in
black women that was
of overlooking
same pattern
found
the theoretical work on occupational segregation and in
empirical
work on managers holds true in
surveys
the
that have been
designed to provide descriptive information on managers.
The
primary focus of past and recent surveys has been on white female
managers
executives.
level
or white male senior
only one survey of black male managers.
mentioned
surveys were of managers
has
There
been
All of the previously
who work in
private
the
for-
profit sector.
Studies
have
that
included black women have been conducted
and have been
by the government
either provided detailed
information on a small
black female managers.
The Current
sample of black
Population Survey (CPS)
conducted by the Census Bureau is
survey.
They have
or have had a narrow focus on a large sample of
female managers,
is
two ways.
limited in
an example of the former
of black female managers who work full-time,
The number
included in
full-year who were
the 1982 CPS was only sixty-five.
The Report of Job Patterns for Minorities and Women in
Industries that is
Commission
conducted by the Equal
(EEOC,
1982)
is
Employment
an example of
the
latter
survey. Their sample size of officials and managers
46,140)
but
that
this
survey only provides
industrial distribution of workers.
Opportunity
type of
large (N =
information on
The 1980 Census
66
is
Private
the
may correct
however,
problems,
two
these
me
prevented
limitations
resource
from using this data source.
goals:
primary
three
survey has
my
Consequently,
1) to
develop a roster from which a subset of black female managers could
to develop a base
2)
interviews;
for indepth
be identified
for
of other
compar-ing black female managers with recent profiles
managers; and 3) to establish a primary data source on black female
managers that can be used for future research.
As an exploratory attempt to identify and document the status
of black
and experiences
Consequently,
comments and conclusions
all
this study are not intended to pertain to the
the women in
about
that
of black female managers
survey
this
it
However,
general population of black female managers.
noted
not
requirements of a statistically
designed to meet the methodological
representative sample.
study was
this
managers,
female
should be
corrects
the
limitations of previous studies that have included black women.
First,
the
represents one of,
is
size
sample
185
managers.
female
black
not the largest survey of its
if
kind.
This
Second,
the scope of the study is significantly wider than that of the EEOC
survey.
The purpose
survey
of this
instruments;
returns; and (5)
the
chapter
then,
the population;
(2)
(3)
is
to describe
the procedure;
different
instrument
through
consisted
instruments.
survey
In
the
consisted of a questionnaire
In
the second
stage
personal
interviews
with
the mail.
of
(4)
the
survey results.
The research for this study was conducted in
used
(1) the
67
first
that
two stages that
stage
the
survey
was administered
the survey
instrument
a subset of the
survey
respondents.
Stage One
The Survey Instrument
The questionnaire that was administered during this initial
parts:
the study consisted of three
stage of
(2)
The job-related
Education.
and (3)
Status;
Demographic/Family
(1) Job-Related;
items
that were used to collect
information about where the women work,
their job responsibilities,
twenty-three
section contained
status section consisted of five items that were
demographic/family
education,
of
ages
and
number
children.
women's
the
information on the highest
collect
last
The
and
section,
This section was designed to
items.
consisted of three
status
marital
the age,
information about
to collect
designed
The
compensation.
of
amount
and
sources
their
and
stress,
level of education attained by
the women and the names of the graduate
schools
they attended
and
their major fields of study.
The Population
of
A variety
managers.
officers,
offices;
sources
were
to
used
identify
black
These sources include: The Black MBA Association regional
The
Consortium,
alumni offices
business
at women's
school
faculty
colleges;
respondents;
and the following
professional
women's
Catalyst; the Association of Women Executives;
In
Women.
Association
October,
addition,
Annual
1983.
I
Conference
atten.ded
the
alumni
from survey
organizations:
and One Hundred
National
that was held
and
Black Enterprise
Magazine; business school alumni directories; referrals
Black
female
in
Black
Atlanta,
MBA
GA in
Copies of the project description and the survey
68
at the registration desk and announcements about the
were available
project
survey were
the
and
and
in which approximately 75 companies were
A job fair,
luncheons.
the plenary sessions
at
made
represented was held at the conference.
the company representatives
I met with the majority of
the
to describe
project and gave
them
surveys and project descriptions to pass along to black females
managers that they knew.
Procedure
Between
1984 three hundred
1983 and December,
October,
and
twenty-five black women, who were believed to hold management
my
and
professional
in
interest
personal
They were also asked to share
initial
the
again to
They were asked
pass
and
that
I
might
along
information
They were also told
to them upon completion
that summary findings would be mailed
survey
and
letter
women who completed the
about the project or to forward names to me.
the
information
this category was 206.
Thank you letters were mailed to all
questionnaire.
a second
sent
were
contact
The number of women in
another survey.
a
Women who did not respond within one
send their names to me.
of
project,
that they know or to
about the project to black wbmen managers
month
the
survey were mailed to this
description of the project and the
group (Appendix A).
letter that described
A cover
positions, were contacted by mail.
contact
them
regarding
of
their
participation in an interview.
Returns
Of the 325 initial
contact
useful responses were received (22
of
incorrect
addresses
and
that were mailed,
letters
letters
2 were
69
from
112
were returned because
women
who
are
not
managers).
The response rate was 37%. Of the 206 second letters
because
returned
cannot be used.
managers,
addresses.
of incorrect
the 30
responses
is
white,
two are not
and one responded
one found the survey too personal,
The response rate from
time to complete it.
the second mailing was
5
Of
One of the 5 respondents
that she did not have
letters were
received and 9
30 responses were
that were mailed,
15.6%.
Stage Two
The Survey Instrument - Interview
survey
The
research
was
a
instrument
that was
The first
consisted of two parts.
the
stage of
this
interviews.
of personal
series
in
used
The
interview
part consisted of thirty-nine
into
open ended and eleven closed ended questions
that were divided
four major categories.
1) Early influences
career decisions; 2)
4)
Family
part of the
ended questions.
obtain basic background
information
interview contained
This section was designed
or may not have been answered by
in
to
response
the
questionnaire.
The
interview covered such issues as : birth order;
and occupation of spouse;
education;
to
that was either not covered by
the questionnaire
her
on
On the job experiences; 3) Future plans; and
The second
issues.
fifteen closed
The categories are:
the respondent
last
part
parents'
sorority affiliation;
of
the
occupation
undergraduate
sex and average bonus amounts; and salary.
The Population
Twenty-four middle and senior level and one entry level black
female managers who work in
the interviews.
the private sector were selected for
The selection criteria
70
for middle
level managers
were that they have an MBA or an advanced executive management
a minimum of four years
and have
degree
of management
experience.
for senior level managers. were that they
The selection criteria
have a graduate degree and a minimum of ten years of management
experience.
The educational criteria were established because of my
that any obstacles/barriers
belief
in
their
these
women encountered
be
less
severe
to
than
the
that women who do not have advance degrees would
difficulties
If
face.
likely
were
careers
that
this is
we can assume that problems that these
true,
highly educated and experienced women encounter would be even
greater for those who are
Also,
they.
standardized
requirements
educational
the
because
less educated and experienced than
as compared to other occupations,
are highly
this criterion
should remove the influence of substantial variation in human
capital
from racial
and gender comparisons of career experiences
and mobility. Exceptions were made for three women who work for
black
owned
companies
and one woman
who
works
for
a public
accounting firm.
There were other
factors that influenced
I suspect that differences
interview participants.
status
and job
function are
in
the
As such the final selection of
was guided by my desire to have a balance between
married and single women;
without
in family
likely to generate differences
experiences of the participants.
participants
the selection of the
children;
women who have children and those who are
women who have human resources
responsibilities
and women who have non-human resources responsibilities.
A profile
of the interview sample and the interview questions can be found in
71
Appendix
B of this
chapter,
and the data
from the
interviews
will
be presented in Chapter Five.
The Procedure
participants to request their
Letters were mailed to potential
participation.
enclosed
in
the survey
A profile of 145 of
was
respondents
and the women were told that additional
the letter
information about the respondents would be given to them at the
interview.
A stamped,
self-
postcard with a list of
addressed
possible interview dates was enclosed with some of the letters.
Respondents
were
asked
to check
the most
date
convenient
and
suggest a time for the interview and return the postcard to me.
Space was also provided
for alternative
dates
for those who could
not schedule an interview during the suggested times.
letters the women were told
they would- be contacted by
that
telephone. All of the women who were contacted,
wrote
that
interviewed.
managers.
she
All
was
in
In other
the process
except one who
moving, agreed
of
to
be
interviews were conducted by me with individual
Most of the interviews
took place in
homes of the women and a few took place in
the offices or
restaurants and over
the telephone.
Within one week after the interview,
all
of the participants
were mailed to
to thank them for their participation. They
were told to feel free to contact me if
other
letters
issues that they wanted to discuss.
they had any questions or
They were also told that
they might be contacted again for follow-up questions.
Survey Results
Twenty
five
of
the respondents
work
72
in
the public sector and
order
to be
in
excluded from the profile
They will be
five are entreprenuers.
with other studies.
consistant
Profile
and has worked
the Midwest (44%),
years.
seven
is
She
position (58%)
to
likely
has experienced
and
management
level
a middle
hold
for
of management
the field
in
in
35 years old. She lives
is
survey respondent
The average
(88%).
stress
job-related
Industrial Concentration and Income
largely concentrated in four industries:
are
The respondents
Finance
Manufacturing
(40%);
Services (14%).
Most (40%),
$34,000 -
following salary ranges:
buted within the
$58,000 - $69,999
$46,000 - $57,999 (21%);
respondents
are
of the respondents
bonuses,
receive
remaining
did
not
between
distri-
$22,000 - 33,999 (18%);
Only
(13%).
8% of
the
or more. All
$70,000
bonuses
to receive
answer
this
question
to their current
the question is not applicable
to
respondents are eligible
54% of the
38% are ineligible
6% either
and
year workers.
full-time/full
bonuses,
evenly
fairly
that their salary were
reported
As regards
are
women
is
salary that
have an annual
The remaining
$45,999.
(11%);
Communications
(20%);
or
the
and
reported
that
situation.
Management Function
The respondents are
areas
The
of Human
next
and Public
the
areas
General
Resources/Personnel
largest
Relations
of
concentrations
(10%).
(26%)
are
and
in
the
does not exceed
areas
of
Finance
(27%).
(13%)
of women who work in
Planning,
Purchasing,
in
any category.
ten percent
73
the functional
Marketing/Sales
The proportion
Operations/Production,
Management
in
concentrated
largely
or
Education
Highest Level of Attainment
Ninety-
The survey respondents are a highly educated group.
eight percent of them are college graduates.
cite
graduate
or professional
education attainment.
degrees as
Moreover,
their highest
level
of the respon-
business
administration
in
have
and nearly one-quarter of the respondents (20%),
(MBAs),
of
over one-third
hold masters degrees
dents (36%),
The majority (56%),
graduate degrees in fields other than mangement:
TABLE ONE
Percent Distribution of Respondents by Highest Level
Educational Attainment
of
2
Some College:
BA/BS:
22
Graduate Courses,
No Degree:
22
MBA:
36
Other Graduate or
Professional Degree:
17
3
Ph.D.
Schools
The universities
that were attended by the women who have
earned graduate degrees are highly rated.
women have
graduate
schools
MBA degrees
degrees
that
from
Harvard
from Columbia
For example,
Business
University.
these women attended can be found
School
A full
14% of these
and 10% have
list
of the
in Appendix C.
Family Status
The majority of the respondents,
74
58.1%,
are not married and
The
there are distinct variations within the not married category.
largest group within this category is
this category
in
group
(3.14%)
are
largest
Divorced women make up the next
never married (36.0%).
group
made up of women who have
(19.0%)
and
the remaining women
either separated,
or in
widowed,
this
in
the "other"
category.
in
The proportion of women
three times
large as
as
the divorced category is
the national
average
15
for women who are
and almost twice as
years old and older and are divorced (6.6%),
for women aged 30 - 34 years (11.0%),
the national average
large as
nearly
(Bianchi, 1983).
The majority of the respondents,
and none of the women in
52%.
the never married or "other" category have
Among those who have children,
children.
do not have children,
the average number is
one.
Differences Between Management Levels
While proportional differences can be observed between the
of managers,
the differences are minimal and
different
levels
generally
occur where one might expect
them to occur.
the
between the
paragraphs below the differences and similarities
women in different management
In
levels will be highlighted.
Industrial Distribution
The
employed
is
proportion
of managers
in manufacturing companies
approximately the same.
(30%)
different
and
than senior (15%)
levels
communications
The figures average
respectively. Alternatively,
managers
of
who
are
companies
around 40% and 11%
proportionately more entry level
or middle level (20%)
75
managers
are
employed in
the banking industry.
while nearly one
In addition,
quarter of the senior level managers work in
the service industries
as do fourteen percent of the middle level managers,
none of the
this industry.
entry level managers are employed in
Education
As noted earlier
highly educated group.
middle
(55%)
Moreover,
or
in
this chapter
the survey respondents
are a
(70%)
than
more entry
Proportionately
level managers
senior (50%)
level
have graduate
the majority of entry level managers have MBAs,
do slightly more
than one third of the middle
degrees.
(66%),
as
level managers (37%).
Senior level managers who have advanced degrees are more likely
than other managers to have degrees in fields other than management
(38%).
Earnings
The majority of
the entry
that are less than $46,999,
level
managers
(34%).
It
(49%)
and
managers
level
(76%)
earn salaries
as do nearly one-half of the middle
one-third
of
the senior
level managers
should be noted that the salaries were reported
rather than in absolute numbers:
76
in
ranges
TABLE TWO
Distribution of Respondents
Management Level
Percent
Senior
Middle
Entry
0
0
0
,000- 21.999
0
1
0
$22,000-33,999
21
11
6
$34 000-45 999
55
38
28
$46,000-57,999
14
30
19
$58-69999
7
17
16
$70,000
3
3
28
D/A
0
0
3
$10,000
$10
Salary and
by
Average Years in Management
been a manager
for
proportionately
more
less
In
managers
as
addition,
regards
than
ten years.
of the entry
ten years of management
managers.
the typical respondent has
the general profile,
As noted in
level
we would
As
managers
have
than
level
the profile of senior and middle
level
number
of
years
in
management
TABLE THREE
Percent Distribution of Respondents by
Number of Years in Management
Entry
Middle
Senior
90
68
66
10 -
14 years
7
24
22
15 -
19 years
3
8
9
0
0
3
20 or more years
fewer
than do senior or middle
experience
identical:
less than 9 years
expect,
77
is
almost
They are also very similar in their age distribution:
TABLE FOUR
Percent Distribution of Respondents by Age and
Level of Management
Middle
Senior
79
46
41
Entry
less than 35:
35 -
39:
7
29
28
40 -
44:
14
13
16
45 - 55:
0
11
12
55 and older:
0
1
3
It is
are
managers
in
similar
than
A
than $45,999.
look
at the
managers work may shed some
educational
their
have
MBA
mnagers
are
managers
level
level
senior
greater
managers to make salaries
than middle level
likely
in
managers),
level
number
distribution,
industry
more middle
senior
do
their
level
senior
and
while middle
age but differ
and
(proportionately
degrees
more
quite
management
of years in
profile
that
curious to note
areas
functional
in
of
which
the
light on this observation.
Functional Areas of Management
The
(31%)
concentrated
concentrated
resources
level
in
while middle
areas
in
(31%;
managers
(37%)
the marketing/sales
and senior
areas.
who work in
(23%;
the
22%)
the
and
78
are
largely
personnel/human
of middle
proportion
finance area (16%)
are
and financial
managers
level
Moreover,
managers
Entry level
areas.
the marketing/sales
22%)
patterns of
of managers exhibit very distinct
within functional
distribution
largely
levels
three
is
exactly
the
same as the proportion of senior level managers who work in
list).
relations/publicity area (See Appendix D for a full
public
level
senior
earnings.
Since
managers who work in
are not.
areas
central
career
the public
relations
(Kanter,
is
track
as
the
finance have
longer
like
public
areas
possible that the middle
the finance area need more tenure in
senior
in
level of management
order to reach the same
their jobs in
functional areas that are
like
As such it
1984).
level managers who work in
career
management
responsibility
staff
than
in
level managers
to the business of a company
relations
that middle
limits to
Alternatively,
ladders
possible
the finance area are experiencing
that senior
their mobility
is
it
relations,
finance and public
areas of
of middle and
the distribution
nearly the same with the exception of the
level managers is
senior
and
the observed
explain
partially
may
of middle
distribution
functional
managers
in
differences
the
in
This difference
the
level managers
who work in
their
public
relations.
There
differences
When
is
the
in
of the
and
for the observed
senior
level
managers.
for which these managers work
companies
we find that more than one-quarter of the senior
examined,
managers (27%)
that
the middle
mobility of
ownership
as compared
factor that may account
is another
level
work for companies that are black owned and operated
level managers.
to only 6% of the middle
black women
who work
greater opportunities
for black owned
for mobility
be more highly educated
than they,
This implies
companies
may have
than their counterparts who may
but who work in
operated companies.
79
white owned and
Marital Status
The distribution of managers within the the broad category of
for
is,
status
marital
practical
all
purposes,
identical.
Approximately 40% of the women are married and 60% are not married.
when we examine the four components of the not married
However,
differences
in
distribution patterns
the
and middle and senior
on the one hand,
and
separated;
divorced;
married;
never
category:
of
widowed;
level managers,
entry
level managers,
on the
can be observed.
other hand,
While most of the managers who are not married have never been
married,
the proportion of entry level managers
in
this category is
nearly twice that of the proportion of middle and senior level
managers
As
in
this
category.
regards
the
and
separated
categories,
divorced
at least twice as
proportion of middle and senior level managers is
large
as the
level managers
proportion of entry
In addition,
status categories.
is
30-34 age
in the
divorced entry level managers is
national
average
approximately
the
for divorced
same as
age category (Bianchi,
in
these marital
the proportion of middle and senior
level managers who are divorced
average for women
the
double that of the national
group.
only slightly
women aged 15
thd national average
1983):
80
proportion of
The
higher than the
and over,
for women in
and
is
their
TABLE FIVE
Percent Distribution of Respondents
by
Marital Status and Management Level
Entry
Middle
Senior
Married
38
41
38
Never Married
52
32
34
Divorced
25
10
20
Separated
0
3
3
Widowed
Other
0
0
2
2
0
0
age 15 and over:
National Average:
ages 30-34:
7%
11%
Presence of Children
survey respondents,
the
Of all
higher
slightly
expect,
although
children,
to- have
likely
likely
managers are least
managers are most
level
proportion
the
do
who
only
is
As we would
managers.
senior
entry
distribution,
status
marital
their
given
of the
that
than
middle
level
to have children.
TABLE SIX
Percent Distribution of Respondents
by
Level of Management and Presence of Children
Children:
Senior
Middle
Entry
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
No
28
72
52
48
47
53
Stress
was
There
(88%)
and
virtually
senior
experienced
(89%)
job related
no difference
level
in
managers
who
Entry
level
stress.
81
the
proportion of middle
reported
that
managers,
they
have
on the other
likely to report
hand, were more
that they have
stress
experienced
(97%).
Comparisons with other surveys
are
profiles
the
and
managers
level
(Korn/Ferry,
forty
executives
have
than senior
level
is
no basis
the
female
who work
more.
on
with
of
titles
have
which
years
entered
management
categories of women
in
of
management
one
is.
that
experience
was
from
Vice
annual
President
sales
conducted
Gallup
the
information
(VP)
from
722
or higher
$100,000,000
of
or
divided into six categories based
chances
current
for
age,
upward
listed in descending order by
for upward mobility in
male
two groups of managers.
assistance
management,
and
white
level
This survey collected
companies
salaries,
these
with
The survey respondents were
their
they
for
the
Consequently there really
current survey
Journal
managers
69% of
forty;
senior
years
more
comparison between
Organization (1984).
white
addition,
significantly
Street
Wall
In
1979).
The most comparable
by
that
we find
from the BFMs survey are under the age of
black female managers.
for
when one of the
examined,
fewer than 5% are under the age of
as regards age
senior
is
of white male executives
surveys
largest
female
the black
For example,
level.
on a very basic
managers (BFMs)
from
different
totally
male
executives
level
senior
on
focussed
have
surveys
These
managers.
white
of
surveys
comparable
directly
no
are
There
their companies are:
82
age
at which
mobility.
The
rank and
chances
TABLE SEVEN
Percentage
Number of
Interviews
0 f Sample
1.
Top management
15
110
2.
Young achievers
16
115
3.
Middle level
31
221
4.
Young,
17
121
5.
Senior, non-top
13
93
6.
Late starters
8
100
62
722
lower level
When the BFMS is
(WSJS)
we
that
find
regards
age,
and
of
years
management
example,
although proportionately more of the BFMs
than the young achievers,
five
lower
also similar to the young achiever group.
but is
level respondents,
age thirty
as
Street Journal Survey
the BFMs profile closely resembles the young,
experience,
For
compared with the Wall
these groups and the young
lower
are under
the majority of both of
level women are under
the age of
forty:
TABLE EIGHT
Percent Distribution of Managers by Age
BFMs
Young achievers
Young, lower level
under 35:
52
39
55
35 - 39
24
61
45
40 - 44
13
0
0
45 - 55
9
0
0
55 and over
1
0
0
As
regards
years
of
management
83
experience,
while
have
groups
these
than
fewer
experience:
of management
years
fifteen
women in each of
the
majority of
the
than do the young achievers,
of experience
ten years
than
less
have
women
level
lower
young
more of the BFMs and
proportionately
TABLE NINE
Distribution of Managers
by
Years of Management Experience
Percent
Under 10:
72
56
72
10 - 14:
20
44
28
6
0
0
2
0
0
15 -
19:
20 or more:
When
the
highest
clear
is
it
considered,
than the high achievers
educated group
proportion
The
nearly
twice
that
the
of
degrees
young
we
(25%)
achievers
When
find
is
only
the
that
companies (40%)
(See
industrial
the
is
two percentage
who
achievers
more of the
proportionately
young
lower
degrees
level
is
(57%)
women who have
level
lower
young,
of
such
In addition, while the proportion of BFMs who
degrees (29%).
have graduate
graduate
that
a more highly
general
and the young,
of BFMs who have
that of the
resembles
profile
the BFMs
that
is
atta'inment
educational
group but the BFMs are in
the high achiever
group.
of
level
level
Young, lower
Young achievers
BFMS
Appendix
have
of
the
greater
graduate
than
degrees,
than do the
MBAs (37%)
E).
of
distribution
proportion
twice
BFMs
have
points
the
women
BFMs who work
that of the young
84
in
achievers
is
considered,
manufacturing
and nearly
six
concentrated
to be more highly
tend
The young achievers
women.
lower level
of the young,
times that
and in
(30%)
the services
in
while
insurance, real estate and other investment companies (23%),
function,
As regards management
the
in
underconcentrated
Indeed,
young achievers.
than it
young achievers
Appendix
(See
salaries
profile
of
that
of the
to that
of the
to
similar
is
much more similar
is
to
level
lower
of the young,
G).
considered,
One-hundred
we
however,
those of the
much more
is
BFMs
women.
level
lower
it
and
area
executive area relative
non-specific
far exceed
the
resources
personnel/human
to the profile
is
are
When salaries
achiever
with the exception of being
the BFMs profile
the young achievers,
women
the
in
concentrated
highly
in
F).
Appendix
(See
(53%)
banking
women tend to be more highly concentrated
level
lower
the young,
BFMs.
that
the young
Indeed, the salary
to
similar
find
of the young,
that
percent of the young achievers have
of $60,000 or more as compared to twenty-two percent of
salaries
the BFMs.
In
survey of
emerges
black male
(Heidricks
male managers
executives
we
Struggles,
1979).
and
who were surveyed
manufacturing companies (46%)
to work in
tended
(21%)
functional
the BFMs.
And,
areas
their
the
salary
is
85
the black
to be young,
largely
(17%)
not
clearly
profile
pattern
racial
60.3
similar
% were
concentrated
in
(28.6%).
the FIRE industries
personnel
although
a
Specifically,
tended
and in
that
find
They were
under the age of forty-four.
They
from the only
to this picture results
when we add
addition,
and marketing/sales
to
the
same
degree
to the BFMs.
as
Only
26% earn salaries
salaries
while the rest,
74%,
earn
less than $50,000.
Even when we compare
the
$50,000
greater than
black female managers who have
achieved
we find that
status of VP or higher to the WSJS respondents,
like their counterparts their salaries are significantly
lower than
similar to them in terms of age,
the WSJS respondents who are
years of management but not as highly educated as they.
For example,
the BFM VPs (64%)
the majority of the young achievers
experience (BFM
The majority
fifteen years
of management
VPs:
than
fewer
100%).
91%; Young Achievers:
Proportionatethan do the
ly more of the BFM VPs have graduate degrees (59%)
young achievers
MBA degrees
the proportion of BFM VPs who
Moreover,
(55%).
have MBA degrees (38%)
have
exceeds that of the young achievers who
(25%).
When management
industry
function and
distribution are
profile from
considered we find that the BFM VPs have a different
the general
finance (26%)
are
(20%)
profile
areas
(See
in
They are concentrated in the
BFMs.
for all
areas while the young achievers
and personnel (31%)
concentrated
Appendix
H).
As regards
industry
banking (64%)
in
and insurance
(23%)
sixteen percent of the BFM VPs work in
As
regards salaries,
distribution,
in the
service
Appendix I).
Also,
black owned companies.
the proportion of BFM VPs in
however,
remains significantly
the $60,000 or more category (38%)
than that of the young achievers
(See
finance
and manufacturing
(15%) while young achievers are concentrated
(30%)
and
executive (33%)
the non-specific
the BFMS VPs are concentrated
industries
and
are under the age of forty-five.
also have
of both groups
(100%)
this category (100%).
in
86
lower
Implications
These findings have serious implications.
appear
that highly
educated
have
white women
First it
a greater
would
potential
for upward mobility than do highly educated black women.
in
the personnel/human resources area,
have a short career ladder,
area,
sales/marketing
in
and
an area that is
known to
they were equally represented in
the case of VPs,
in
the top of the corporate
is
in
not necessarily
survey
this
ladder (Korn/Ferry 1979).
true for
route to
It appears that
participated
the black women who
or "the black men who participated
the
the finance area.
Both of these areas have been cited as being the fastest
this
found
although a high proportion of black women were
Second,
in
the Heidricks
and Struggles survey.
Third,
work in
the fact that the proportion of black women and men who
the personnel/human resources
area so greatly exceeded
that
of the WSJS participants raises questions about whether or not
those kinds of jobs are "reserved" for black men and women. Wallace
(1984)
noted that during the first
four years after the enactment
It
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 the focus was on black people.
is
possible
government,
that
Affirmative
under
the personnel
action or EEO administrators,
in
personnel
area
pressure
companies opened up existing personnel jobs
jobs for black people in
women
Action
profit
line
career
ladder,
from
the
or created
area perhaps as affirmative
rather than place black men and
responsibility
the opportunity
positions.
for
Once
switching
on
the
to another
is. slim.
Alternatively,
it
is
possible that black people are more
87
to choose a career in
likely
equal
peculiar
a
thing.
opportunities
on
that
information
company recruiters,
counselors,
example,
when a person
given
is
career opportunies that are in
or receive
informed but limited choice,
from guidance
or other
uninformed choice,
as for
or obtains misinformation about
line with her or his abilities,
there
Then again,
and makes a choice based on that information.
is
career
different
placement officers,
And,~ there is
informed individuals.
is a
as when a person makes
about
they read about
however,
Choice,
informed choice,
There is
based
choice
than are white women of
levels.
educational
lower
or
personnel
as for example when a person,
through whatever means, learns of different career opportunities
and pursues them but finds that her or his options are limited,
therefore
and
It
is
"chooses"
possible that any one of these situations could apply to
the black people who work in
of
fuzziness
it
is
career path.
to pursue a more accessible
the borders
between the different
undoubtedly difficult
example,
as noted
emphasize
success,
in
the personnel area.
of
types
choices
to pin down the "right" reason.
Chapters One and Two,
expectation
the effect of one's expectations
etc.
Because of the
on one's conscious
For
theorists
for opportunities,
and unconscious
choices.
In order to assess these two propositions, trend data from
company personnel records,
longitudinal data on career paths of
managers within the same companies and
supplemental
information on
career "choice" decisions would be needed.
Fourth,
the fact that 16% of the BFM
black owned companies indicates
opportunities
for
mobility
VPs are employed in
that black women may have greater
than their counterparts
88
in
white owned
companies.
Finally,
little
the bottom line of this analysis is
that there is
indication that a group of highly educated black female
managers
are more advantaged
than a group of comparable white
female managers.
89
APPENDIX A-
90
13 July 1984
&fname& &lname&
&title&
&jobname/O&
&street/O&
&suite/O&
&address/O&
&city&
Dear &title& &lname&:
women in management.
on black
my dissertation
I am writing
stage in my research involves conducting a preliminary
The first
survey to identify the population. I have enclosed a copy of the
I would
of the project.
description
survey along with a brief
to me at
it
and return
you would complete it
if
it
appreciate
your earliest convenience.
in this
interest
I have both a personal and professional
in the workplace and
woman, I am interested
topic. As a black
the
In addition,
experiences of black working women.
related
on managers (which has focussed almost
large body of literature
on white and black men or white women) provides a
exclusively
comparatiVe basis for the data that I am collecting.
in
be interested
who might
know of others
the
pass
please
project,
this research
in
participating
names and
send their
If you prefer,
information along to them.
contact them.
addresses to me, and I will
If
you
All participants in the preliminary
brief summary of the major findings after
analyzed.
survey will
the results
receive a
have been
If you have any questions or suggestions, please do not
me.(see the bottom of page 2 of the survey
to contact
hesitate
for my address and telephone number).
Sincerely yours,
Karen Fulbright
KF
91
DISSERTATION RESEARCH PROJECT:
THE MYTH OF A WOMAN'S PLACE,
BLACK WOMEN IN MANAGEMENT
DESCRIPTION:
black
compare primary data on fifty
will
The dissertation
personal
through
female managers that the author collects
with secondary data on white female managers.
interviews
explore the
1)
endeavor are to:
of this
The objectives
of occupational
science theories
of social
applicability
segregation to the self-reported experiences of black female
managers; 2) assess whether or not the findings of research
which has compared black and whte women in female-dominated
occupations hold true in a male-dominated occupation; and 3)
between black
of and differences
explore the similarities
and white women in an occupation in which both groups
presumably have equal qualifications.
NOTE:
The information requested on the attached sheet will be used
to develop a roster of black female managers from which 50 women
is described
in the study that
to participate
be selected
will
questions concerning job
above. Unless otherwise specified, all
and company descriptions refer to your current job
responsibility
situation.
ALL INFORMATION WILL BE TREATED CONFIDENTIALLY.
92
PRELIMINARY SURVEY OF BLACK FEMALE MANAGERS
ALL INFORMATION WILL BE TREATED CONFIDENTIALLY
1)
Name
2)
Mailing Address
3)
Telephone (Business
4)
Race
(Business and/or
Residence)
and/or Residence)
-
JOB RELATED
5)
Number of years employed in management
6)
Number of years in current position -
7)
Job Title -
8)
Number of persons who report to you -
9)
Level of persons who report
Hourly:
-
to you:
Other Hourly
Clerical
Salaried: Staff
Line
Other
(PLEASE SPECIFY)
In the space provided below, please
10)
your job.
11)
How would you characterize
which you work:
Staf f
Line
Mid-Management
Exempt_-
your
give a description
position
in
the company
of
for
Non-exempt_ Entry Management
Full-time, full Year
Senior Management
Part -Time
in the company for
What are the boundaries for your level
12)
which you work?/ What is the level of the person to whom you
report?
93
13.
Please check the applicable salary range:
Less than $10,000
$10,000 - 21,999
$22,000 - 33,999
$34,000 - 45,999
$46,000 - 57,999
$58,000 - 69,999
$70,000 and over
13 a)
Industry Sector:
Private
Public
14)
Are you eligible to be considered for company bonuses?
15)
Size of company -
16)
Industry of company:
Manufacturing
Agriculture___ MiningConstruction
Public Utility_
Communications
Transportation
Insurance
Finance
Retail Trade
Wholesale Trade
Business and Repair Services
Real Estate
Entertainment and Recreation
Personal Services
Public Administration_
Professional and Related Services
Other
17) Please specify the product/type of the company for which you
work (i.e., manufacturer - Pepsi Cola, commercial bank, etc.).
18)
Have you experienced Job related stress?
19)
If yes, how have you coped with it?
Yes
No
DEMOGRAPHIC/FAMILY STATUS
20)
Age -
21)
Marital Status: Never Married
Other
Widowed
Divorced
22)
Number of Children
23)
Do you have children under the age of 6?
Between the ages of 7 - 18?
Please
24)
to you:
check
the highest
Married
educational
MBA
Graduate courses, no degree
BA
Other graduate or professional degree
Ph.D.
25)
Name of graduate school
Concentration
94
Separated
Yes
Yes__
category
No
No
that applies
(PLEASE SPECIFY)
Note:
out this
Thank you for taking the time to fill
questionnaire. If you know other black women managers who
may be interested in participating in this study, please
their name, address, and phone number on this sheet,
list
or feel free to give them my name, address, phone number
and project description so that they may contact me:
Karen Fulbright, 320 Memorial Drive, 725, Cambridge, MA
02139 (H) 617-494-8275; (W) 617-253-7692.
95
26 November 1984
&fname& &lname&
&title&
&address/O&
&suite/O&
&jobname/O&
&city&
Dear &title&
&lname&:
Thank you for your quick response to my survey of black
I will be conducting the interviews that will
female managers.
research
be used as the primary basis for the dissertation
between 1 September and 15 January and may contact you during
that time to ask you to be a participant. I have decided to keep
As such I will send a
the survey open until the end of the year.
profile of the survey respondents to you sometime during the
Spring.
If you know of other black female managers who might be
interested in participating in the study I would appreciate it if
you would_ pass my information along to them (I have enclosed a
copy of the preliminary survey). If you prefer, send their names
and addresses to me and I will contact them.
Please do not hesitate
Again, thank you.
you have any questions or suggestions.
Sincerely yours,
Karen L. Fulbright
KF
96
to contact me if
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Early Influences on Career Choices
1. When you were growing up, did you have thoughts about the
kind of work that you would like to do once you became an adult?
Do you recall where the ideas came from?
2.
Were
3.
interest?
you encouraged
If so, by whom?
How did your career/job
4.
why?
4a. Who was the most
jr. high?
to/discouraged from
preference
change over
pursuing
this
the years and
important influence on you when you were in
Why did you choose management?
5.
5a. Why did you choose a staff/line position?
Current On the Job Experiences
5b. Please describe your career/the jobs you've held. including
periods of unemployment, leaves of absence, and part-time work.
6.
Who or what has had the greatest influence on your career?
What have been the most rewarding
7.
about working in management?
and disappointing
aspects
from your subordinants
8. Have you encountered any difficulty
regarding work assignments, their responses to you, etc.?
9.
To what do you attribute this difficulty?
What about your co-workers and your superior(s)...have you
10.
encountered any difficulty from them as regards work assignments.
their responses to you, their willingness to be of assistance?
Have they been supportive?
10a.
Have you been subject to sexist or racist comments?
Have you had an opportunity to participate in any formal or
11.
informal training programs that are sponsored by the company for
which you work?
12.
Why or why not?
Do you
12a.
information?*
12b.
feel
that
you have
(had)
access
Do you feel that your ideas are utilized in
97
to
office
your company?*
13.
What has contributed most to your success?
14.
What has created
for you?
the greatest problems/obstacles
14a. Have you had a mentor throughout your career?
14b. How were those relationships established and maintained?
15. Knowing what you know now,
differently in your career?
16.
would you have done
anything
What kind of things are most important to you in a job?
16a. Do you feel that you've reached a ceiling in your current
position?
16b. Do you feel that your opportunities are the same as,
than, or worse than your peers at work? Why?
16c. Are there any areas/jobs
inaccessible to you? Why?*
in
your company
better
that you feel are
Future Plans
If you were to make a job choice now,
17.
same choice or do anything differently?
would you make the
18.
Where would you like to be five years from now?
19.
Where do you think you'll be five years from now?
20.
What would be critical in achieving what you want?
20a.
21.
What kind of problems do you expect to encounter?*
Do you still expect to be working full-time?
Family Issues
21a. Has your career influenced any of your decisions/desires
about marriage?
Has your career influenced
22.
children--ie. timing or number?
your decision about
How long?
22a. Did you take a maternity leave?
any
way?*
in
that the leave affected your career
23. Have you found it difficult
career and your personal life?
having
Do you feel
to balance the demands of your
24. How have you coped with this difficulty?
25.
How are household/child
care responsibilities
98
arranged
in
your household.
26. Has the social side of business been a source of stress for
have you experienced any difficulty in balancing the social
you?
demands of corporate life and your own personal social interests?
It's been said that ones prospects for advancing in business
27.
are influenced by ones participation in company social functions,
and that you need to appear with someone. Have you found this to
Has this caused any problems for you?
be true?
27a. Have you found that not having a spouse or mate has been a
as
hindrance to you in your professional career particularly
functions?
regards social
28. Have you found that the men in your life have been a help or
a hindrance to your professional development?
Do you feel that your career aspirations/development have
29.
been influenced by the Civil Rights and/or Women's Movements?
You have had to have been strong and determined in order to
30.
Have you gotten any
make the achievements that you've made.
from whom?
determination?
and
strength
your
to
responses
negative
30a. What are your sources of stress,
with them?
31.
and how have you coped
Have you experienced sexual or racial harrassment?
It has been said that black women, because of our dual
32.
status of being black and female, may have a double-advantage
over other workers. Have you seen any evidence of this?
99
Background Information
Code(
Name
1.
2.
)
Number of brothers and sisters
Your
Birth
Order:
First
Middle
Youngest
Other
Occupation:
3.
Mother's
3a.
Did your mother work while you were growing up? Yes_;No_
4.
Father's
5.
Occupation:
Occupation of spouse/ex-spouse
:
Education
6.
College Attended:
7.
Years Attended: 19
8.
Major:
-19
8a. Year graduate degree was received:
Job Related
; females_;
Sex and race of subordinants: black: males
9.
; others (please specify)
females
white: males_;
If you are eligible to receive
10.
average amount you receive:
What was
(year_
11.
job:
the
).
salary
of
bonuses,
your
please
first
specify
full-time
What is your current salary:
12.
Other
13.
Are you a member of a sorority?
14.
Do you live in
a city
yes
100
; no
name
; or a suburban area
the
?
APPENDIX B
101
APPENDIX B
PROFILE OF BLACK FEMALE MANAGERS
INTERVIEW SAMPLE
Years in Management:
100
Total:
Management
64
24
12
less than 10:
10 - 14:
15 - 19:
Function
Advertising:
4
Executive (non-specific):
0
Finance/Treasurer's office:
16
Information systems:
0
Operations/Production:
8
Personnel/Human Resources:
28
Planning:
8
Public Relations/
Communications:
4
Purchasing:
0
Research and Development:
0
32
Sales/Marketing:
Other:
100
Total:
Salary Range:
less than $10,000:
$10,000 - $21,999:
$22,000 - $33,999:
$34,000 - $45,999:
$46,000 - $57,999:
$58,000 - $69,999:
$70,000 and over:
No Answer:
Total:
0
0
4
16
32
24
20
4
100
102
Industry of Company:
Agriculture,
fishing, mining,
construction
0
Manufacturing
37
Transportation, communication, other
public utilities
6
Wholesale trade
4
Retail trade
0
Banks and other
credit agencies
Insurance, real estate
and other investment:
Work for Black Owned
Company:
12
8
Services:
12
Total
100
Yes:
20
80
No:
Total:
100
Highest Level of Educational
Achievement:
Other grad/prof
degree:
MBA:
Grad courses,
no degree:
College graduate:
Some college:
Total:
Marital Status:
12
68
8
8
4
100
Never married:
Married:
Separated:
Divorced:
Widowed:
Other:
44
32
8
16
0
0
Total:
100
103
less than 35 years:
Age:
35 - 39 years:
40 - 44:
45 - 54:
100
Total:
Presence of Children:
Yes:
40
60
No:
Region of Residence:
Total:
100
Northeast:
Midwest:
South:
West:
28
52
12
8
100
Total:
Stress:
Yes:
No:
No Answer:
84
12
4
100
Total:
Level of Management:
48
28
12
12
Entry:*
Middle:
Senior:**
4
68
28
100
Total:
included because she works for a type of company that is
*
widely known for the underrepresentation of black people (public
accounting firm)
**
includes one recent entrepreneur
104
APPENDIX C
105
Schools
Attended
by the
Black Female Manager (private sector)
Survey Participants
American Educational Law Institute
American Institute of Banking
Atlanta University
Baldwin-Wallace
Ball State- university
Ben Franklin
Berkeley
Boston College
Brooklyn College
Columbia
Cornell
Emory
Georgetown Law School
Golden Gate University
Harvard
Howard University
Hunter College
Indiana University
Krannert Business School (Purdue University)
Long Island University
Loyola Institute of Industrial Relations
MIT
New York University
Northern Illinois University
Northwestern University
Oakland University
Pace
Pepperdine University
RPI
Roosevelt University
Rutgers
San Francisco State
SUNY
Sangamon State University
Simmons College
Stanford
Syracuse
TCU
Temple University
Texas Southern University
University of Chicago
University of Cincinnatti
University of Houston
University of Illinois
University of Michigan
University of Pittsburg
106
University of Rochester
University of South Carolina
University of South.California
University of Texas
University of Washington
University of Wisconsin
Washington University
Wharton
Xavier University
Yale
107
APPENDIX D
108
APPENDIX D
Percent Distribution of Black Female Managers
by
Level of Management and Management Function
Level of Management
Entry
-Middle
Senior
Management Function
Advertising:
0
0
3
Executive (non-specific):
7
4
9
32
16
9
0
0
0
Operations/Production:
7
6
6
Personnel/Human Resources:
7
31
22
Planning:
3
4
3
Public Relations/
Communications:
3
10
16
Purchasing:
0
2
0
Research and Development:
0
0
0
38
21
22
Other:
4
4
10
Undesignated:
0
0
0
100
100
100
Finance/Treasurer's office:
Information
systems:
Sales/Marketing:
Total:
109
APPENDIX E
110
APPENDIX E
Percent
Distribution of
Black
and White Female
Managers
by
Highest Level of Educational Attainment
BFMs
Graduate School
57
16
25
37
41
Young, Lower
Level
29
55
Have MBA
College graduate
Young Achievers
33
45
Other college
1
10
17
No college
1
2
8
Undesignated
0
0
1
100
100
Total
111
100
APPENDIX F
112
APPENDIX F
Percent Distribution of Black and White Female Managers
by
Industry of Company
BFMS
Agriculture,
Young Achiever
Young, Lower
Level
foresting
fishing. mining,
construction
Manufacturing
0
0
1
40
20
7
12
9
3
2
3
3
3
4
3
20
8
53
6
23
17
14
30
12
3
3
1
100
100
100
Transportation, communication, other
public utilities
Wholesale
trade
Retail trade
Banks and other
credit agencies
Insurance, real estate
and other investment
Services
Undesignated
Total
113
APPENDIX G
114
APPENDIX G
Percent Distribution of Black and White Female Managers
by
Management Function
BFMS Young Achievers
Management
Young, Lower
Level
Function
Advertising:
0
3
4
Executive (non-specific):
5
30
17
13
20
39
0
2
2
8
5
13
26
5
7
4
2
2
10
11
5
Purchasing:
1
0
1
Research and Development:
0
5
2
27
17
13
Other:
6
4
0
Undesignated:
0
1
0
100
100
100
Finance/Treasurer's office:
Information
systems:
Operations/Production:
Personnel/Human Resources:
Planning:
Public Relations/
Communications:
Sales/Marketing:
Total:
115
APPENDIX H
116
APPENDIX H
Percent Distribution of Black (VPs) and White Female Managers
by
Management Function
Young AchieversYoung. Lower
Level
BFM
VPs
Management
Function
Advertising:
0
3
4
Executive (non-specific):
4
30
17
27
20
39
Information systems:
0
2
2
Operations/Production:
4
5
13
31
5
7
7
2
2
13
11
5
Purchasing:
0
0
1
Research and Development:
0
5
2
10
17
13
Other:
4
4
0
Undesignated:
0
1
0
Finance/Treasurer's office:
Personnel/Human Resources:
Planning:
Public Relations/
Communications:
Sales/Marketing:
Total:
100
100
117
100
APPENDIX I
118
APPENDIX I
Percent Distribution of Black (VPs) and White Female Managers
by
Industry of Company
Young Achiever
BFMS
VPS
Agriculture,
Young, Lower
Level
foresting
fishing, mining,
construction
Manufacturing
0
0
1
15
20
7
3
9
3
0
3
3
0
4
3
64
8
53
3
23
17
12
30
12
3
3
1
100
100
100
Transportation. communication, other
public utilities
Wholesale
trade
Retail trade
Banks and other
credit agencies
Insurance, real estate
and other investment
Services
Undesignated
Total
119
CHAPTER FIVE
THE DOUBLE ADVANTAGE OF BLACK FEMALE MANAGERS:
FACT OR FICTION
120
Chapter Five:
The Double Advantage of Black Female Managers
Fact or Fiction?
Introduction
work that has focussed attention on
empirical and theoretical
professional occupations
black women who work in male-dominated,
is,
I stated that the
the introduction of the dissertation
In
sparse. Despite this sparsity,
at best,
scholars have asserted
the media and some
that black women have a double-advantage
over other workers.
science theories of occupational
reviews of social
As such,
segregation and empirical work on managers were presented in
to determine whether or not
Chapters Two and Three respectively,
support
is
there
that women who gain access to male-dominated
Chapter Two was
are
occupations
from
conclusion
A major
thesis.
for this
likely
internal
and
external
encounter
to
Similarly,
in
difficulties
as they pursue their career goals.
Chapter Three
I noted that white women and black males who hold
management
positions
I
discrimination.
treatment
likely
are
concluded
likely
to
be
subject
to
the
same
negatively impact the careers of
from this
black
than being doubly-advantaged,
rather
access
experience
to
type
female
of
review
managers
and
that
are
that
processes
black male and white female
managers.
In
addition,
despite
the methodological
limitations
comparisons of the survey data that were presented
Four,
it
was cautiously noted
in
of
the
Chapter
that the women who participated in
121
my survey of black female managers were,
women
participated
who
by generally higher
characterized
is
sector (which
managers but were also more
surveys
the
in
likely to have
more highly
the manufacturing
and more likely to be employed in
educated,
the
on average,
than
wages),
of white
female
lower salaries
than
the white female managers.
It
is
clearly not within the
address all
scope of this dissertation to
of the issues and questions
previous chapters.
the observations of salary
In particular,
between managers of different
differentials
and
sexes and races,
progress of the black female managers who participated in
this
can only be objectively
to their co-workers,
study relative
the
in
that were raised
addressed through a detailed analysis of the work settings and
co-workers of the women.
to these issues,
In addition,
in
justice
order to do full
detailed information on the
formal and informal
structures of the past and current work settings of the women
would be needed.
Therefore,
the more limited objective
of this chapter
assess the claim that black women are a doubly-advantaged
in
the workplace.
This will
be done by examining
is
to
group
the self-
reported professional experiences of a subset of twenty-five
the survey of black female managers
women who participated in
that was summarized in Chapter Four.
The central
Toward this end,
focus of this chapter will be that of mobility.
I will examine three aspects of the professional
black female managers:
1) Access
to
experiences
of twenty-five
mobility --
the influences on their choice of a non-traditionally
female
occupation;
2)
Rapidity
of
122
upward
mobility
within
Barriers
and 3)
management;
to mobility.
The first section of this chapter will contain a discussion
and analysis of the factors
to
pursue
occupational
my belief
in
career
a
that influenced
the
influences
are
commonly
psychologists.
It
choice of
for
will be suggested
from those
study differ
sociologists
women by
is
and
political
that a collective
a greater influence on the non-traditional
movement exerted
career
assumed
this
the
processes of
on the career choice
in
it
this country,
distribution of black people in
that
Given
field.
a non-traditional
the black women who participated
that
the women's decision
the black female managers
individual
than did
role models and family status.
In the second section I will analyse
interview participants
a the
who have
the career mobility of
Department Head at Corporate Headquarters,
have experienced
rapid upward
level
of
Vice President,
or
four
to
reached
mobility within the
the
first
eight years of their tenure with a private sector company.
objective
of this analysis
black women
faster
to assess
the popular
belief that
are being moved through corporate systems at a
pace than better
comparison is
is
The
qualified white males.
The standard
a group of white males who have achieved
for
the~ level
of President or Corporate Executive Officer.
will be shown that there are women in
It
progress might,
However,
in
the sample whose
the abstract, appear to be unusually rapid.
closer examination reveals that when their mobility is
evaluated within the context of their length of service or the
growth
and size of the companies
for which they work,
123
we find
valid conventional
explanations
for their achievements.
They are
not especially advantaged.
In
the third section of this chapter
I will focus on the
limits to the mobility of the black female managers.
belief
It
is
my
that black women's dual status makes them vulnerable not
that can potentially
only to the same kind of structural
factors
effect the mobility of any worker,
but also are vulnerable to
limits imposed by racism and sexism. It
one-half
of
the
has
sample
will be shown that nearly
encountered
obstacles
mobility during the course of their careers. Moreover,
see
that
women
who
work
in
core
functional
areas
to
their
we will
tend
to
experience mobility inhibitors on account of race and gender
while women who work in
more typical structural
staff
functions tend to experience the
factors that inhibit mobility.
124
Section One - Access
to Mobility
Influences on Non-Traditional Career Choice
in
others
It has been
particular.
female
non-traditionally
in
addressing
a
is
the
their
by
they,
because
for
possibility
of behavior that a
a standard
provide
and
them,
like
in
the occupation
that
give evidence
presence,
society
segregation
occupational
of
that people perform in
important element in
are an especially
occupations
issue
models
role
female
that
argued
These
occupations
as in
as well
general
the roles
for
form the basis
rules
behavior.
appropriate
about
and spoken rules
unspoken
by
governed
is
world
the social
sociologists,
to
According
potential entrant can model herself after.
a
place
psychologists
in
are underrepresented
They contend
models
evidence
in
fit
this
strict
work
on
women
that
Studies
this
of
to the
higher
lack of role
this
management,
narrow definition
women
in
If
that
have had role
we examine
however,
recent
there
is
should be broadened.
management
125
doubtful
is
study would
definition.
in
it
female
of black
heavy distribution
who participated
empirical
women
higher status,
low status occupations
lower paying,
that
that
study would be black
this
Given the historically
the women
of
view, using a strict definition, the
models for the women in
women in
influence
these occupations.
for women in
managers.
the
the fact
attributable
In accordance with this
role
on
that
male-dominated,
partially
is
paying occupations
emphasis
and
sociologists
modelling,
role
heavy
models.
role
individual
models
on
work
the
Within
have
found
that
female
managers
1975) or are employed in
1971; Johnson,
(Henning,
report that
female managers
on them (Henning,
findings
have been made regarding
managers
(Kotter,
1977).
of white male
the occupations
studies
conducted
However,
studies
parallel
female or male managers,
Similar
1979).
Sussman,
been no
There have
per se.
on black
have been
female
conducted of black women who are on non-traditionally
educational
paths (Burlew,
(Epstein,
occupations
of
characteristics
noted in
Chapter Three,
focussed
on
of
these
professional
of
the women who
They found that the
non-traditionally female
likely to be employed in
occupations.
non-
has
studies typically
the mothers
mothers of these women tended to work in
and were
who
or occupational pursuits. As
female pursuits.
chose non-traditionally
fields,
woman
black
interestingly,
the characteristics
identified
studies
These
1973).
female educational
traditionally
non-traditional
1982) or who work in
"typical"
the
that
their fathers had a strong influence
1971; Johnson, 1975; Crawford,
1982;
professional
also noted
Studies have
occupations (Crawford, 1977).
positions
managerial
typically have fathers who work in
In addition,
professional
one
and semi-
study that assessed
the influence of the fa.thers of black women who work in nontraditionally
female occupations reported
strong influence on
their daughter's
Both the studies of white
that the fathers had a
career decisions.
female managers and those of black
women who have non-traditional educational or career pursuits
definition of role model offered above
imply that the strict
should be broadened
to
consider
the
126
influence
of
family
status
and fathers.
when the family status of the women who participated
But,
None' of
above.
cited
support
little
is
there
considered
my study is
mothers worked in
professional
The same pattern holds
or semi-professional
true for the
(law)
and only
In addition,
occupations.
cited
three women
only
occupations.1
these women.
fathers of
six out of twenty-three
professional or semi-professional
black
fathers works in
2
their
fathers,
as having influenced their career decisions.
particular,
majority
consistantly
encourage
them
encouraged
all
a non-
a non-traditionally
One of the women's fathers works in
reported
in
findings
female field and only eight of the twenty-five
traditionally
field
the
worked
mothers
women's
the
for
in
reported
to pursue any particular
them to excel
that
that
at whatever
they grew up knowing
that
their
parents
The
not
but rather,
occupation,
they chose
did
in
to do.
Al1
they would have to work
of their lives.
In
short,
the data
collected from the twenty-five black
female managers who participated
in
this study do not support
previous findings about: a) the family status of white female
female
managers; b) black women who pursue non-traditionally
occupations; or c) the influence of fathers on career preferences
and decisions. Given the absence from the lives
of the women in
this study of the most commonly identified factors that are
1
Includes one woman's mother who is an entrepreneur.
as a beautician and owns a beauty shop.
2 Includes a small business owner and an army officer
127
She works
to influence
believed
black and white women,
there must be an intervening factor(s).
high school guidance
look would be
place to
A logical
of
orientation
career
the non-traditional
counselors, as one of their roles is to expose young women and
to advise
men to career and educational options as well as
services
Those who used guidance counseling
them.
schools
reported
that
their counselors
Rather than exposing
them.
and occupational
low
had
in
their high
for
expectations
them to a broad range of educational
they almost invariably guided the women
choices,
to traditionally female occupations and
low status schools.
This
was true for women regardless of their age or the region of the
country in
If
which they grew up.
Clearly,
into the labor market are
the women's points of entry
examined,
we must look elsewhere.
we find that a pattern emerges
that may give-insight
into their non-traditional career choice. First, the women can be
evenly divided
traditionally
into two groups based on their entry into a nonfemale business track.
The first
group consists of
women who followed a "straight path" from college either by going
to
an
MBA
professional
program
or by
capacity.
going
A typical
work
to
pattern
for
for
a
company
in
a
this group can be
graphically depicted as:
HIGH SCHOOL
COLLEGE
MBA PROGRAM
MANAGEMENT TRAINEE,
ANALYST, ETC.
The second group consists of women who moved into a management
track after
taking a "detour" through traditionally
128
female
jobs
in
career
the public or private sector. A typical
path for
these
women can be graphically depicted as:
HIGH SCHOOL
COLLEGE
CLERICAL WORK
BANK TELLER,
NURSING,
SOCIAL WORK, ETC.
COLLEGE
ADMINISTRATIVE WORK
MANAGEMEMT TRACK POSITIONS/MBA PROGRAM
raises questions about the family
This observation naturally
In particular,
status of the two groups.
straight
path
group
are
if
the parents of the
disproportionately
professional or semi-professional
occupations
employed
relative
in
to the
parents of the detour group, then the earlier de-emphasis of
family status may have been premature.
When the family statuses of the two groups are compared,
find
that they are quite similar.
we
Within both groups the number
of women who have parents who work in professional or semiprofessional
occupations and
fairly evenly split.
Again,
those whose parents do not are
this implies
that family status does
not appear to be strongly related to an eventual career choice in
management
by these women.
recalled having a black
In addition, none of the women
female corporate or public sector manager who served as a role
model.
Two women did note that they each had a brother who was
involved in business. One had a brother who was a white collar
worker for a corporation as part of an educational cooperative
program;
college.
the other had a brother who majored
Again,
these
women were
evenly
129
split
in business
between
in
the
the "straight path" group.
and
"detour" group
The average age of the "straight path" group is thirtyof management
their choice
They typically described
three.
a
as
process of elimination between the fields of business/management,
law and medicine.
The average
opportunities in
broader
this field through jobs that they held in
the
sector.
private
It
to
exposed
were
they
after
occurred
that
process
into management as a
described their movement
They typically
thirty-eight.
the "detour path" group is
age of
my belief
is
important because of the historical
the two groups of women is
in
position
time
along
continuum
the
Movement-in which their ages placed
women in
the average age of
that the difference in
Civil
the
of
Rights'
Specifically, the
them.
the "detour path" group would have been completing their
high school and college education and entering the job market
during the
early period of the Civil Rights'
I believe
that
their
traditionally filled
initial
movement
As such.
Movement.
into
jobs
that were
by black women represented a rational action
given the societal conditions that prevailed during the period in
which they were making major career decisions.
The
In a very
concrete way
black people in
important
Movement
Rights'
Civil
level
changed
it
impetus,
the opportunity structure for
raised black people's expectations about what
they could seek to achieve.
legislation,
conditions.
On a less tangible but no less
this country.
it
those
changed
for which
the
In addition,
Civil
ultimately created
an
the Affirmative Action
Rights'
Movement
environment
130
that
was
the
opened
opportunities
for these women.
Concomittantly,
and college during
high school
have been in
the period
in
which
Movement was making advances and its impact was
the Civil Rights'
Given the time period in which
throughout society.
being felt
the "straight path" group would
the women in
they were making major career decisions, it is to be expected
that these women should have been aware of opportunities for
find a situation in which none of the women in
we
Thus,
study had
role models.
traditional
which either
this
Few came from families
in
or
semi-professional
even fewer came from families
in which a parent
parent
And,
occupations.
worked in
occupations.
in non-traditional
themselves
in
worked
professional
They followed
non-traditional or managerial positions.
different entry paths to management, but ended up in private
track positions roughly around the same time
sector management
period (mid
- 1970's).
Given all
of these
factors,
I would
like to suggest an
alternative to sociological and psychological theories
individual role models and
family status as the major influences
on the career decisions of women.
political movement
the outcomes
that was
that posit
the collective
I believe that
led by civil
rights'
activists,
that they generated exerted a stronger
and
influence on
the women in this study.
Indeed,
without exception,
Civil Rights Movement
the
Civil
Rights'
all
of the women spoke of how the
influenced their
movement
opened
doors,
lives.
They stated that
provided
opportunities
and heightened their awareness of the new opportunities.
example,
comments
For
by a woman who took a detour path and one who
131
straight
took a
path
that
below typify
quoted
respectively
are
the sentiments that their counterparts expressed to me:
Generally, that movement enabled me to feel that I
could do anything. My family always told me that but I
The Civil Rights' Movement
didn't have the exposure.
gave me the exposure because there were places where I
could go to work and do what I wanted to do and it
It improved everybody's
makes you feel more credible.
self image and made me not embarrassed about being
I think that the bigger issue
black or being female.
is being black.
I think it created the opportunity for me to go
grew up thinking I could do
out and seize -- I really
anything I wanted to do and I think that's because I was
told that, I was reading it, hearing it, seeing it.
Summary
the
The data collected in
interviews with the black female
and psychological
managers did not support sociological
regarding
Right's Movement
Civil
role models or family
the influence of individual
status on women's career decisions.
theory
instead,
that,
I suggest
the
exerted a stronger influence on the women
who participated in this study.
One implication of the information that was presented above
is
that the black women who participated
early exposure
to management
that their white peers may have
gotten as a result of growing up in
were
managers.
acculturated
become
to
the
to
the
for which they work.
in
must
not
only
environment
environment
their fathers
which
homes
business
for which they work;
acculturated
companies
group
former
the general
acculturated
companies
become
to
The
lacked the
this study
in
of
become
but
the
also must
particular
the latter group may need only to
environment
As a result,
of
the
particular
black female managers
may be at a comparative disadvantage to their white counterparts.
132
Section Two
Mobility
progression of the
those
career
colleagues
of
rate
normal
the
including
factors
informal
rates;
growth
such as
that
those
and
relationships
work
and ability;
factors
structural
formal
those
are
mentors,
with
and superiors.
in
Clearly,
the women
a number of
with
and
paths
with
associated
to
associated
that are
company
we should
with one's personal competence
are associated
that
of the black
Specifically,
than
in
worker.
typical
related
is
Mobility
If
found
should be
career mobility
faster
is
progress
their
that
this
of
study.
this
in
women who participated
find
the
in
of progression
rates
the
an indication
true,
this assertion is
have
scholars
some
as
well
are "doubly-advantaged" workers.
women
black
that
asserted
as
media
the
that
chapter
this
to
in the introductions to the dissertation and
It was noted
this
in
the absence of data on the co-workers
study and other
firm-specific
data,
a
However,
can not be made.
mobility
of their
complete analysis
relevant
of each of
the concept of mobility can be measured in a number of ways. This
include
could
in
levels
career
in
changes
absolute
of responsibility,
ladders,
organizations
Because
and movement
(Work,
this
se,
earnings,
progress
rate
of
from
lower
changes
along defined
to higher
levels
in
1982).
study was
designed
of individuals within corporations
per
or relative
the examination
of
to
rather
the mobility
133
explore
the
experiences
than of corporations
of the women can perhaps
I will focus
Consequently,
be best addressed by the last measure.
level of achievement of the women and look for
on the current
likely explanatory variables regarding their status.
view of the careers of the black female
When an overall
more than one-half of
taken, we find that slightly
managers is
will be referred to as High Achievers.
President
of Vice
the
in
Director
oil,
(VP),
They have reached the
Head,
Department
or
Division
manufacturing,
automobile
communications or banking industries.
group
The first
the companies for which they work.
progress in
level
or have made rapid
have reached a high level
the group (N=15)
tele-
All of these industries
are widely known for their underrepresentation of white and black
women and black men except at low level positions.
group of Women will be referred to as Rapid Achievers.
reached upper middle or senior
starting there.
They have
level management positions in
These two groups will be
the
focus of this
of the chapter.
section
the previous
In
women to each other.
outside group.
comparison will
section of this chapter,
I compared
Because I do not have a control group,
necessarily
be
sketchy
and
should provide a reasonably objective measure for
assessing
the strength of the double-advantage hypothesis.
the best source for a comparative group can be found
a recent book by John Kotter (1982)
on
managers who had reached a level of status in
which
such a
non-systematic.
it
Perhaps
the
compare them to an
In this section I will
However,
in
the
eight years of
for which they work within four to
companies
The second
they have multi-functional
fifteen white male
their companies in
responsibilities (general
134
In the paragraphs that follow,
managers).
mobility of a subset of the general managers'
compare the
I will
group with the two
with whom
general managers
groups of black female managers.
The
the comparisons are made work in
companies that are similar in
size and industry as those of the black female managers.
The comparisons of the black female managers are based on
their rate of progress
in
reaching
The comparisons
achievement.
on their rate of progress in
their highest
levels
of
for the general managers are based
reaching the level of VP, in
order
to account for the highest level of achievement among the high
achiever group.
The comparisons that I make between these two
groups and the conclusions that I draw will
assumptions:
be based on three
1. The rate of progress of a group of men who
ultimately reached the levels of President or Chief Executive
Officer
in
their careers is
typical worker.
time to reach
2.
it
lower level of achievement
than the
we cannot conclude that the progress of the
female managers
general managers.
faster than that of the
takes the black female managers more
the same or a
general managers,
black
If
likel-y to be
3. If
has
it
been more rapid
than
that of
takes the black female manager the
same amount of time (or less) to reach the same or a lower
of achievement
is
the
than the general managers,
level
we can suggest that it
possible that the progress of the black female managers has
been
more
intervening
rapid
than
the
general
factors can be identified.
135
managers
unless
other
Comparison between the General Managers and the Black Female High
Achievers
Of the fifteen
f'our
of
general managers that Kotter interviewed,
as the high achiever
followed a similar work pattern
working continuously at
group
large manufacturing companies or
large banks.
As regards
education,
than
educated group
achievers
have
managers have
the high
achievers
are a more highly
All
the general managers.
earned MBA degrees;
MBA degrees
either a BS or BA degree.
and
of
the high
fifty percent of the general
the
remaining
fifty percent
function,
As regards management
all
the high achievers came up the ranks through functional
that are not considered to be central
up the ranks
through functional areas
business of the company (core
of
areas
to the business of the
of the general managers
functions) while all
company (itaff
have
that are central
came
to the
or line functions).
The average number of years that the general managers worked
at
their companies
reaching
the
Given that functional
was ten years.
typically
before
longer
than staff career
level
of
Vice
line career
President
ladders are
ladders we would
expect
the
high achievers to reach the level of Vice President or Department
Head within roughly the same amount of time.
not
the case.
Rather,
However,
the average number of years
this is
that the high
achievers worked at their companies before reaching the
level of
Vice President or Department Head was fourteen years. As such,
the progress of the high achievers is,
at best,
what one would
expect and could possibly be considered slower than what one
would expect given their education and functional area.
136
Comparison between
the General Managers and the Black Female
Rapid Achievers
The rapid achievers are also a more highly educated group
than the general
managers who work in
comparable
companies.
Proportionately more of the rapid achievers have graduate degrees
(67% MBAs; 11% MPA) than do the general managers (60% MBAs).
functional
regards
areas
of management,
the rapid achievers
As
are
more similar to the general managers than the high achievers
were.
All of the general managers work in line functions as
compared
to 67% of the rapid achievers.
When we consider the
average years that were taken by the two groups to reach the
level of VP in
of VP,
the case of the general managers,
Assistant Vic President (AVP),
Manager by
the
rapid
achievers,
managers took an average of
we
and the levels
National
find
Sales Account
that
the
general
nine years while the rapid achievers
took an average of four years. Upon close examination we
find
that there are factors that may provide explanations for the
rapid progress of this group of black female managers.
One
within
third of the women in
four
years
this group reached the level of VP
of starting
their
jobs
in
the banking
or
insurance industries. All noted that the rapid progress that they
have achieved was spurred by affirmative action efforts
that were
initiated by their companies.
Another
33% percent
of
the
rapid
achievers
companies that have very different products computers,
and pay
television services.
links this group of rapid achievers is
137
work
for
consumer goods,
The common thread
that they all
that
work for
In addition,
companies that have been experiencing rapid growth.
plant and the pay television company at which
the consumer goods'
They have
two of the rapid achievers work are both very young.
achievers started working for
five years
that
Both of the rapid
for about twelve years.
existance
only been in
these companies within the first
that this rapid
I believe
they were opened.
growth and the age of the companies were the impetus for the rate
experienced by these black female managers.
of progression
Kanter (1984)
presented evidence
that
career
the
paths
different from
within high technology companies are radically
are
those that typify older, established companies. The latter
internal
by well-defined
characterized
involve a process of vertical movement up a
within a~specific functional area.
technology
personnel
companies
such
creates
that the mobility of all
only one BFM in
markets which
labor
career
long
ladder
The rapid growth of high
a
employees
is
qualified
for
demand
enhanced.
While
this group works for a high technology firm,
I
believe that the the other two companies are characterized by the
that Kanter has
same phenomenon
Finally,
the last
identified.
rapid achievers
third of the
includes
a
national retail sales manager in a consumer product manufacturing
Vice Presidents
company, and two
a consumer
company,
product manufacturing
respectively.
achievers is
companies,
of size,
The
company
common
and an advertising
link between
that they each work for companies
owned and operated.
owned
who work in staff functions in
I believe that
because
may have
of cultural
environments
that the black
or perhaps
that are conducive
138
rapid
that are black
this implies
factors
these
because
to the upward
This observation is consistant with my
mobility of black women.
Chapter Four regarding the comparisons between the
findings in
level managers.
status of middle and senior
Summary
I examined the mobility of sixteen black female managers who
the level of Vice President or Department Head at
have attained
corporate headquarters,
or who have made rapid progress within a
In so doing I found that
short period of working for a company.
in
can be reasonably
three cases these achievements
but
all
action efforts.
attributed to factors other than affirmative
Indeed,
81% of the
in
the mobility
cases,
a)
associated with one of three factors:
average of
service
tenure -
with a particular company,
young,
I believe this implies that,
the very least,
a clear majority of
regardless of race or gender, would have,
at
experienced a similar mobility pattern.
Moreover,
I
would
cautiously
venture
say
to
that
the
of the high achievers may have been slower than what we
might expect,
given their functional
educational
attainment.
managers
in
black owned and
the circumstances were such that any
the cases examined above,
qualified person,
-
rapidly growing company; or c)
company ownership - working for a company that is
progress
spending an
age and growth rate of a company
relative
b)
working for a relatively
operated.
the women was
in a particular functional area with more than
(or in one case,
one company);
in
years
fourteen
of
in
line
four years earlier
functions
I
think
reached
areas,
years of service
the
fact
the
level
that
of
the
Vice
and
general
President
than a group of more highly educated black
139
this
for
functions provides support
women who work in staff
assertion.
as
addition,
In
regards
the
who
achievers
rapid
three
entered their companies during a time when the companies had
They came to these companies with strong
fast-track material.
(MBA
backgrounds
educational
from
degrees
Southern California, Harvard and Wharton),
the University
of personnel data that is
In the absence
specific to their companies,
roughly
same
the
without
progression
of
rate
I can only
they might have
suggest that given their credentials,
experienced
of
and two of them had
previous work experience at Fortune 500 companies.
cautiously
my opinion,
in
they were,
strong affirmative action programs,
had they been
assistance from an affirmative action program if
white mal-es.
Limits to Mobility
I have considered
mobility or reached high
Now I will
work.
the cases of those who have had rapid
levels
in
for which they
the companies
turn attention to those who have experienced
limits to their mobility during the course of their careers.
so
doing
I will
identify
to
contributed
that
factors
In
these
limits.
In a seminal study of workers in
identified
individual's
three
structure of corporations
of a corporation,
factors
structural
mobility.
These
corporations,
factors
- that is
are:
can
limit
1) the
an
pyramid
as one gets closer to the top
the number of available positions decreases; 2)
movement into a dead end job, that is,
career
that
Kanter (1977)
a job
that has a short
ladder ; and 3) movement through the wrong route into a
140
such that the person in
job that normally has many opportunities
the job
that exist.
opportunies
careers
When the
of their careers.
The
that
we find
are examined
of the BFMs
nearly one-half of the sample (44%)
the course
of the
to take advantage
necessary skills
the
lacks
have hit "ceilings" during
to mobility experienced
limits
by thirty-six percent of these women can be attributed to two of
the three structural factors that have been identified by Kanter.
The
64% of
remaining
for
mobility
reasons
group will
second
the
be referred
group will
This first
and/or sexism.
to racism
I believe can be attributed
that
be
referred
their
to
limits
the women experienced
to as staff
as
to
core
managers
and
managers.
The circumstances of these two groups will be examined
separately in the paragraphs below.
this,
Following
I will
examine the characteristics of the women who have not reported
that they have experienced
limits to their mobility.
The purpose
of this examination is to look for patterns that may provide
insight about why some women tended to hit ceilings while others
have not.
Group One: Staff Managers
All
works in
for
of the women in
banking,
this group work in
another
manufacturing
companies.
Presidents and the rest are
have masters'
for a conglomerate
group
The
staff.positions.
and
the others work
includes
titled as managers.
One
two
Vice
All of the women
degrees (75% MBA; 25% MPA).
None hit ceilings because of the pyramid structure of the
corporations
for which they work.
Rather,
141
their mobility was
a dead end job or by coming up the
limited either by ending up in
of one
ranks through the wrong route. For example the situation
wrong
the
highlights
woman
of a
a subsidiary
and Administration in
of Personnel
President
Vice
the
is
She
dilemma.
route
Fortune 500 manufacturing company and has had seven bosses during
for her bosses'
not considered
another
of
situation
The
track
career
she became
woman
highlights
the
in
Three
years
Opportunity
Employment
of Equal
the manager
her
manufacturing
track.
personnel
may
what
She started
chemical
in a diversified
a generalist
followed
company and
and never worked
dead end job problem.
undoubtedly be a classic
management
ladder
of the company.
areas
technical
ago
human resources/personnel
her route up the corporate
path in
technical
lacked a
she
job because
She followed a straight
background.
she was
She noted that
year tenure with the company.
her eight
(EEO)
in the company for which she works and has held that position
then.
since
ever
personnel,
her
that
feels
move
a natural
of a division,
director
stated
She
to a position
for her would be
has
not
her
given
"any
in
as a
However,
she
points"
and
not give her director
that management will
consequently believes
background
or a VP of Human Resources.
job
EEO
her
given
that
or VP responsibilities.
Core Managers
Group Two:
All
areas.
of
the
women
They
are
more
in
public
limits
accounting,
to
group
work in
broadly distributed
their peers in group one.
experienced
this
among
functional
line
industries
The types of companies in
their
banking,
include:
mobility
manufacturing
142
than
which they
advertising,
(consumer
goods),
and
One of the women experienced
retailing.
in
her mobility
goods
consumer
operated
and
owned
black
a
to
limits
company
manufacturing company. The majority of the women have MBA degrees
(57%),
and
another is completing the course work to become a
certified public acccountant. The remaining 29% of the women have
BA degrees.
All of the women did the "right things".
on career tracks in
manufacturing companies;
an
are generally
consumer goods
as being the routes to the top of
they came
area without
These are areas
lending in banking.
recognized
organization. And
functional
they got
areas that were central to the business of
ie., sales or product marketing in
the company,
that
That is,
the
up
taking detours
ranks
through
their
into dead end jobs or
unrelated areas.
Yet they found themselves bumping into ceilings that were
not inherent in
the functional
the structure of the internal
areas in
control
performance
example,
the ceilings
Rather,
created by individuals within corporations
were artificially
had
which they worked.
labor markets of
over
the distribution
reviews
of
the women
of work,
who worked
promotions,
for
one woman recalled a particularly painful
them.
experience
who
and
For
in
her career in which her manager deliberately erected barriers to
her mobility:
intent
I was not prepared for the level of evil
be
would
work
the
knew
I
among the managers there.
I
am
that
difficult, but I did not expect the fact
reluctant
very
Management was
black to be a barrier.
to accept blacks at any level, it was a very hostile
environment for black people... My manager would change
deadlines on me, making it impossible for me to get
assignments in on time. There was no recourse because
143
. it
was management's
yo.urs.
word against
Her only recourse was to seek employment with another company,
which she ultimately ended up doing.
Another woman who feels that she has currently reached a
ceiling in her present job noted that the next step in her career
job.
progression would have been her boss'
When it
became known
that her boss was being promoted and his job was opening up she
applied
for it
but was passed over.
The job was given to a white
male whom she feels is less qualified than she:
It (the job) was between me and this other woman.
We were both interested in the position. We both wrote
separately to the manager of the office, but at the
same time neither one of us was going to get the
position because there was going to be too much in the
involved, and neither one of us was
way of politics
close enough to the guy making the decision because
that interested in being close to
they're not really
women on a professional basis. I know we both asked my
if we're not going to get the job, why
boss "Well,
want someone
And, he told me that "We really
not?"
aspects of
administrative
of
knowledge
that has 'more
To me,
have.
didn't
I
the office", which admittedly
you
are
I said "Well,
something you can learn.
it's
said
He
going to hire someone who has those skills?"
They wound up hiring some white male who has no
"Yes".
He has no
experience in this kind of lending.
He doesn't know
experience in this group of the bank.
He didn't know
the administrative paper work.
that he could
enough
intelligent
he's
anything, except
a whole lot
learn
to
have
to
going
learn the job. He's
the actual
do
to
how
At least I know
more than I am.
lending.
She is
currently investigating the possiblities for employment in
the high technology field.
Implications of Constraints on the Mobility of the Core Managers
It is possible that problems that the women in group two had
were
company
specific.
for
That
it may
is,
which they
individual
companies
unreceptive
to women and black people.
144
worked
just
were
be
that
hostile
the
or
While I certainly do not
that there may be individual
wish to downplay the possibility
companies
that
are
unreceptive
the upward mobility
the women in group two worked in
First,
of black
I hesitate to draw this conclusion
people and women,
reasons.
to
seven different
Second,
companies in five different industries.
for two
all
of the
group two who experienced limits to their mobility on
women in
account of race or gender work in
line
functions.
The combination of the breadth of their industry and company
distribution,
and the fact that all
areas,
that
implies
Rather,
functional
I would
suggest
that these
resistance on the part of management
there is
imply that
core
the problems they experience may not be
solely company specific.
factors
work in
toward the upward mobility of black women who work in
that are central
areas
This
areas
Core
to the business of the company.
assertion is consistent
theories presented
in Chapter Two.
from which future corporate
functional
positions
with
the conflict/radical
Core functional areas are
executive officers
are chosen.
area positions and corporate executive officer
are overwhelmingly held by
conflict/radical
functional
theories
postulate
that
white males.
white males
The
strive
to
keep those who are not like them out of positions of status and
power.
The ascribed
status
of black females
is
the antithetis of
that of white males. I believe that this theoretical
and the reality
support my earlier
company
specific,
framework
of the incidents reported by the core managers
contention that the incidents are not soley
but rather,
may be function specific.
My assertion quite naturally begs
145
the question,
"Why
is
it
that all
of the women in
did
report
not
mobility?"
that
I will
core functions
the sample who work in
they have
experienced
this question
address
in
limits
to
their
that
the paragraphs
follow.
Women Who Have Not Experienced Limits to Their Mobility
Core Managers
not report that
they have
experienced
to
their mobility,
43% work in
the women either work in
companies that were experiencing rapid growth or (in
work for a company that has
core
considered
When their company distribution is
all except two cases
we find that in
limits
of fourteen women,
we find that out of a total
function positions.
the sample who did
made of the women in
When an overview is
one case)
a strong affirmative action program.
In short,~with the two exceptions,
these
are the rapid achievers
It is
who were examined in the Mobility section of this chapter.
possible
that,
affirmative
if
the rapid growth of the companies ceases or the
action program is
these women may be
dismantled,
faced with the same type of problems as their counterparts.
As regards the two women who do not work for companies that
are
experiencing such rapid growth or,
knowledge),
do not have
affirmative
strong
is
possible that they work in
to
the upward mobility of black females.
firm-specific
information
companies
is
needed
firms
that (to
my
action
programs,
it
in
that
are more receptive
Clearly,
to
more detailed
better
assess
the
situations of these two women.
Staff Managers
The women in
a dead end job.
this group avoided the pitfalls
Rather,
of moving into
they stayed on general personnel
146
career
tracks.
have come through a
all
that
in
work
that
are
auto,
etc.),
and
limits to their mobility as
lack a technical
they climb the corporate ladder because the
short,
In
background.
this
in
section.
data on the careers of these women would be required
Longitudinal
in
the "wrong route"
earlier
identified
that was
mobility inhibitor
encounter
they may
possible
is
It
route.
straight staff
they may ultimately experience
companies
oil,
tele-communications,
(ie.
technically based
all
time,
same
the
At
order to evaluate my hypothsis.
Summary
When
tended to work in
limits
experienced
find
we
that
by Kanter
identified
In contrast, the women who
functions.
staff
the women who have
examined,
barriers
the typical
encountered
of
responsibilities
limits to their mobility are
experienced
those who
functional
the
to their mobility
for reasons that
I (and
issues
tended
they) believe can be attributed to race and gender
functional areas of management that were core to the
to work in
business of the company.
Implications
is
pathing
particularly
areas.
almost without
about the
of
the informal
the above
structure of
career
at the very least as important as formal
issues,
functional
three implications
First, it appears that
observations.
a company
least
at
are
There
Indeed,
for
the
who
work
in
core
in the course of the interviews,
exception the managers
impact of
women
raised
a number of
issues
informal side of organizations on their
professional (and personal)
lives. The importance of informal
147
factors on the mobility of managerial workers has been widely
discussed
Maanen,
1979; Schein,
better able than women in
along paths
to
in
less
functions may be
in staff
to direct their careers
core functions
which they are
Van
1977;
1978).
1983; Alvarez,
it appears that women
Second,
Kanter,
1984;
by a number of scholars (Work,
likely to encounter barriers
their mobility.
Third,
it
the
observation about
that my earlier
appears
possibility
that black owned and operated
enviornment
that
have
companies
an
more conducive to the upward mobility of
is
it
Instead,
black women may need to be qualified.
is
possible
that this is more true for women who work in staff positions than
in core
function positions.
I make
this
very
statement
the sample only included one black woman who
cautiously because
a core function for a black owned c.ompany and who felt
worked in
limits to her mobility in
that she experienced
the company.
Conclusion
In the beginning of this chapter,
I set my goal as being an
assessment of the contention that black females are a doublyadvantaged
experiences
private
examined
the
of twenty-five black female managers who work in
the
To
group.
sector.
In
this
evaluate
particular
claim
focussed
I
background, their upward mobility, and
I
on
their
family
constraints on their
I had three hypotheses in mind as I approached these
mobility.
issues.
the occupational
distribution of black people
this country I believed that it
would be unlikely that the
First,
in
women in
given
this
study would have black
148
female managers or
family
members in management who could serve as role models.
that,
contrary
emphasize
to
the
traditional
sociological
importance
career
influenced
of
psychological
these
choices,
factors
given my conclusion in
black women with comparable
and education did not
advancement,
viewpoint
that
women's
non-
Chapter
appear
to have
that
this sample.
Four that white and
years of management
I posed an alternative
that
on
theories
there must be other factors
the career choices of the women in
Second,
better
and
I contended
experience,
age
the same opportunities
for
hypotheses to the popular
black women are being promoted more rapidly than
qualified white males
solely
because
of affirmative
action. Instead, I suggested that there were reasons unrelated to
race or gender that could explain the progress of those in the
sample who have experienced rapid mobility and reached high
levels.
Third,
given all
discrimination
believed
against
or
I learned about access
white
female
and
gender,
on
a)
b)
be
mobility because of their race
subject
to
managers,
be subject
their mobility as any worker,
and
and treatment
black male
that black female managers would:
same constraints
race
that
to the
regardless
constraints
on
I
of
their
and sex.
When I evaluated my hypotheses in
light of the self-reported
experiences of the twenty-five black female managers
I found that
each of my hypotheses receives some support from these admittedly
narrow data.
First,
did
they
the women did not have black female role models,
have
family
members
who
149
worked
in
private
nor
sector
position.
management
parent
who
occupation.
Rights'
worked
In
in
they
addition,
a
professional
tended
or
career choice of these women.
I found.that approximately one-half of the sample
had achieved high levels in
their companies or had made rapid
Within this group,
progress.
in
the overwhelming majority of
a) length of service
cases their mobility could be explained by:
rapid growth and age of company.
affirmative
This is
action pressures may not have
the point
is
that they experienced
circumstances that any qualified person,
gender,
the Civil
Movement probably exerted a stronger influence on the
Second,
Rather,
to have a
semi-professional
Based on these findings, I suggested that
non-traditional
or b)
not
not to say that
assisted
these
women.
upward mobility under
regardless
of race or
would have been likely to experience.
Third,
in examining the cases of women who have experienced
limits to their mobility I found' that,
overall,
they experienced
typical mobility inhibitors plus race and gender related mobility
inhibitors.
functions
More important,
tended
I found
that women who work in
line
to experience race and gender related mobility
inhibitors while women who
work in
staff
functions
tended to
experience only the typical mobility inhibitors.
Given all
of the evidence,
I believe
that black women are doubly-advantaged
a statement
of fiction than it
is
in
of fact.
150
that the assertion
the work place is
more
CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSION
151
Chapter Six:
Conclusion
about by
been bantered
one
1978).
(Epstein,
issue
this
function,
a mathematical
like
that,
contended
she
stated
Simply
has
least
at
And,
public.
the general
a theory around
developed
scholar
black
the workplace?"
in
group
"Are
women may be doubly-advantaged
group of
this
that
question:
central
the
with
a doubly-advantaged
women
professional
The notion
research
this
I began
the
two negative statuses of being black and being female cancel
out
each other and
that
black
professional
an
women have
have only one of these two negative
The
advantage
over
its merits was no
is,
occupations
professional
theoretical
professional
and
work
empirical
and
theoretical
that
because of the fact
arose primarily'
The difficulty
empirical
work
on
best,
on
black
is
in
women
black
Moreover,
sparse.
at
male-dominated occupations
who
women
work
in
almost non-existent.
I found myself with a two-fold
As a result
those who
statuses. This theory sounded
Once the question was posed, assessing
easy task.
is
result
logical to me.
but not intuitively
mathematically
status.
a positive
turn into
task.
I
First,
had to develop a primary data source on black female managers who
work in
professional
a male-dominated
occupation.
on white male,
belief
work in
better
jobs.
that
in
white
female
order to increase
these higher paying,
understanding
of
the
and black male managers
the number of black
higher status
experiences
of
I conducted a survey and generated
152
my
of secondary
inquiry on managers because of the proliferation
data
focussed
I
and my
women who
jobs,
we must have a
those
who hold
185 responses
these
from
black female managers,
private
sector.
for-profit
this group who were,
corporations in
156 of whom work in
I interviewed
twenty-five women from
the majority of whom had MBA degrees.
managers,
level
senior or middle
with one exception,
the
Second I had to
compare my data to secondary data sources.
My first
step in
this inquiry was to focus on social science
theories of occupational segregation.
were
theories
Despite the fact that the
around black women
not developed
for two reasons.
was the best place to start
I believed
that
Since the social
sciences are concerned with the explanation of social phenomena I
that
thought
the
psychology,
of
disciplines
economics would: a) shed light on the notion that I call
place which implies
of a woman's
jobs; and b)
for managerial
and
sociology
the myth
not well
that women are
suited
I thought the theories might provide
insight on the experiences of women who work in male-dominated
occupations.
this
From
I
found
that
who
enter
occupations
male-dominated
blocked opportunity
difficulties,
existing
structures,
such as fear of success,
Having reviewed
the
theory,
empirical work.
theme
that
is
a
The
theme is that
are
likely
to
such as resistance from co-
experience external difficulties,
workers,
there
discipline or paradigm boundaries.
transcends
women
review
etc., and/or internal
role conflicts,
my next step was
I relied on
etc.
to review the
two data
sources.
To
address the internal barrier issue I reviewed socio-psychological
work on career aspirations of black and white women.
managers specifically,
(almost
To address
I reviewed studies that compared black
invariably male) and white female managers.
153
the internal
As regards
was
little
evidence
that
that black women experience
and white women
black men
that
in
the
few
are almost
cases
where
white women were;
against,
discriminated
I
are more
Moreover, I
men
in
few cases where
the
were
not
black men were.
My interpretation of this information is
occupations
invariably
black
white women were not discriminated against,
male-dominated
there
fear of success
subject to access and treatment discrimination.
found
that
I found
issue,
In reviewing the comparisons of managers
or role conflicts.
found
barrier
that black women in
likely to encounter external
barriers to their mobility than they are to encounter internal
barriers
to
contrary.to
professional
their mobility.
Specifically,
popular
it
belief,
women will
is
that
black
likely
burden of
discrimination on account of their race and gender
than that
status
will
cases where racial
gender
give
to
that,
the double
their dual
be subject
more
I believe
them a double-advantage.
discrimination may take a back seat,
issue will be at the forefront.
Similarly,
gender discrimination may take a back seat,
be at the forefront.
it
The bottom
appears to me that it
racial
And,
is
in
in
the
cases where
the racial issue will
line of this assessment
is
that
unlikely that black women will escape
or gender discrimination.
Rather, it is
likely that they
will experience both forms of discrimination.
In
Chapter Four I made four kinds of comparisons with
data set of 156 black
female manager who are employed in
my
the
private sector corporations.
First,
I profiled the total
sample and compared the women
154
senior
level managers have similar age and management experience
profiles,
more
that
but
highly
senior
that
the middle
educated,
but
level managers
companies may be more conducive
It
surveys
large as that of the middle
comparison
could
executives.
black female managers in
with
surveys
find
between
that
these
of white males
These managers
two
only
far out pace
number of years in
terms of their age,
and earnings.
Third,
I compared
the black female managers with a group of
white female managers who are comparable
of years of work experience
in
terms of age,
number
attainment.
I found
and educational
in
that the black women were highly concentrated
companies
while
concentrated
in
the black
of black
to the upward mobility
for
I
that
focussed on senior level
management
revealed
did not take long to realize
no basis
was
The
the data
the black female managers
of white male managers.
groups.
than the
than that of white owned companies.
I compared
really
group
I suggested that the environment of black owned
level managers.
Second,
a
level managers who work for black
owned companies was four times as
women managers
of
Closer examination
level managers.
were on average
less well compensated
the proportion of senior
there
I found that middle and
level.
with each other by management
their
white
the service
female managers
counterparts
were
highly
industries.
With
were
highly concentrated
more
the
manufacturing
that
in
executive jobs
personnel and underconcentrated
in
than the white
the functional profiles of these
two groups
female
female managers,
were
managers
similar.
far
non-specific
exception
However,
exceeded
the salaries
those of
155
of the white
the black females.
I
from this investigation that that highly educated white
concluded
women appear to have a greater chance for upward mobility than
highly educated black women.
I added
Fourth,
information from a survey of black male
managers who were of comparable age and education to the third
Like their female counterparts,
also highly concentrated
work in
pattern emerged.
In so doing I found that a racial
comparison.
the black male managers
were
in manufacturing companies and tended to
and personnel
the marketing/sales
functional
areas.
Moreover, as regards salaries, they too were far exceeded by the
female managers.
white
The
last comparison that I made was between the women in my
sample who held the title
I
managers.
of Vice President with the white
female
found that while the industrial and functional
distribution
of
concentration
in
banking
and finance)
level of educational
attainment
the wide divergence
in
a
heavier
and they had a much higher
than their white counterparts,
remained.
salaries
generated several questions
(to
shifted
females
the black
This investigation
for future research:
Questions For Future Research
o Did corporations
(especially manufacturing
companies)
create or reserve personnel jobs for black people while under
affirmative
action
pressure
to
hire
and
promote
qualified
minorities?
o
Do
black
people make
informed
choices
when
they take
personnel jobs, or are they steered to those positions?
o
What accounts for the higher mobility of black female
156
in
is
Or,
size an intervening variable?
looking at a slice
size is
it
because we are
time black women in
time and perhaps over
white owned companies who may have access
ladders (if
their
Is it a matter of culture
counterparts in white owned companies?
or is
to
black owned companies as compared
managers who work in
an issue) may out-distance
longer career
to
their counterparts
in black owned companies?
o
there
Are
aspects
(formal and informal)
in
dynamics
the
the workplace
of
to my observation
that contribute
black women who have achieved a higher level
that
of educational
age and management
attainment than white females of comparable
experience do not experience a similar degree of mobility?
In the fifth chapter of this dissertation I took another cut
at the double-advantage question by focussing on the issue of the
of black
mobility
with
female managers.
I began
this
investigation
three hypotheses.
First,
that
influences
role
believed
models
and
are
status
family
career
on their non-traditional
the occupational
theoretical
the sociological and psychological
managers would fit
models
was unlikely that black female
I hypothesized that it
choice.
the
Rather,
major
given
this country,
distribution of black people in
that their career choice had to be influenced by
I
other
factors.
Second,
viewpoint
I hypothesized
that affirmative
professional
contrary
that,
action programs
women more rapidly
than
for the mobility of the women in
other workers,
this study.
157
the
popular
are propelling
unrelated
examination would provide explanations
race
to
black
close
to gender and
Third,
based on the
Three
I hypothesized
three
kinds of
Chapters
in
that black women are vunerable
factors
company structural
reviews
literature
can
that
to at least
their ,mobility:
inhibit
racism and c)
factors; b)
Two and
a)
sexism.
Each of these hypotheses was supported by my interview data.
Hypothesis One -
Evidence
First, I found that most of the women did not have parents
who work in
only two had family members who worked in
Movement
managment positions
that the Civil
I suggested
(both were small business owners).
Rights'
occupations and
professional or semi-professional
influence on the lives
exerted a greater
of
these women than did family status or role models.
One of the implications of not having a family member in
that the women were not exposed to business culture
management is
in
the
that
way
most
and
male
white
female
managers
are.
Therefore the black women must spend time becoming generally
to a business environment unlike many of their white
acculturated
counterparts.
could help ease this
Mentors
been written
in
recent
years
on
Indeed,
transition.
value
the
much has
of mentors.
And,
studies of successful white male and female managers report that
have
the majority
careers,
strong mentors
and
sponsors
who
follow
providing guidance and creating opportunities.
the role of mentors was not discussed in
the text,
it
their
Although
should be
noted
that none of the women described mentor relationships that
were
similar
Rather,
all
to
those
that
successful
white
managers
have.
of the mentor relationships that were described by
158
the black' female managers were short-term and 'informal.
that are truly interested
Businesses
female
black
of qualified
Ortho-Diagnostics,
programs.
all
a subsidiary of the Johnson and
such a program for all
initiated
Company,
Johnson Products
and
particular
in
managers
the upward mobility
general might consider developing mentor
in
qualified managers
in
entry managers two years ago.
Favorable
evaluations
of
new
the
program have been made by the mentors and those who have been
It
program.
the
mentored
in
programs
could be particularly
workers,
would
appear
useful
regardless of race or gender,
while
that
such
for black people all
could undoubtedly benefit
from such programs.
Hypothesis Two -
Evidence
Approximately one-half of the sample has made rapid progress
or has achieved the level of Vice President or Department Head at
corporate headquarters.
Rapid
programs in
mobility
was
associated
with
affirmative
action
only three cases. I suggested that the qualifications
of these three women were such that if they had been white males
they might have been "fast-tracked"
In.the rest of the cases,
tenure--long
anyway.
mobility could be explained by
a functional
length of service with a company or in
growing
relatively
circumstances
race or gender,
young company.
anyone with similar
I suggested
that
qualifications,
a rapidly
in
or by company size and growth--employment
area,
under
these
regardless of
should have similar mobility patterns.
Hypothesis Three --
Approximately
Evidence
one-half of
the sample
159
experienced
limits to
their mobility during
the
this
Within
course of their careers.
group, a pattern was observed. Women who work in staff functions,
business
that
in
women who work in
contrast,
the
works
who
anyone
that were related
inhibitors
In
encounter.
to
areas that are central
functional
tended
mobility
the
to
peripheral
might
corporations
of a company
business
inhibitors
to experience
tended
of a company,
as being
viewed
typically
that are
functions
experience
to
mobility
I found this to
to race or gender.
be true for a woman who worked in a black owned company as well
I also found
as for women who worked in white owned companies.
that women who worked in core functional areas who did not report
that they have experienced limits to their mobility tended to
work
for -companies that were experiencing
rapid growth or had a
strong affirmative action program.
Implications of Chapter Five
least four implications to these observations.
I cited at
areas
functional
experiences of
the
First,
women who
the
work in
were consistant with conflict/radical
that were reviewed in
Chapter Two.
That is,
core
theories
women who enter male
dominated occuptions are likely to encounter resistance.
Second,
control
recourse
women who work in
over
the
appears
inhibitors
to
have
core functional
to
been
Their
their mobility.
to
change
little
areas have
jobs,
which
only
all
ultimately ended up doing.
Third,
it
appears
that women who want upward mobility in
core functional areas have better opportunities in
young,
rapidly
growing companies or those that have affirmative action programs
160
than
who
women
not
do
for
work
these
with
companies
characteristics.
Fourth,
women who work in
plan their careers
staff functions need to carefully
to avoid getting detoured to dead end jobs.
the core area(s) of the
They should also try to get experience in
business.
Fifth,
the informal nature of corporations is
important as the formal structures.
interviews
a
that this is
at least as
I have evidence from the
indeed true and will pursue this issue in
later paper.
Sumumary
I
found
little
evidence
to support
the contention
professional black women are doubly-advantaged
In
in
that
the workplace.
the absence of data on the co-workers and companies of the
women who
in
participated
suggest that,
this
study
I
can only cautiously
rather than being doubly-advantaged,
the black
women managers who participated in this study are instead doublyI base my opinion on the following factors:
disadvantaged.
o
They
did
not
come
from
family
familiarity with business was the norm.
backgrounds
but
also,
they
had
to
become
They
did not have corporate sponsors or mentors in
the
term,
They experienced
There is
they worked.
formal relationships).
inhibitors to their mobility on account
of race, gender, and structural
o
acculturated
in
the
classic sense (long
o
environment,
to
environment of the companies for which
o
a
Consequently they had to
not only become acculturated to the business
general,
where
factors.
evidence that in black owned companies where one
161
o
There
is
evidence. that highly
managers do not have
the
an issue.
sexism is
would not expect racism to be an issue,
educated
same opportunities
black female
for upward
mobility
as their white female counterparts.
Because
this
effort at
research was a first
systematically
assessing the popular belief that black women are a doublyadvantaged group
exploratory.
in
professional occupations,
it
was necessarily
As such it raised more questions than it
answered.
It did, I believe, provide ample evidence that the issue of the
double-advantage of black females is based more on fiction than
on fact,
and - that further research is
needed
161
in
this area.
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