Reviews/Comptes rendus Rethinking Nationalism edited by Jocelyne Couture, Kai Nielsen and Michel Seymour. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1998. Pp. viii 703. $48.95. In this collection of essays, there are, in addition to the contributions of the three editors, 18 essays averaging about 28 pages each. Nine of the writers are situated in the United States and seven in Canada. There are three Europeans. Fourteen are philosophers and seven are social scientists. The editors, hereafter the trio, have both an introductory essay and an afterword comprising in all more than a fifth of the whole. By and large it is an intramural debate among various kinds of liberals about the moral and political claims of nationalism. But divisions arise for there are various brands of liberalism, such as the liberalism of Isaiah Berlin, European liberalism, and Rawlsian liberalism. One finds that followers of Rawlsian liberalism have considerable difficulty dealing with nationalism and, with some exceptions, search for an alternative to it in some form of cosmopolitanism, the ecological region, or some as yet undefined transcendence. There is a good deal of attention paid to Will Kymlicka’s views on nationalism, inserting national identities into the Rawlsian framework, but most of the attention is critical with the notable exception of the trio. There is an essay by David Miller, though none by Kymlicka. So the anti-national portions of the book consider nationalism as incompatible with liberal political philosophy, opposed to universality. It is characterized variously as morally arbitrary, imaginary, irrational, barbaric, an illusion, hateful, and warlike. In this kind of polemic even the normal pursuit of the national interest is castigated, as if one elected presidents to represent the citizens of the world. Despite its awareness of the pathology of certain forms of national aspiration, the European liberal 129 viewpoint, at least as seen here, is resigned to living with the tensions implicit between rationalist and romantic conceptions of nationalism, as indeed was Isaiah Berlin. Most striking is the European reliance on historical accounts in contrast to just abstract political philosophy, the latter now enjoying doctrinal status. And then there is the trio. In most cases, editors introducing a collection of essays will attempt to give a succinct description of each contribution and then attempt to weave them together in some fashion. There may be a bit of criticism, though not usually. Here we have a volume in which the editors not only have the first word, but also the last, and criticism is prevalent in both. Their presence is overwhelming and, no doubt because of acquaintance with other editorial jobs, disconcerting. Some of those taken to task might invoke a right of response. Now the important distinction employed by the trio is that between liberal and ethnic nationalism. While in principle, perhaps, the distinction is viable, several of the cases mentioned are mixed at best. I refer to Quebec and Flemish nationalism. Neither the former nor the latter are just ethnic forms, however, the trio too easily brushes aside the sort of pure laine rhetoric utilized by the separatists. And the description of Belgium shows a slanted and sanitized version of Flemish nationalism. The Walloons are never mentioned. The Scandinavian countries are taken as models not only of social democracy — the self-description is liberal socialism — but also of liberal nationalism. The afterword shows an anti-American strain — “a danger to and bully of the world” (p. 592) — and finds no difficulty in combining liberal nationalism and cosmopolitanism, where others stress the disjunction between them. Quebec has a right to independence; certain native peoples will have to accept autonomy as an answer to national aspirations. Some might want to see in the national origins of the editors a clue to the special pleading involved in the afterword. CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000 130 Reviews/Comptes rendus To conclude, one asks what are the consequences of adopting the nationalism of David Miller and Will Kymlicka, or that of the trio. What form of self-determination should the Aboriginal peoples have? Is it consistent, pace the trio, to grant Quebec independence and deny it to the Cree? Furthermore, in CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, international relations much more needs to be explored about the feasibility of humanitarian interventions, dealt with in only one of the submissions. R ALPH N ELSON , Department of Political Science, University of Windsor VOL . XXVI , NO . 1 2000 Reviews/Comptes rendus Fiscal Targets and Economic Growth edited by Thomas J. Courchene and Thomas A. Wilson. Kingston: John Deutsch Institute for the Study of Economic Policy, Queen’s University, 1998. Pp. vii, 404. $24.95. The federal government’s fiscal position deteriorated severely in the first half of the 1990s due to high interest rates and the subsequent economic stagnation. The government reacted to this cyclical rise in the deficit by raising taxes and cutting program spending, resulting in a massive improvement in the structural balance. According to OECD figures (OECD Economic Outlook June 1999, Annex Table 31), the structural balance for all levels of government in Canada experienced a turnaround of seven points from a deficit of 5.3 percent of potential GDP in 1993 to a surplus of 1.6 percent in 1998, the largest structural surplus in the G7 that year. With the decline of interest rates and the pick-up in economic activity in the second half of the decade, this restrictive fiscal stance has led to surpluses, with the uses of the fiscal dividend becoming a key economic and political issue, as seen in the 1997 federal election. To shed light on issues related to the mediumterm fiscal strategy of the federal government, Finance Canada asked Queen’s University’s John Deutsch Institute and the Institute for Policy Analysis of the University of Toronto to organize a conference on fiscal targets and economic growth. The papers in this volume, edited by Tom Courchene and Tom Wilson, represent the proceedings of the conference held in September 1997. The 400-page volume contains 20 papers and comments and it is impossible in a short review to even attempt to do justice to the richness of the contributions. The volume is organized into seven main sections. In the first section on the economic environment for future fiscal policy, Frank Denton and Byron Spencer examine demographic and labour 131 market trends and Rick Harris discusses productivity trends. In the second section, three economic forecasters (DRI/McGraw Hill, the Institute for Policy Analysis, and the Conference Board of Canada) provide long-term economic forecasts and Andrew Goldstein compares projections, pointing out that the productivity growth assumption accounts for much of the difference between output forecasts. In the third section on fiscal policy over the business cycle, Ron Kneebone and Ken McKenzie examine the declining role of federal fiscal policy in stabilizing economic activity, and Paul Boothe and Brad Reid discuss fiscal prudence and federal budgeting in the medium term. In the fourth section, William Scarth and Harriet Jackson develop a model to identify an optimal debt-GDP ratio from the point of view of generational equity. In the fifth section, John Whalley discusses the key question of how best to invest the fiscal dividend from the framework of the endogeneous growth literature. Section six looks at the European experience with fiscal initiatives and section seven contains a panel discussion on medium-term fiscal plans. In the final section, John Helliwell provides an excellent conference summary and synthesis. Two issues that in my view are not adequately explored are the political economy of the fiscal dividend debate (no political scientists were asked to contribute to the volume) and the effects of the large spending cuts on Canadian society and the implications of these cuts for the use of the fiscal dividend. The papers and comments in general are nontechnical in nature and of high quality and policy relevance. The volume represents a valuable contribution to the literature on fiscal policy in Canada and to the debate on the fiscal dividend and is highly recommended to both researchers and practitioners in the field. A NDREW SHARPE , Centre for the Study of Living Standards, Ottawa CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000 132 Reviews/Comptes rendus Connecting Policy to Practice in the Human Services by Brian Wharf and Brad McKenzie. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998. Pp. xi, 164. $19.95. In an era of widespread public disillusionment with government and policy processes, a short readable Canadian text exploring ways that human service users and workers might have more input into policy is a welcome addition to the literature. This is especially the case for those of us trying valiantly to teach future policy analysts and human service workers how practice and policy are connected in human service organizations and at different levels of government. For the wider public policy audience, Wharf and McKenzie make a credible and clear argument for an alternative policy process that is more inclusive of users and those who implement policy on the front lines. The authors build their argument in two parts, the first half of the book detailing current policymaking models and the different stages in policy development, including a very helpful discussion of implementation when policy and practice are most intimately connected. Each of these chapters is well focused, grounded in a range of literature and drawing on examples from research and the authors’ experiences in two provinces (Manitoba and British Columbia) and several areas of work, especially child welfare and work with First Nations’ people. The second half more clearly develops the details of the authors’ model of a more inclusive paradigm using two case studies by Stephen Owen and CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, Deborah Rutman. This half was less cogently written and the case studies might have been more carefully integrated into the flow of the book. While they are clearly intended to illustrate a more inclusive type of model of policy making, each has its own weaknesses to that end, and they need further discussion by Wharf and McKenzie. In particular, the ultimate outcome of the second case study, development of adult guardianship legislation that has never been proclaimed, unfortunately serves to raise questions about the feasibility of the model. The book concludes with a chapter on community governance and the authors’ final comments. These last two chapters highlighting the theoretical debate might have been further developed, particularly the costs and risks of such a model, including the many hours of voluntary activity required, the inequities and inherent conflicts between users and professionals, and the risks of backlash when community input is not ultimately recognized, all points Rutman’s case demonstrates. Overall, however, Wharf and McKenzie offer us a very useful and readable book of potential interest to a wide range of people from undergraduate students in sociology, social work, and political studies to practitioners, social activists, and academics searching for a more effective and inclusive model of policy making in this country. EVELYN FERGUSON, Faculty of Social Work, University of Manitoba VOL . XXVI , NO . 1 2000 Reviews/Comptes rendus Aid and Ebb Tide: A History of CIDA and Canadian Development Assistance by David R. Morrison. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier Press, 1998. Pp. 602. $65.00. This is a wonderfully detailed yet depressing history of blighted promise, bureaucratic confusion, myopic political expediency, bloated rhetoric, and shrunken aspiration. It is a fine case study of public policy ups and downs, (or ebb and flow, to use the author’s metaphor). The study concerns Canada’s official development assistance program (ODA) and the government agency created in 1968 to manage it. Beginning with the halting and uncertain internationalism of the 1950s, Morrison, a professor of political studies at Trent University, traces the advances and retreats of ODA through the hopeful sixties to the cynical nineties — two steps back for every one forward. His conclusion, though presented in an even-handed and non-judgemental fashion, is that the planning and management of Canadian ODA has constituted, on balance, a public policy failure. The immense detail he provides in the telling and its careful and calm presentation make this a first-rate analysis not only of an important Canadian public policy framework but also of one of Canada’s most treasured international commitments. The tension between the “public,” primarily a well-informed and fairly vocal minority supporting a strong ODA commitment, and the cautious and hesitant government apparatus, is clearly on display in this account, another valuable contribution of this book to an understanding of the public role in policy making. It is this constituency, those Canadians who have supported ODA vigorously for nearly 50 years, who will read this history most pointedly as one of failure — failure of purpose, of will, of political vision, of leadership in the aid bureaucracy. Ironically, the book’s publication date, 1998, coincides with CIDA’s thirtieth anniversary and with the year in which Canada’s ODA recorded its lowest level on a per capita basis in 30 years. Such a sour coincidence for both author and readers! 133 There are, of course, bright spots in the ODA story as Morrison recounts it — some sound leadership at CIDA, a few far-sighted and courageous politicians, persistent ODA support from nongovernmental organizations and the Canadian public, and continuous pressure from many quarters for Canadian ODA to focus on poverty in the South rather than on political or commercial objectives. But so often, as Morrison tells it, these positive pressures were neutralized by the unpredictability of CIDA and its political masters, a confused mandate, constant reorganization, shaky public relations, political interference, relentless budget cuts, and a neverending series of task forces, parliamentary committees, internal reviews, discussion papers, working documents, policy reviews, and leaked memos. The wonder is that CIDA professionals and others in the aid community have been able, in this morale-sapping environment, to achieve as much as they have. The dimension of ODA not addressed by Morrison is that of the development impact of the great many development cooperation projects and programs that have managed to be successful in the face of this bureaucratic bewilderment and political meddling. That history has yet to be written. In the meantime, this volume, in addition to chronicling Canada’s ODA ebb and flow (mostly ebb), serves admirably to demystify much of the CIDA lore that floats around Canada, and it informs us about a great deal of public/foreign/aid policy that has never before been quite so throughly examined. All this illumination is set in the context of Canada’s foreign policy, and to some degree, the global setting in which Canadian ODA has been applied up to 1998. Morrison weaves a coherent story through a maze of global and domestic events, changing personalities, and the rise and fall of Ottawa governments and attendant policy reversals. He does so calmly and unemotionally; this is, after all a history, not an exposé. The documentation is definitive; almost every significant reference in the field is identified. Virtually no jargon intrudes (except for the occasional “scenario,” “adhocery,” and “game plan”). CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000 134 Reviews/Comptes rendus The author provides a helpful list of acronyms (112, in fact), a chronology of Canadian aid since 1949, lists of ministers and senior CIDA officials, and 102 pages of endnotes and references. This is an admirable piece of work and it will, I suspect, stand for some time as the major reference on Canadian ODA policy. Everyone interested in ODA and Canada’s CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, international roles and responsibilities, whether in government, academe or the NGO community, in Canada or abroad, really must take a close look at Aid and Ebb Tide. JAMES SHUTE, Professor and Director, Centre for International Programs, University of Guelph VOL . XXVI , NO . 1 2000 Reviews/Comptes rendus Service in the Field: The World of Front-Line Public Servants by Barbara Wake Carroll and David Siegel. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1999. Pp. xii, 251. $24.95. An in-depth exploration of the world of daily work, organizational culture, and the lived impact of years of restructuring on front-line public servants has been woefully absent from the academic discourse of Canadian public administration and public policy. This is a significant omission since front-line field staff serve as the linkage between head office policy direction and service delivery. These are the people in the organizational structure who exercise not only administrative but policy discretion — that is, the ability to modify programs in servicing clients. Service in the Field by Barbara Wake Carroll and David Siegel offers us a most welcome corrective to this state of affairs, providing a comprehensive field level perspective on the motivations, working reality, and world view of front-line staff at the federal and provincial levels of government in Canada. The book’s central objectives are, first, to chronicle what civil servants do, while giving “voice to what is often an anonymous body of individuals,” and second, to correct the widely held “negative impression of field level officials as ... over-paid, under-worked automatons” (p. 9). In meeting these goals the authors do not disappoint us. While this is admittedly an exploratory area of inquiry, the book provides us with a rich set of insights into the “lived experience” of workers on the front line of service delivery. The authors utilize a qualitative methodological approach. They conducted personal, open-ended interviews centred around central themes. Since it was not possible to generate a random sample the research design was careful to draw systematically upon a large (220 individuals), and geographically and occupationally diverse grouping of front-line workers. Definitive representative conclusions are 135 not able to be drawn from such a study but it does offer us a textured understanding of the experiences of the most important people in government — those who directly provide public services to Canadians. Carroll and Siegel’s liberal use of the voices of frontline workers serves to authenticate the perspective from the trenches. The study documents the diversity of work experience and some of the flawed assumptions of the “reinventing government” school of thought. In the chapter, “Administrative Reform: How It Plays in the Field,” an evaluation of the reinventing government revolution on the front line is undertaken. The “reforms” were premised upon a series of ideologically inspired assumptions concerning civil servants, at which the authors take dead aim. Carroll and Siegel debunk the myths of civil servants as (i) incapable of effectively using discretion in carrying out their work; (ii) uninterested in providing quality service to their clients; (iii) adverse to change, and operating in a rigid and inflexible fashion; and (iv) alike in terms of their values and motivations. The idea that there is “one best way” (a set of broad-based universally applicable reforms) put forward by administrative reformers is demonstrated to be unworkable at the field level. On a more critical note, although the authors do document the negative effects stemming from, and scepticism concerning, public sector “reform” there is a surprising silence with respect to the practice and culture of front-line resistance to neo-liberal downsizing and resistance. Fortunately there are a few other scholarly works which help to fill the gap here. At the provincial level David Rapaport’s No Justice, No Peace: The 1996 OPSEU Strike against the Harris Government in Ontario (McGill-Queen’s, 1999) and federally, Greg McElligott’s “Clients and Consciousness: Drawing Resistance from Confusion on the Front Lines of the State,” Labour/Le Travail (Fall 1997), are prime examples of such works. The resistance component of the story of front-line workers, however, is yet largely to be written. CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000 136 Reviews/Comptes rendus A number of other conclusions in Service in the Field are also worthy of note. Carroll and Siegel found that front-line workers possess a considerable amount of policy discretion in carrying out their work, and that it is not exercised indiscriminately but, instead, “discretely and thoughtfully” (p. 78). Even after a prolonged period of downsizing and civil service bashing, front-line workers remain dedicated, committed to clients, and seek to do the best job possible under extremely trying circumstances (p. 200) — a point CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, subsequently confirmed by the 1999 Federal Public Service Employee Survey findings. Despite all the rhetoric about “decentralization” and “empowerment,” the gulf between the field and head office remains expansive (p. 203). In summary, this is a very important and readable account of a neglected area of study in Canadian politics and is worthy of a wide readership. JOHN SHIELDS, Department of Politics and School of Public Administration, Ryerson Polytechnic University VOL . XXVI , NO . 1 2000 Reviews/Comptes rendus Shirking the State: Globalization and Public Administration “Reform” by John Shields and B. Mitchell Evans. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 1998. Pp. 143. $17.95. During the past two decades governments have redefined their roles and how they deliver programs. These changes have been introduced with far too little public debate and careful analysis of their democratic and ideological implications. The guiding assumption has been that all the changes are both necessary and beneficial. Under labels like “reinventing government” and “new public management,” Canadian governments have embraced a common core of reform ideas. Dressing up changes in positive rhetoric, governments have conducted few systematic evaluations of whether their reforms have actually worked. This short (143 pages) and provocative book offers a critical political-economy perspective on the processes of globalization, economic restructuring, fiscal stress, and the ideological shift to the right which have driven the change process in the public sector. Intended mainly for academics and students in the field of public administration, the book could also be read profitably by public servants who want a wider, theoretical perspective on the context in which they work. The concepts and language of the book are drawn from the political left but the authors cite works from various perspectives. The book consists of six main chapters, along with a shorter introduction and conclusion. The main theme of the book is that governments are reducing their roles and stripping their citizens of benefits on ideological more than pragmatic grounds. According to the authors, there is a “crisis of govern- 137 ance.” The crisis involves, in part, a lack of trust and confidence in government. It also involves the “retreat” and “hollowing out” of the nation-state. Placing their faith in market forces, governments are left with “a greatly reduced policy tool kit.” In strong disagreement with these trends, the authors argue that adjustment to economic, technological, and social change requires a more active role by governments, especially in the social and health policy fields. They also find disturbing the extension of state control over the so-called third sector because it will lead to the disempowerment of the people who work in and benefit from community-based organizations. The celebration of the third sector by governments is seen as a way to off-load their traditional responsibilities. Finally, it is argued that managerialism or new public management is both an ideology and a methodology, and has become a “transmission belt” for neo-liberal ideas to infiltrate government under the guise of neutrality. One does not have to endorse all these ideas to see the value of opening up a wider debate. Many questions are raised. Where does the state begin and end? Is the state actually weakening itself or is it simply shifting its reliance upon various policy tools? If the processes underway are not inexorable, what are the alternatives? On the last point, the authors call for a shift of power away from bureaucracy, for more democracy within government and the public sector, and for emphasis on service quality, not just costs. This is the first Canadian treatment of the public service reform movement from a political economy perspective and it is a stimulating read. PAUL G. THOMAS, Department of Political Studies, St. John’s College, University of Manitoba CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000 138 Reviews/Comptes rendus Women’s Caring: Feminist Perspectives on Social Welfare edited by Carol T. Baines, Patricia M. Evans and Sheila N. Neysmith. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998, 2nd ed. Pp. 257. Women’s Caring is a wide-ranging collection of 11 essays from workers and researchers in social work. The focus of all the contributors is women’s role in caring and the toll it takes on the care-giver. Also addressed is what it means for a society that depends on the volunteer sector to carry out the myriad of tasks that are involved in providing care for those among us who need it. The essays are divided into three groupings: the first are those that examine the issue of caring from a gender, race, and class perspective; the second focuses on what the editors refer to as the “realities of care,” that is, how specific women are taught to care and the repercussions of this teaching; and the third section examines in a more specific way policy directions. Policy issues, however, underlie most of the essays. Indeed, opposition to government cutbacks in the care field is the driving force behind much of the analysis. Women who provide care are forced to contend with an economic system (monopoly capitalism) which does not value what they do. As many contributors suggest, the nature of the economic system needs to be addressed. Whether it is this perception that leads to the pessimistic tone of the collection is unclear but it is there — a sense of people under siege. A more optimistic tone emerges when contributors critique specific government policies and expose the CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, unspoken assumptions that inform them. At that point the book takes on significance for policymakers and future action. Also, when authors address the care-givers themselves, the strength of these women in the face of extraordinary pressures comes to the fore. Attempts have been made in this second edition to include minority women and women of colour. Unfortunately, in this context too often white women are regarded as a homogeneous group in which significant differences are overlooked. Nonetheless, the essays do make the reader aware of the tremendous variety and complexity of the caring tasks and how they impact on specific groups of women differently including those for whom the care is provided. One of the strengths of the book as a whole is that most of the essays introduce the reader to international literature in the field. In several essays, however, that literature is applied to the Canadian context with little discussion on how the specifics of the Canadian situation may differ and refine the findings of scholars elsewhere. Given the centrality of government policy in the book and the desire of many of the contributors for increased government responsibility, the political context of nation-state seems to be missing as does any regional sensibility. Both are incredibly important aspects of social welfare in the Canadian federation. Perhaps the third edition can address some of these issues and build on the foundation provided by the first two. WENDY MITCHINSON, Department of History, University of Waterloo VOL . XXVI , NO . 1 2000 Reviews/Comptes rendus Turnstile Immigration: Multiculturalism, Social Order and Social Justice in Canada by Lorne Foster. Toronto: Thompson Educational Publishing, 1998. Pp. 7,190. Lorne Foster’s book is premised on drawing insights from his social science training, work experience as an immigration officer, and experience as a visible minority whose ancestors were “escaped African slaves who found their way to Canada” (p. 10). On the goal that Foster sets for himself, namely to contribute to public dialogue and debate over immigration in Canada, this book can be judged as successful. Written in an informal style with plenty of anecdotes and thoughtful observations, Turnstile Immigration could be usefully adopted in undergraduate courses, or suggested as accessible reading to interested non-academics. For some social scientists, the Durkheimian/Parsonian structuralfunctional theoretical framework underpinning Foster’s more scholarly discussion might seem dated and problematic for its emphasis on order and stability, but nonetheless there is much to command the attention of public policy specialists too. Foster’s ideal immigration system would embody a “dynamic balance” (p. 21) between social order and social justice. However, Foster contends that Canada’s current immigration system is problematic for frontline immigration officers and would be immigrants alike. In particular, Ottawa’s senior bureaucratic officials are presented as the most powerful forces behind the immigration system. Their treatment of immigration as a technical and administrative issue leads to “turnstile immigration,” whereby very select individuals gain entry one by one. To the chagrin of front-line immigration officers, turnstile immigration has made it increasingly difficult for law-abiding immigrants to enter Canada, and increasingly difficult to remove lawbreaking, non-citizen residents. The most lively and novel insight into the immigration process undoubtedly comes from Foster’s 139 participant observation of the micro-level of the front line, when he was the only African-Canadian senior immigration officer in the Toronto-area in the 1980s. Foster discusses his experiences attempting to balance a sense of professional distance with his concern that he not be perceived as an “imitation honky” (p. 29) by visible minorities seeking Canadian citizenship. Foster distinguishes between two types of front-line immigration officers, who nonetheless both share a frequent feeling that they personally embody the Canadian border. The central argument of Foster’s book is in order for “sanity” to be restored to Canada’s immigration system there must be a realignment of principles “conducive to both the implementation and the expression of democratic values” (p. 23). To this end, he advocates greater public education about immigration, new mechanisms for public input, new questions to frame debate, and calls on social scientists to safeguard their independence from the goals of bureaucratic elites when analyzing contemporary immigration policy. Overall, this book contributes a number of questions to the dialogue amongst public policy specialists. These include whether senior bureaucrats play the dominant role in shaping policy that Foster contends (what about the interests of business, for example?); whether greater public input might actually lead to more restrictive policy (Foster seems to assume it will not); and if government-sponsored scholarship compromises immigration analysis as Foster suggests, what are the alternatives? Finally, Foster’s illuminating exploration of the micro-level suggests the need for further consideration of which theoretical frameworks best link the micro and macro levels of a policy area like immigration, which uniquely has both domestic and international ramifications. Y ASMEEN A BU -L ABAN , Department of Political Science, University of Alberta CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000 140 Reviews/Comptes rendus Equalization: Its Contributions to Canada’s Economic and Fiscal Progress edited by Robin W. Boadway and Paul A.R. Hobson. John Deutsch Institute, Queen’s University Policy Forum Series No. 36: Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. Pp. x, 255. $24.95. the ongoing negotiations on the next equalization package in 1999. Those interested in fiscal policy, federal-provincial relations, and federal states should find this book a “gold mine,” with many ideas for improving the existing system, details of the program, and comparisons to other regimes. A terse summary in the form of a Haiku: Will this book lead to enlightened policies in the area in 1999? Probably not. The zealots remain in charge with an objective of reducing the role of government in size and function, with little regard for reducing regional disparities, providing adequate public funds for social programs, or evolving a cooperative federal-provincial approach. The “new” equalization program will be little changed, with more difficulties created for the “have-not” provinces and little concern for improving their incentives to foster economic development. Equalization: The Federal glue that binds Canada as one. The summary by the editors [with the reviewer’s annotations in brackets]: The volume begins with an overview by Robin Boadway [Ontario] of the principles which ought to guide the design of an equalization program. This is followed by a detailed description of the practice of equalization in Canada by Doug Clark [former Finance Canada hand]. The three remaining papers, by Paul Hobson [Nova Scotia], David Milne [PEI], and Sam Wilson [Alberta], look at the question of the level of redistribution resulting from equalization, the political environment within which the current review is occurring, and the practice of equalization in other federal systems, respectively. Commentaries are provided by Tom Courchene [defining feature of Canadian federalism, bad incentives, need to consider open economy], François Vaillancourt [consider province-to-province transfers, better incentives, likely pressures from aging, immigration, and NAFTA] and Wade Locke [HST creates a problem, include resource rents not revenues] (p. 3). While arguing the finer points of equalization it is important to remember that we are moving away from a common personal income tax regime (with Alberta and Ontario planning their “own” systems). Differential indirect tax regimes (some provinces with HST, others not) are emerging. The overall system increasingly ignores differential “needs” with the elimination of CAP, off-loading of care of Aboriginal peoples onto the provinces and local governments, and a reduction of various personal transfer systems that might have mitigated the shortfalls (changes to EI). The real issue is whether Equalization and CHST can keep the federal state functioning or whether the increasing frictions between the regions and the federal government lead to the demise of Canada. Perhaps a future John Deutsch forum will help us find a happier ending. MIKE MCCRACKEN , Chairman and CEO, Informetrica This book brings together the papers presented at a forum in 1997, designed to provide ideas for CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI , NO . 1 2000 Reviews/Comptes rendus Community Besieged: The Anglophone Minority and the Politics of Quebec by Garth Stevenson. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1999. Pp. x 363. I have never felt it necessary hitherto to identify myself before writing a review. But this seems necessary here given that a McGill professor is considering a monograph that so deeply affects every aspect of his life. So, for what it is worth, the reviewer was born in England but now has dual citizenship; and an interest in nationalism makes life in Montreal a daily excitement. All of this led to this book being consumed avidly, indeed virtually at a sitting. The treatment accorded to the subject is distinctively that of a political scientist. The theme that runs through the book is that of the slow breakdown of “consociational” political accord between the two communities in Quebec, that is, of the system of power-sharing between political elites first analyzed by Arend Lijphart. Albeit an interesting chapter casts much light on the relation of the anglophone community to the federal government. Concentration is on political events, most notably on elections and those who dominated them. The tone throughout is moderate and cautious. For one thing, the creation of a bureaucratic state apparatus within Quebec is seen as more or less inevitable, with all that meant for the ending of consociational politics. For another, the author has little time for some of the whines expressed by the anglophone community — noting 141 for instance that low representation in public service employment reflects lack of desire for such jobs quite as much as it does outright discrimination. In general, the anglophone community is seen as being weakened by the easiness of an attractive option of exit, to Toronto or the United States. There is no likelihood of much support from the federal government for Quebec anglophones, especially should secession occur, and the author in effect recommends that the community make the most of such chances as it has within Quebec. The book is high-powered, truly judicious and extremely scholarly, and it is bound to take its place as the key treatment of its subject. Nonetheless, this reader wished for a little more. For one thing, reference to wider literatures, notably that concerning nationalism, might have changed the standard of judgement employed. Objectively, the position of the anglophone community is indeed, as the author stresses, far from bad, but subjective fears matter, and this does more to explain the weakening of the community than he allows. For another, the book badly lacks a comparative perspective. The author does analyze the situation of protestants beached in Eire, but this tells us little given the absence of a linguistic divide. No exact parallel in fact exists, but much light could still have been cast by systematic consideration of the situation in Catalonia. J OHN A. H ALL , Department of Sociology, McGill University CANADIAN PUBLIC POLICY – ANALYSE DE POLITIQUES, VOL . XXVI, NO. 1 2000