THE IMPACT OF KINSHIP SYSTEMS IN THE
GENERATION OF HOUSE TYPES
by
RAJMOHAN DEVDAS ,HETTY
Diploma in Architecture, School of Architecture,
Centre
for Environmental Planning and Technology
Ahmedabad, India
1980
Submitted to the Department of Architecture
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF SCIENCE IN ARCHITECTURE STUDIES
at the
MASSACHUSETTS
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
OF TECHNOLOGY
September 1984
@
T
iS
mJTE
OCT 0 5 1984
Rajmohan Devdas Shetty ]984
LIBRAME
The author hereby grants to M.I.T. permission to reproduce and
to distribute publicly copies of this thesis document in whole
or in part
Signature of Author.........
./.
.
.
.Yo
. . . . . .
Department of Architecture, June 18,
Certified by
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. .
-.
.- f;-
.
.-.
.
.
.
. .
1984
. ,
,
Stanford Anderson, Professor of History and Architecture
Thesis Supervisor
Accepted by
.
.
.
.
,
.
.
.
..
.
0
0
0
0
.
0
0
.
0
N. John Habraken, Chairman,
Departmental Committee for Graduate Students
ARCME5S
2
The Impact of Kinship Systems in the Generation of House Types
by Rajmohan Devdas Shetty
Submitted to the Department of Architecture on June 18, 1984
fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of
Architecture Studies
in partial
Science in
ABSTRACT
The objective of this study is the identification and analysis of some of the
social and cultural factors that have had a critical influence in the
structuring of traditional environments.
Subsequently it could be broadly
viewed as an attempt at developing a more inclusive framework of inquiry and
analysis of built form and the structuring of built environments undergoing
processes of transformation.
The focus of the study is a Muslim settelment in the historic core of the city
of Calicut, situated in the southern part of the Indian subcontinent.
The
inquiry, however, restricts its scope to the investigation and analysis of a
particular socio-cultural institution
namely, the
matrilineal
kinship
structure in its
traditional form, which to an extent still
persists - in
relation to the nature of its impact on the built environment.
The analysis is
to a large part an examination of the artifactual data which comprises of a
documentation of four house types, against ethnographic studies that have been
conducted in this particular context and related ones.
In view of the fact that the more recent developments in this context have led
to some significant changes in the social and cultural realms, the concluding
remarks focus on some important positions put forth in recent times, in relation
to processes of change in traditional societies.
This has been undertaken on
the premise that in order to understand the meaning of architectural products as
objectifications of human relations as against object relations, it is crucial
to understand the mediations between architectural/planning products and the
social whole.
Thesis Supervisor: Stanford Anderson
Title:
Professor of History and Architecture
- , - 11-1-----1---.--1.
-_1-----'----'-11--.-- --
3
Acknowledgements
The obligations incurred in the preparation of this study are far too many to
acknowledge adequately in a brief note. A few individuals and institutions must
be singled out for their special contributions to my work.
I am greatly indebted to my advisor Professor Stanford Anderson for his
encouragement, guidance and intellectual support during the preparation of this
I wish to thank Rafique Keshavjee for having
thesis and my years at M.I.T..
introduced me to the fields of Social and Cultural anthropology, and as well as
for the considerate and patient friendship with which he has kept an eye on the
progress of this work. I must make special mention of Professor Nur Yalman, for
the many discussions with him helped me over some difficult hurdles in the
His field experience, enthusiasm and knowledge of
development of the analysis.
the context were of invaluable help.
I would also like to thank Abhimanyu Dalal and Ashish Hazra as
It must
whom I undertook the field study in the summer of 1983.
that if it were not for the help and hospitality of Prof.
Gangadara Menon in Calicut and the cooperation of the residents
this study would not have materialized.
I am grateful to Ann Littlewood
preparing the typescript.
for
her
patient
and
colleagues with
suffice to say
Shreedaran and
of Kuttichera,
efficient
service
in
More particularly, I have a special debt to M.I.T. that eloquently typifies the
tradition of research and support for learning and to the Aga Khan Program for
having supported the field study.
Finally, I would like to thank my parents,
encouragement through all these years.
for
their
constant
support
and
4
CONTENTS
PAGE
1
Introduction
5-20
2
Historical Background
21-31
3
The Institution of the Tarawad as a Basic Unit in
the Matrilineal Kinship System
32-54
4
The Implications of the Kinship System on the Structuring of the
Physical Environment
55-63
5
The Site of the Field Study - Kuttichera Neighborhood
and its Methodology
64-70
6
The Analysis of the Four Documented House Types
7
Concluding Remarks
103-110
Bibliography/Figure Credits
111-117
-
71-102
5
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The utilitarian-technical
and the
ambivalently in the act of
resides
in
at large.
the
incorporation
of
both
An architecture of
these
relation between social space and physical environment is
Architectural
possibilist
and
them"
interpret
strands.
"The
not determined but
and urban works are not fully accounted for in
any analysis of origins or intentions;
for themselves and also in
interweave
building, the one internal to it and the other
the orbit of culture
external and engaged in
significance
symbolic-associational strands
they must also be analysed both in
and
their continuing relationships with those who use
It consequently
follows
that
the
distinctiveness
of
particular environments as seen through time, occurs as a highly selective
process
adaptations
of
to
cultural
change2
and
towards
directed
the
maintenence of a larger social and cultural continuum.
Incorporating
component,
the
allows
dimension
socio-cultural
for a reading of
the built
as
a
analytical
critical
as a process
environment
of
adaptive strategies employed by people and informed by their interpretations
of the socio-cultural core at particular points in
that in
of
speaking of adaptive strategies,
constraints
on
adaptations,
time.
It
must
be noted
one does not preclude the existence
Nevertheless,
the
aspect
of
change
and
continuity could be better understood, if looked upon as reinterpretations of
6
a cultural core, rather than as deterministic laws and principles deriving
from a static historio-cultural model. Implicit in such a position is
combinations
view that neither individual adaptive strategies nor particular
of
them
constantly applied
materials.
Thus
to
the
new
in
new
distinctively
are
elements
and
as
areas,
they
that
as
well
to
are
being
traditional
modernity
notions of
modernization and
of
aspect
but
themselves,
traditional cultures, though not within the immediate scope of
the
in
this study,
develops as a complex and important corollary.
It could, however, be better
understood if
approached from such a position.
For instance then, technical
modernization
as
the
of
result
products of the industrial age,
culture
or replace
nuclear
families
modernization
as
it
and
assimilation
the
and
the
does not necessarily destroy the traditional
totally with a
secular
evidenced
technology
of
"modern"
ideologies.
the
from
system
In
of
fact
economic
the
on
studies
various
contributed to the strengthening of some aspects
classes,
process
India3 ,
of the traditional
of
has
system,
while at the same time partially changing it.
The
failure
to
understand
the
relationship
of
adaptive
strategies
to
modernization seems to arise from a misinterpretation of this relationship as
"a temporal
succession
of
mutually
incompatible
types
of
society
(that)
7
on "social mobility" as distinct
derive from an overemphasis
mobility"
4
Adaptive
though
strategies,
to
means
a
frequently
from "cultural
social
mobility,
are also an important means of maintaining or changing a cultural
identity
in
terms
of
a
are
They
tradition".5
"Great
other
in
means of acquiring and affirming a status within a cultural as
social
And
system.
they
to
culture-bound
are
the
extent
that
words,
a
well as
a
are
they
related to a set of historio-cultural traditions prescribing model lifestyles
for different
individuals
that
is
significant
the
comprises of a variety of
them.
cultural
The
groups
and
is
system
within
neither
system. however, what
the
static
but
homogeneous,
nor
is
changing cultural models and the relation among
models
find
their
in
origin
the
"Great
and
Little
traditions" and from foreign sources.
A concept of social mobility that abstracts
in
might explain,
cultural models,
a particular society
are status
from the variety and content
a reductivist way,
seekers like all
that the individuals in
others,
but would fail
shed light on the mode adopted to affirm status and thereby making it
distinctive
in
6
.
Alternatively, it
fails
to
inform us
a particular society incorporate changes in
even
assimilate
contemporary
developments
to
of
about
how
more
individuals
their cultural traditions,
maintain
cultural
to
or
viability.
8
of
and
within
change,
and
Incorporation
traditions
highly
are
selective
processes of borrowing and innovation, and specific adaptive strategies are a
net product
general
of distinctive group and individual characteristics,
"orthogenetic" processes
from
a
validation
into
is
traditional8 .
the
modern
absorbed
The
and
in
potential
and
other hand,
the
indigeneous
for
the
follows
through
in
originates
occurrence
and
and
a
path
appropriate
The
culture.
traditional
modern
and
"heterogenetic"
assimilated
is
indigeneous
as
innovation
"heterogenetic"
source
innovation on the
"orthogenetic"
tradition,
The
*
recent
and
foriegn
7
upon
The
operate.
they
which
within
looked
be
can
innovations
of
incorporation
structure
social
and
ritual
and of the
the
back
absorption
indigeneous
into
of
the
either
heterogenetic or orthogenetic innovations, does not automatically transform
it
into
culture,
a modern
for the
tradition and non-tradition is
process
of
selection
of
symbols
a highly complex and creative one.
of
a
It occurs
most of the time at the unconscious level of cultural drift or as patterned
accretions.
The highly differential findings of recent research studies indicate that the
traditonal-modern
on a linear
dichotomy with all
scale,
is
an inadequate
its
accompanying laws of transformation
conception in the
explanation of
the
9
then,
seems essential,
It
continuous incorporation of innovations.
to begin
with a more inclusive position, an alternative possible interpretation of the
processes
change occuring in traditional
of
societies in their efforts
convert the events of history into assimilable
position
questions
allows
as:
The
pursuit
regard
of
change
with
cultural philosophy
a
attaches
an
society
and
with
a
interpretation
of
a
does
how
innovation?
Such a
fundamental
cultural
tradition-oriented
supreme value to progress
alternative
such
of
confrontation
tolerant
more
does
How
deal
philosophy
a
for
cultural traditions.
to
where
society
deal with tradition?
especially
change,
with
to the particular context of this study has important methodological
implications
evidence
the
supporting
procedures.
analytical
to
related
contention
that
In
view
particular
significantly from one another and therefore do not pass
stages of evolution 9,
phenomena
it
seems appropriate
in a particular context.
of
the
cultures
recent
diverge
through unilinear
to begin with the observation
An extrapolation of
of
observed phenomena
would subsequently lead to the interrelationship of the observable units, and
allow one to proceed through analysis and abstraction to constructions not
directly observable.
its
Such a mode of inquiry - concrete observable units and
interrelationships
leading
to
more
abstract
and
general
constructs
descriptive of the cultural tradition - overcomes methodological deficiencies
10
A study of the
in the formulation of cultural change as unilinear evolution.
built environment in
relation to cultural change seems
particularly amenable
to such a mode of inquiry, with built form being the observable unit and
partial
V
-- -
indicator
of
of
patterns
particular
social
grouping,
with
its
structureorganization and interrelationships.
The object of this study is
and
social
1
factors,
cultural
structuring of
the identification and analysis of some of the
that
have
traditional environments.
had
a
critical
Subsequently it
the
influence
in
could be
broadly
viewed as an attempt at developing a more inclusive framework of inquiry and
analysis
of
built
form
and
the
of
structuring
built
in
environments
traditional environments undergoing processes of transformation.
The focus of the study is
city of
Calicut, situated in the
(Figure 1,2).
-
a Muslim settlement
southern part
the Nambudri Brahmins,
1 &2) The location of the field
study - Kuttichera neighborhood, Calicut
sub-culture.
among
the historic core of
of
the
the Nayars and the Moplah Muslims
however,
the various
type,
the
Indian subcontinent
Given the existence of different cultural groups in
cannot be claimed to be a representative
2
in
-
the region
the settlement
and can be rightly termed
a
there does occur an overlap of certain seminal issues
groups that
have guided its
development.
The
inquiry
11
restricts
its
scope
to
the
investigation
and
analysis
of
a
particular
socio-cultural institution - namely, the matrilineal kinship structure in its
traditional form,
nature
of its
kinship
which does to an extent still
impact
system
on the
which
built
exists
communities of this region,
environment.
among
it
is
marriage,
locally.
to
This
reside
is
made
in
operative
complex system of
rights of
landed property.
The
authority
on
the
the
Hindu
relation to the
describe
Nayar
and
is
briefly,
Muslim
traced
the
Moplah
through the
It requires of all female descendents,
maternal
by
house
or
conferring
on
'tarawad,'
female
as
termed
descendents,
a
ownership, division and transmission of family
system also
male
the
To
one wherein descent
female line to a common ancestress.
on
persist - in
and
clearly designates
female
members
of
a
codes
descent
of
conduct and
group.
As
a
consequence of the system there occurs the existence of a number of descent
groups
each
headed
by
a
female
exceeding a hundred members -
descendent
and
forming
a
clan-sometimes
all living together in a tarawad house.
many instances today, due to the generational range
In
the relationship among
descent groups in a tarawad remain unknown, and the only evidence of a common
origin is
the fact of common residence.
The aspect
of -residence and rights
over landed property occupy a position of significance
the system in its
traditional form.
in
the sustenance
of
Recent enthographic research in these
12
parts, have indicated
system,
it
being
the steady disintegration of
replaced
gradually
have led to some significant changes in
all
the
more
the
in
ramifications
explicit
becomes
nuclear
families
In view of the fact that the more recent
economic units.
found
by
the matrilineal kinship
to
important
or inappropriatness
independent
developments that
the social and cultural realms have
(Figures
environment
urban
examine
body
the
determined the order of the traditional environment in
appropriatness
as
of
it
6,7,8),
conventions
that
place.
The
the first
of recent urban developments
can only be
gauged through an analysis of that which it is replacing (Figures 3,4,5).
It
became apparent during the field study - which comprise
the documentation
of four traditional tarawad houses (Figures 9,10,11,12) - that the principles
of
spatial organization of
understanding
the
houses could only
be
of the dynamics of the prevalent kinship
discerned through an
system.
The spatial
organization, which at first seems relatively chaotic, unfolds an array of
meanings and rules of organization when viewed against the body of
and conventions that inform the kinship system.
been
structured
such
that
it
proceeds from an
customs
Subsequently, this study has
initial
discussion
the
of
kinship system to the analysis of the documented data, with the understanding
that a knowledge of the kinship structure
is
an essential prerequesite
in
a
13
comprehension of the principles of spatial organization of a tarawad house.
The study is structured in two sections.
Section one deals with:
- A historical background of the community and its social context.
-
discussion
A
of
structure
the
institution in the matrilineal kinship
related
to
authority
and
-
"Tarawad"
the
of
system -
responsibility,
a
social
pivotal
and the accompanying
distribution
the
of
rules
wealth,
individual roles, laws of inheritance, the concept of property, and the like.
- The implications of the rules that underlie the social order in relation to
the built environment, specifically the residential domain.
- An analysis of the field data, which comprises of a documentation of four
house types, based on the identification of the familial domain as a critical
social grouping,
factor in
as
its
primary
isolate.
documented represent
of
observations
examination
have
been
of
and
the
conducted
with the residential unit of the extended family
The house
types
that
prototypical patterns of growth,
interviews.
artifactual
in
this
The
data
analysis
against
particular
been
have
is
and
concluded on the basis
to
a
ethnographic
context
identified
and
large
extent
studies 1
related
ones.
an
that
The
specific ethnographic accounts pertaining to the Moplah and Nayar communities
14
Gough's
Miller.
Dale and Roland
variation in descent
studies
residence, patterns of
group structure,
to
a
pursue
to
restricted
investigation.
comparative
the
is
that
The
studies
Tambiah and E.R.
a
similar
comparative
Likewise,
the Nayars.
and
historical analysis of the various factors
contributed
have
ideology.
have
a
Leach,
to
community's
the
in related
present
contexts are
Yalman,
basis.
the
investigation with
Nayars
of
on
those
events
political
and
religious
Nur Yalman,
by
initiate
does
however,
Kerela with
S.J.
Ceylon which
in
all of them focusing on communities
structural
largely
is
Stephen Dale's account,
Roland Miller focusses on the Moplah community.
the other hand,
interpersonal
account
Fuller's
practice among
nature of kinship
of
communities, allows
in both
kinship relationships and marriage preferences
her
the determinants
to
relating
Stephen
Fuller,
C.J.
that have been referred to, are those by Kathleen Gough,
respect
to
a
some
aspects of the kinship structure.
In the light of the fact that the kinship system in
gradually
remarks,
disintegrating,
second
section
in
the
traditional form is
form
of
conclusive
examines the issues of continuity and change within the framework of
some significant
more
the
its
particularly
theoretical
on
the
positions put forth in
formulations
of
Milton
recent
Singer,
times.
S.N.
It draws
Eistenstadt
15
and
Robert
Redfield
,
traditional cultures.
that
in
order
to
related
to
aspects
of
change
and modernization
of
This is based on the premise, as previously stated,
understand
the
meaning
of
architectural
products
as
objectifications of human relations as against object relations it is crucial
to understand the mediations, between architectural/planning products and the
social whole.
16
4
5
7
8
3J
3 & 4) Muccunti Mosque, Kuttichera
5) A traditional
in Calicut
tarawad
house
6) Mohiddin Palli Mosque, Calicut
7) Patala Palli Mosque, Calicut
built
recently
8) A
residential
family
Calicut
6
nuclear
unit,
17
The four documented house
types
10
Houses 1,,2 and 3 belong to Muslim
Moplah tarawads, while House 4 is
that of a Hindu Nayar tarawad
II
HOUSE 3
HOUSE 4
18
Footnotes
(1)
Anderson,
Stanford,
"The
Physical City as a Socio-Cultural Resource:
Social
Space and Physical Form as Reciprocally Related Systems of Convention," in La
Ville Arabe dans l'Islam, p. 429.
(2) In an attempt to lend an operational utility
consisting of learned modes of
one generation to
to the definition of culture as
behavior that are socially transmitted from
the next or from one
society
or individual
to another,
Julian Steward's concept of levels of socio-cultural integration appears
be extremely helpful.
national culture is
And to quote him;
"According to this concept a total
divisible into two general kinds of features; first
that function and must be studied on a national level;
pertain to socio-cultural segments
socio-cultural
segments
second, those
or subgroups of the population.....
or subgroups
of individuals are amenable
of direct observation used by ethnology"
Steward, Julian, Theory of Cultural Change, p. 47
(3) Singer, Milton, When a Great Tradition Modernizes, Part 4 and 5.
(4) ibid, p. 365
to
those
that
The
to methods
19
(5)
The concept of Great
very similar
and Little tradition put forth by Robert Redfield,
to Julian Stewards concepts of
the constant
that he explains
is
socio-cultural integration, in
interaction of the "high" cultural traditions
of the reflective few - the Great Tradition - and the "low" traditions of the
unreflective
many
-
Little
Tradition.
rates
The
and
results
of
the
interaction depends on the kinds of social organisations that exists for the
transmission of the different levels of tradition.
ibid pp. 254-257.
(6) Within
any
given
stratified
society,
exist
there
not
only
channels
of
vertical and horizontal circulation - that is, from one strata to another and
from group to group respectively,
existent
institutions,
tests,
how and what modes of
society.
the
that
values
but also control mechanisms in
selects
and
places
the form of
individuals
within
testing and selection operate depends upon
invested in the particular institutions
within a
society.
The
aspect of social mobility and institutional testing operate in consonance.
Sorokin,
Pitrim,
Social Testing,
Social Strata."
Social
and
Cultural
Mobility,
Selection and Distribution of
Chapter
IX on
"Aspects
of
Individuals within Different
20
(7) ibid, p. 397
(8)
With reference
to the
process of
"orthogenetic
the Indian Chancery building in Canberra,
innovation",
the example
quoted by K. B. Jain, though
of
an
extreme case, does raise questions of appropriateness and validity;
"The recently constructed chancery building for the Government of India is an
enthusiasm.
Reports indicate that the building is
designed to look like the Taj Mahal,
with Islamic and Hindu elements to give
example of
it
an
this kind of
Indian
imagery.
However,
one
should
not
overlook
the
fact
that
centuries ago, in an entirely different context and for an entirely different
purpose,
the Taj Mahal was built by the Moghul Emperor Shahjahan as a tomb
for his wife.
What inspirations it
had for the chancery building is
difficult to understand."
Jain, K.B.,
" The Modern Traditionalism, AKSHARA", April 1982, p. 42
(9) Steward, Julian, Theory of Cultural-change, p.15
(10) Refer to bibliography.
(11) Refer to bibliography.
really
21
CHAPTER 2
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The
Muslim
'Moplahs'
oldest
community
(a
of
Kerela
in
South
India,
transliteration of the word being
Islamic
largest in
community
India(l).
in
It
the
has
South-Asian
commonly
referred
'son-in-law'"),
as
comprises the
subcontinent
evolved with strong
to
and
religious
the
fourth
and political
goals at the interface of European powers and the predominant Hindu Kerelite
Islam in
society.
India
in
all probability
took its
earliest
roots in
the
Malabar region (North Kerela), with the present day Moplahs being descendents
of the first Indian Muslims.
Due
to
lack
the
reconstruction
contributed
of
to a
of
indigenous
an
the
social,
and
cultural
particular direction
historical
narrative
of
political
development
tradition,
conditions
is
difficult.
a
that
Since
Kerela was never subjected to the control of the Delhi sultanate, it lacks
even
dynastic
regions.
histories,
which
form
the
historical
basis
The fact that no Islamic state was established
in
of
most
other
the region for
any significant length of time, contributed to the deficiency of any recorded
information
attempting
on
to
land
holdings
evaluate
the
and
revenues,
socio-economic
different communities at different points in
information
was
apparently
initiated
only
as
an
relations
time.
important
and
source
changes
of
in
the
The practice of recorded
during
the
British
regime.
22
Special Commission Report (2) of 1882, compiled by
the Malabar
Consequently,
provides the best information for a reconstruction of Kerela's
William Logan,
The lack of indigenous recorded
history from the late 19th century onwards.
material is mitigated
Francois
the
by
ethnography
the precise
Pyrard,
of
detailed travel accounts
Ibn Battuta
and
of Duarte Barbosa and the works of
the late 16th centry historian Zayn al-Din al Ma'bari(3 )
information exists on the settlement patterns or the situation
Though little
of
concerning
century
the
and
of
Mosques
by
evidence
definite
first
in
visit
Battuta's
Zayn
1342,
missionaries
Arab
the
of
the
context
this
of
there
study,
especially Arab Muslims.
Calicut as early as the llth
were
remarks
al-Din's
in
large
the
9th
of
Muslim
(the
ruling
existence
In the City of Calicut the capital of the Zamorin
foreign merchants,
city of
lbn
establishment
the
offer
settlements.
family)
to
prior
Muslims
settlements
The establishment of
century and the encouragement
the
of
port
given to
initiated the family's rise to prominence and supported their
foreign trade,
emergence as a powerful dynasty by the 15th century.
Ibn Battuta recorded the
already
become
Yemen.
The
a major
revenue
When the Arab traveller
earliest description of the city in 1342, it
had
Sumatra
and
port
from
attracting
commerce
merchants
(the
single
from
China,
most
important
economic
23
activity), as the result of a conscious trade policy adopted by the Zamorins,
contributed to the transformation of the city into a vital trade center.
single
inscription
that dates
to
a time
before
Ibn Battuta's
the one in Muccunti Mosque in the Kuttichera neighborhood
is
Calicut.
It
specifically mentions the origin and location of a Muslim settlement -
the
locus
the
of the field research of
this
study.
The
of
visit
The
inscription proclaims
settlement to be a gift from the Zamorins to the Muslim community,
of
support
to
dominate the
them against
the
trading activity.
when he wrote
that
"the
rulers
attempts
by
the
Zayn al-Din made
of Kerela
have
Portuguese
this
respect
as a mark
merchants
to
point unequivocally
and
regard
for the
Muslims, because most of the buildings in their cities were due to them" 5)
The two dominant castes of the Hindu Kerelite society, the Nambudiri Brahmins
and Nayars
with
controlled the agrarian economy but had little
commerce,
revenue.
despite
its
importance
to
the
direct involvement
Zamorins
as
a
source
of
Commercial activities and all foreign trade were in the hands of
four non-Malyali
communities, two of which were Muslims.
One comprised
of Muslim traders from Arabia and elsewhere, who seasonally resided in the
city
and
socially
formed
a
semi-autonomous
distinct from
the
Malyali
community,
society.
remaining
however,
the
culturally
second
group
and
of
24
Muslims
-
the
inter-marriage
Moplahs
-
socially
The
Duarte
dressed like the
hindu Nayars
to
common
inheritance
specialization
residentially
meant
distinct suburbs.
from
(7)
.
that
however,
segregated
spoke
the
and even adopted
caste
that
existence
impenetrable
Moplahs
that
reported
Barbosa
an
represent
did not
developed
of
most
rest
the
Muslim
The
of
Zayn al-Din's association
through
Moplah
the
the Hindu society, points to the
members of the lower castes of
cultural differences
had
with and conversion of the
having developed through intermarriage
community,
contact.
isolated,
population.
local
the
with
less
to
barrier
the
fact that
language,
local
system of
matrilineal
economic
community's
were
of
them
the
population,
social
to
an
and
living
of the growth of
extent
towns in
in
the
Malabar with Muslim settlements and their commercial preoccupations does shed
some light on this aspect.
That the Muslim settlements were politically subordinate to non-Muslim rulers
contributed
of a political,
to a conspicuous lack
aristocracy among Kerelite Muslims, and a
administrative
and,
society of Kerela.
British
period and
in cultural
terms,
This continued
explains
the
to
or military
bureaucratic
consequent absence of
courtly
be true
relatively
traditions
of
the
in
political,
the
Islamic
community up
to
the
character
of
the
unstratified
25
community.
the
The Muslims of
contacts
represents
emergence
the
of
and increased
sea
The
contacts.
in Kerela
society
Islamic
cultural zone,
as a community with a distinct cultural identity.
was mainly due to its strategic
form a
of relatively weaker
as a result
part a regional history of the Malyali
in
thus
Indian subcontinent
cultural grouping historically
significant
land
extreme south
its
in
This situation
geographical location as a maritime trade
link between the west and far east.
is
The direct relation of the Moplahs with Arabian Islam
its
isolation from Indo-persian Islam.
The
political hegemony nor a proliferation of
ments or cultural values of
uninterrupted
historically
The
countries.
provides
an
practice
Arab-Islamic- culture,
of
the
in
contrast
Shafi'i
of
the
through
of
links
branch
of
political
dominance,
the
neither a
the
Islamic
of
way
to a
Arabian
religious
a
variant
law
predominantly
of northern
northern India and that
that, while in the north
south
as
theological develop-
with
development
The distinction between Islam in
there was
significantly
to the Turcic-Persian
the south also derives from the fact
roots
traditions,
contributed
strengthening
indication
early
and central India.
of
the latter,
fact that
significant
as
witnessed
a
it
situation
took
of
26
coexistence,
with the object of sharing in
a lucrative
a significant way to
fact that Calicut was not a power center contributed in
Calicut's existence as a
the distinctiveness of its history and development.
implied a
trading center
between
contact
social
a
communities.
It
was
acculturation
to
take
certain degree
the
place.
Given
the
autonomous
culturally
can
one
context,
of
processes
encouraged
inevitably
that
and
interdependence
economic
otherwise
various
condition
of
The
trade activity.
postulate
that
certain implicit and explicit codes of life style were adhered to through a
system
of mutual
reflects
to
a
The
sanctions.
large
extent
the
structuring
social
and
of
the
cultural
built
codes
of
environment
individual
communities.
More noteworthy in
the context of this study are some of the developments
in
recent times that have contributed to significant changes in the structure of
the community,
and have had an indirect
built environment.
impact on subsequent
actions
in
the
The expatriate movement of skilled and unskilled labour
to the Arabian countries
(late 60's - early 70's)
for employment
mainly
in
the building industry could be looked upon as a reaffirmation of the historic
Arabian link.
This
development needs
to be
viewed against
the
fact
there exists no precedent for the scale of this recent migrant movement.
that
The
27
the fact that newly acquired wealth
significance of this development lies in
has been invested in real estate,
building activity in
generating
many of the larger cities
thereby an immense amount
of the state.
of
The assertion
of status through the monopolisation of the building industry, represents a
significant
shift from the traditional role of Muslims as traders/tenants
in
a predominantly agrarian society.
In
the realm of the built environment,
the outcome of this
culture
contact
and gradual transformation in the social hierarchy, accompanied by a steady
north-south
barrier in
Islamic
relations,
has
found
diffusion of
the
expression in
borrowed elements and images grafted on the urban fabric.
urban fabric,
rules
and
till recent
conventions
The
times, largely found its basis and order in
generated
by
an
adherence
to
a
its
the
matrilineal kinship
system(9) that governed a distinct social order and cultural condition.
Given the nature
of
the
situation
today
-
that
of
a
rapidly transforming
urban condition - a seminal question which forms the central object of this
study,
presents itself:
conduct,
To what extent and in
residence and inheritance
what manner did the rules of
that formed the crux of the traditional
kinship structure affect and manifest itself in the
ordering of
the
built
28
environment?
Such a recapitulation and analysis is
replication,
but
rather
an
examination
in
in
no way a proposal for
perspective
of
a
peoples'
understanding of the issues of change and continuity and the concepts with
which they confronted the problem.
29
Footnotes
(1)
Miller, Roland, Mappila Muslims of Kerela, p. 33.
(2)
Logan, William, Malabar, Vol I, 1887.
(3)- Dames, Mansel Longworth, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, (p. 18 - 21),
- Zayn al-Din al Ma'bari,
Tuhfat al-Mujahidin,
(trans and ed)
by S. Muhammad
husayen Nainar,
- Gray, Albert, (trans. and ed.), The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of Laval, 1887.
-
husain, Mahdi (ed.
and trans.)
the Maldive
The Rehla of Ibn Battuta (India,
Islands and Ceylon), 1953.
(4)
Narayanan,
M.G.S.,
'The
in
Zamorin's Gift to the Muccunti Mosque'
Cultural
Symbiosis in Kerela, p.41.
(5)
5
Dale, Stephen, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier, p.1 .
(6)
The term Malyali refers
to the linguistic and cultural area included within
the modern Indian state of
Kerela, whilst Malabar
signifies
that
part
of
30
Northern Kerela which was
British first
termed Malabar district when the
took control in 1792.
(7)
Dale, Stephen, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier, p. 24.
(8)
"Complex
polyethnic
relevant value differences
and
must
complexity is
differences;
be
In
such
highly effective
based on the
(2)
the
entail
existence
and multiple constraints
participation.
social
mechanisms
clearly
systems
existence
systems
for the
the
extensively
on status
combinations
boundary
maintaining
following
of important,
of
reasons:
(1) the
complementary cultural
these differences must be generally standardized within the
ethnic group - i.e.
the status cluster,
or social person of every member of
a group must be highly stereotyped - so that inter-ethnic interaction can be
based on ethnic
identities;
ethnic group must be stable,
the
systems rest
can persist
Where these conditions
and
(3) the
cultural characteristics of
each
so that the complementary differences on which
in the
face
of
close
inter-ethnic
contact.
obtain ethnic groups can make stable and symbiotic
adaptations to each other..."
Barth, Fredrik, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. p. 19.
31
(9)
The term kinship system denotes a system of kinship and marriage or kinship
wherein relationships
and affinity,
The structural unit from which a kinship
and marriage.
is
the
result from the existence of the family
group
called
the
elementary
characterised
family,
built up
system is
the
by
One must
relations between siblings, husband and wife and parent and child.
however recognize the existence of
social
compound families as well, as networks
formed through the interlocking of elementary families with a common member,
creating thereby relationships of a first
inclusive
of
the
domestic
family,
together
in
existence
which
a dwelling
social groups,
of
could
or a
order and
be
defined
collection
as
of
the
a
second order.
primary
group
dwellings,
economic arrangement that one can call joint housekeeping.
size
from
a
single
elementary
hundred members, such as in the
Nayar communities of Kerela.
family
case
to
of
a
the
group
of
one
with
some
the
living
sort
of
They may vary in
including
tarawads
being
persons
is
It
more
of the
than
a
Moplah and
32
CHAPTER 3
THE INSTITUTION OF THE
TARAWAD AS A BASIC
UNIT IN THE MATRILINEAL
KINSHIP SYSTEM
In attempting to relate the socio-cultural dimension with the ordering of the
built environment,
as an aspect that primarily obtains
one must look upon it
from the existence of a corpus of categories of
socio-cultural
prevalent
interpretative
apprehension
in its
institutions,
looked upon as
group about
dimension informs a societal
human
to
significance
and
behaviour
The
the significance
of
is
here
individuals to
give
reality.
shared by
ideas
symbolic
'a system of
of
and beliefs.
thoughts
Culture
objects',
with
its
justification residing in the contention that man adapts to space through the
Between the physical environment and
social activities he seeks to perform.
human
activities,
there
The
shared
system
conscious or unconscious,
mediation
in
terms
of
a
a body of knowledge and belief,
specific objectives and values,
pattern.
a
exists
of
latent
symbolic
-
ideas
or manifest
-
is
implicit
collection
of
or a culture
or
explicit,
an active agent in the
process of man's adaptation to space.
Thus
in
the context
of
this
study,
by
"cultural dimension"
one
refers
to
those ideas, beliefs and values of the Moplah community which are relevant to
their behavior as
kinsmen
and
abstracted
from
relationships that mark day to day activity.
the
concrete
interpersonal
The relevant ideas, beliefs,
values are, for instance, those having to do with the perceived nature of the
connection between individuals that claim to be members of a descent lineage
33
or between individuals of different lineages
traceable to a common ancestry,
but part of the same societal group.
In sum, they
form
culturally
a
that
unique framework
use
the Moplahs
to
represent, understand and organize social relationships with their kinsmen.
It
not to be misunderstood as a case of an entire society being organized
is
in terms of
a kinship
idiom,
but
fundamental
integrated with more
rather as
deriving
conceptions
kinship being
of
conceptions
realms
the
from
of
religion, residence and social rank, into a comprehensive cultural pattern.
kinship
The
relations,
is
of
system
not
an
the
autonomous
inclusive culture pattern,
role.
factor,
Moplahs,
in
a
which it
rather
an
of
ordering
integral
of
part
social
a
more
plays a critical though not a dominant
The concept of culture pattern is
but
but
system,
the
to
means
interpretatively,
viewed as not necessarily
as
a
means
to
bring
a causal
together
the
apparently diverse expressions, as aspects of a coherent structure of thought.
The Moplah kinship system is
to an extent flexible in
form,
in
that it
has
allowed a certain amount of interpretative freedom, consequently contributing
to
its
persistance
and
adaptability
through
time.
Kinship
concepts,
34
and
institutions
relations
classify,
They show likewise,
groups.
that
identify
it
is
persons
categorize
and
with
associated
rules
and
conduct
of
whose efficacy comes from the general principles of kinship morality that is
rooted
familial
in the
This is
binding.
domain and
what Meyer
Fortes
assumed everywhere
refers
to as
to be axiomatically
altruism as
"prescriptive
the principle of kinship morality." 2
Viewing kinship
symbols in
systems against the background of
the overall structure of
terms of which a people organize their lives,
to an analytic
position less
leads automatically
and more related
formalistic
to the intrinsic
factors that shape a life style.
the fact that the nature and network
Notwithstanding
significant
role in
of institutions play a
the maintenance of social order and cultural continuum,
it is evident that the rules and conventions that underlie spatial order is a
partial
of
affirmation
institutions.
It is
the
ideas
and
beliefs
partial to the extent that it
in
the
built
environment
comprehension of the reciprocity
can
eventually
that the
societal
possesses the potential to
qualify and represent only particular aspects of that corpus.
meaning
by
propounded
be
Consequently,
elicited
only
physical environment shares
in
a
with
35
the
of
corpus
thoughts and
The
beliefs.
relations between
deciphering of
the built environment calls for an exposition
kinship structure and order in
of the Moplah social structure centered around the use of symbols of kinship
in organizing domestic and public life.
It must be noted at this point, that
the kinship structure of the Moplah community in
with peripheral changes made to accommodate
of the Hindu Nayar community,
This is
within the Islamic religious laws.
that
a
of
majority
the
similar to that
Calicut is
Muslim population
it
generally attributed to the fact
were
originally
from
converted
Hinduism.
The
similarities
in
kinship
structure
communities raises a related and important
of ethnic boundaries.
amongst
the
Moplah
and
Nayar
the maintenance
issue concerning
It is well known that ethnic groups persist through
continual expression and validation and are not merely or necessarily
result
of
the occupation of
different
different
ways they
isolation and the
territories, geographical
are maintained.
The
or
the
social
persistance
of
ethnic boundaries calls for criteria for identification and a structuring of
interaction,
which
Fredrik Barth's
culture
allows
for
observations
difference
seem
on
the
persistance
of
cultural
the
maintenance
of
ethnic
relevant:
"In
particularly
all
differences.
boundaries
organized
and
social
36
can be
life, what
made
agreement
about
relevant
to
codes
and
need
values
about
in
these
their
prescriptions
which
that
beyond
they
which
social
particular
any
extend
not
in
situations
social
the
interaction
If people agree
prescribed.
situation is
to
relevant
Stable
interact.
a set
inter-ethnic relations presuppose such a structuring of interaction:
of
articulation
in
some
prescriptions
on
social
other
sectors,
of
situations
governing
prescriptions
sectors
or
preventing
situations
and thus insulating
of
domains
allowing
and
contact,
interethnic
parts of the cultures
for
set
of
interactions
in
a
and
activity
is
from confrontation
and modification."3
Such a position leads one immediately to focus and inquire into the dynamics
of
a
particular
communities
social
(the Nayars
institution
and
-
Moplahs),
tarawad"
"the
but
with
-
in
prevalent
differing
both
territorial
and
built form expressions.
The different territorial/built form implications of
the
to an extent
"tarawad"
culture
reinforce
difference
the
between
the
notion
communities.
of
The
ethnic
"tarawad"
boundaries
as
a
and
social
institution and crux of the kinship system, as stated before, has exhibited a
certain degree of flexibility in
periods in
its
development
-
form.
"the old,
Consequently,
one can trace definite
the interregenum and the new order,
4
37
-
marked by
distinct changes
in the
rules
underlay it.
that
particularly true in the way it was enforced by the Nayars.
the "tarawad" as it
seems
This
The structure of
and the
exists amongst the Nayar and Moplah communities,
nature of its impact on the built environment will be discussed subsequently.
The "tarawad"
as termed locally amongst the Nayars and Moplahs is
of their kinship system.
"Tara"
in
the
local
language
raised platform on which a Nayar house was built."
Its reference
Thus,
the matrilineal descendents of a common ancestress.
tarawad might consist
means
"a
to all
is
for instance,
a
of sisters, their brothers, their children and their
But
usually
it
daughters'
children.
relatives.
All segments of this group,
by the same term.
literally
the focus
however,
contained
a
much
whatever their size,
when used without qualification,
wider
span
of
are referred to
the term tarawad
refers to that segment of the descent group which constitutes the matrilineal
joint family whose members owned property collectively and lived in one large
house.
The house was also referred to by
independent
economic unit,
their livelihood from it.
landowners
in
whose members
that term.
owned property
Each tarawad was an
jointly and derived
This seems especially true for the Nayars,
a predominantly
agrarian society.
The term "tavazhi" is
being
also
used by the Nayars to refer to a segment of the tarawad, headed by one of the
38
that the tarawad was constituted as a
What becomes evident is
elder women.
reinforced
corporation and
by
an estate which
possession of
the
specifically the possession of a house or houses and land,
place by rights over its
in
relation
to
members.
of
structure
the
included
the second
and in
The ownership of landed property
/houses
a
complex
founded
was
tarawad,
the
in
relationship of rights in common, joint rights and rights in division.
In
a
as
an
"property
of
classifications
useful
analytical
as
property collectively
used to refer to units in
the
of
clarification
further
residential group)
group,
(Fig.
tool
the
the
clan
and
13).
he
refers
to
the
largest
equivalent
matrilineal
clan has a name,
and
intermediate
these are
unit,
it
is
the
the
and
as
(i.e.,
they
one
A
claiming
the clan and the property
one
to
then
joint family.
other occasions
between
referred
is
that
implies
a
to
that
Sometimes,
group/household are co-extensive and on
group/household,
owning
group
the
term "tarawad"
Consequently,
are congruent.
segments
The
particularly
which the property group and the household
descendence from a common ancestress.
distinguishable
to
refers
Fuller's
J.
C.
seem
sub-clan"
"property group."
have identical memberships and are thus
"clan"
structure,
tarawad
clan
can
recognize
the
"sub-clans"(Fig.
which forms part of the name of each member of
property
13).
Each
the clan.
39
to
assumed
have
between them
a
might
the same area and bearing the same clan name are
in
Thus two people living
not
even
ancestress,
common
In
known.5
be
a
though
large
the
clan
exact
having
relationship
a
number
of
subclans, each would have its own name.
or, in other words, no
The clan is exogamous
common
exogamous
segment
are
ancestress
matrilineal
is
also
the
to
permitted
"community
of
two
persons with an assumed
marry
each
by
pollution,"
other.
The
meant
which is
those members who observe the rituals that accompany the "rites of passage",
that
is,
of
death,
puberty,
birth,
etc.6
The
concepts
of
exogamy
and
community of pollution are inextricably interlinked and associated to descent
from a common ancestress.
The ceremonies that accompanied "rites of passage"
are complex and have immense
and the "purity of women",
and
symbolic
organization
meaning.
of
found
They
residential
units,
explicit
especially
social implications
expression
amongst
in
the
the
spatial
high
caste
Nambutiri brahmins and the Nayar community.
In
so far as the aspect of authority and responsibility
eldest male member known as the
head, and responsible for all
"karnavan" was by legal
was concerned,
the
right the managing
major decisions related to the clan.
The term
40
"man with responsibility."
"karnavan" literally means
The transformation of
the structure of the tarawad, has been attributed mainly to changes in the
power structure within the system and the authority of the karnavan.
old
order
(i.e.,
before
unquestioned authority.
1920's),
the
the
in
turn,
position
of the tarawad estate.
the adult male and female members.
of
however,
Members
of
could have no individual claim on the property as well,
but had an equal interest in it.
property,
a
decisions related to the tarawad property had
and all
to have the sanction of all
the clan,
enjoyed
he was legally responsible for the well-being of the
clan members and the control and management
he had no claim on it,
karnavan
In the
the consensus
of all
In the occurence of a partition
adult members of
of family
the tarawad was necessary.
Most times, however, the decision of the karnavan along with a few elder male
members remained unquestioned.
The karnavan's authority in
that respect was
in theory absolute.
Thus the salient features of the "tarawad" in this period seem to be:
-
the existence of a joint family consisting of a matrilineal segment, breaking
down
into subsegments
called
headed by elder female members.
"tavazhis"
on the occurence
of marriage,
and
41
-
Given the nature
property
of the system - the maintenance of the pool of household
through a continuance
of the matrilineal lineage -
member was conferred a second class status,
with limited rights
"a visiting husband,"
and commonly referred to as a
over his wife and children.
principle he was an outsider, and treated as
with his wife and virtually
karnavan,
an inmarrying
In
such, with limited contact
toward his children.
no responsibilities
The
as stated previously who was usually his wife's eldest brother,
was responsible for the well being of all the clan members.
-
For the household and property group to remain congruent, it was prescribed
that
the
property
holdings
of
a
male
reverted to the tarawad on his death.
of
member
a
matrilineal
segment
It thus circumvented the problem of
a depletion of the joint family property holdings.
During the
interregenum period
The
development
importance.
was
of the
being
took place
there
the distribution of authority/responsibility amongst
significant changes in
the members
(between 1920 and 1940)
tarawad, which did to an extent alter its
of
the
concept
of
individual
property was
structure.
of
crucial
There began a trend whereby the property share of male members
transferred
to
their
wife
and
children.
It
consequently
diminished the control and authority of the karnavan over the clan members,
which was
previously
directly related and proportional
to
the amount
of
42
tarawad
property
his
under
The
control.
property
of
pattern
changing
transmission was to have two far-reaching social implications in the future:
- it
strengthened
the marital bond and consequently
changed
the role of the
It eventually gave rise
matrilineal subsegment with relation to authority.
to the development of nuclear families.
- it
gradually contributed to the disintegration
as the crux
of the tarawad,
of a matrilineal joint family structure.
Both these factors
environment,
families,
and
had immense
will
at least in
ramifications
discussed
be
later.
this particular context,
in the
The
context
of
development
as largely
the
of
built
nuclear
due to the result
of internal factors, is a case in point that substantiates the view, that the
rise
of nuclear families
such as it
is not necessarily
initiated
by
external factors
being the inevitable result of the process of coming to terms with
8
technological change and industrialization.
The nature of property transmission in the post 1940 period - the new order and
as generally
These are (1)
practiced
today
can
be
classified
under two
categories.
land holdings as being the property of the matrilineal family,
i.e. the tarawad,
or tavazhi or in
other terms Family property,
owned by an individual or Individual property.
and (2)
land
43
Family property can be defined as the property inherited by a woman from any
matrilineal relative, it usually being from the mother, her brother or sister
Family property held by the woman is
or sometimes her mother's brother.
of
maintenance
the
her
all
daughters' children, etc.
descendents,
matrilineal
However,
i.e.
her
an agreement
be
on the partition of property,
they adult or minors, would
this,
if
be
children,
the division of property can still
take place with the consent of all adult matrilineal descendents.
for
only
In case of
all her matrilineal descendents,
alloted an equal share.
To illustrate
for instance a woman has two sons and two daughters and one of the
daughters has two children, then the woman's family property would be divided
The daughter with two children would
into six parts.
receive three
which she would maintain for herself and her children (Fig. 14).
the case of one of the sons being dead,
shares,
However, in
the property would be divided into
five parts, with his widow and children not receiving any shares (Fig. 15).
If the daughter having two children were dead, the property would still be
divided into five parts,
it
(Fig.
16).
As
is
but the children would have a claim to one fifth of
evident,
the
distribution
of
property
takes
place
strictly within the living descendents of the matrilineal segment.
On the other hand,
individual property pertains to that which is
acquired by
44
a woman other than
family property in
through matrilineal
that ownership and matters
solely within the powers of
property
inherits
property.
father,
her
it
family property,
thus
There
occurs
generation,
to
generation
does
inheritance/transmission
holdings.
the individual.
related
to its
distinct
from
disposal
lies
Thus for instance if
would
it
is
considered as
be
a woman
individual
If however, she transfers it to her daughter, it would then become
her daughter's
relative.
from
It
inheritance.
a
being
complex
implying
not
that
therefore
diminish
necessarily
status
property
of
reversal
matrilineal
through a
inherited
process
the
net
the
from
of
family
The critical rule underlying the procedure of land division and
transmission is
that it
By equal one does not
should be fair and equal.
necessarily mean in terms
of area,
but
land value and income
in terms of
generation.
It
is
evident
from what has been discussed of
the structure of the tarawad
that in the scheme of rights, duties, privileges,
individuals,
family,
and
the
forming
specific
pattern
and powers
of
the
allocated to
matrilineal
9
resides a concept of property as a social institution.
joint
The notion
of property as a social institution structures human relations to specific
ends.
It differs
political,
from other
and the like.
-
in
social
institutions
-
familial,
that besides the existence
religious,
of relations among
45
individuals, there are explicit rules prescribed in relation to a range of
objects
various
of
when
Property
categories.
as
considered
a
social
institution not only implies the observance of rights and duties with respect
to
objects of
value by
specific social
of
individuals
sanctions
that
a particular society, but
The
accompany it.
body
of
also the
sanctions
as
a
culturally constituted means for guiding the individuals of a given group to
play their respective roles in the scheme of property relations, is of primal
importance in
social
recognition of
ownership,
the dynamics of property relations.
trying to comprehend
which in
values
turn are
is
integrally
linked with the
reinforced by social sanctions.
The
regulations of
Within such a
framework, the process and meaning of property division and distribution is
not
primarily a material transfer,
reinforces
but
the social
an
bond.
maintains
and
dominance
of the social over the economic
consumption and
exchange,
interpersonal
It
symbolizes and
function.
the distribution
transaction which
assures
the
Systems of production,
and various forms of
of wealth,
occupational specialization, which are generally categorized under the rubric
of economics, do act as external constraints and a medium for the deployment
of kinship institutions, norms and relationships.
the basis of kinship structure.
Property
relations of kinship and descent; it
is
It is not, however,
then does
not create the social
the means by
which they are made
46
If kinship can be looked upon as the social instrument regulating
tangible.
individuals,
amongst
relationships
social
institution
the complex system of human
in
structures the roles which individuals play,
a
as
property
relations that prevail with respect to the ownership of objects held in value
in
descent group as
ideology
not
and
follows then that the corporateness
It
a given society.
seen from within derives
primarily
the
corporate
exclusively
through
of a matrilineal
from its
structure and
of
ownership
material
property.
The point just made is
exemplified by the existence of such a kinship system
amongst the Nayars and Moplahs, notwithstanding the fact that the former were
largely an estate owning group, while the latter, only traders with virtually
no ownership of estates.
vary amongst
"residence
the
in
Though the nature and extent of vested interest did
clan members
the
of
ancestral
each of
house"
the communities,
remained
the concept
unchanged,
thus
of
clearly
illustrating the fact that kinship relations are not necessarily sustained by
the ownership of landed property.
settlements
are
necessitates
transformations
structured,
that
the
But it does play a crucial role in the way
for
ancestral
to accomodate
the
non-ownership
house
the generational
be
of
landed
subjected
range implied by
to
property
periodic
the kinship
47
a fundamental way to the high density of the
contributes in
And it
system.
Muslim settlements and the complex spatial organization of
as
unit,
the
against
of
houses
ancestral
relatively
the
Before
Nayars.
to
proceeding
residential
pattern
unchanged
and
dispersed
the
a
more
of
the
detailed
analysis of the impact of the kinship system on the spatial organization of
house
types,
it
appropriate
is
to
draw
attention
to
aspect
another
critical importance insofar as the Nayar houses are concerned,
of
that being the
strict adherence to the rules laid down by the "text." 1 0
The
study
of
theory. (11)
domain,
kinship
One
forms
dimension
the
of
broad
this
but
field
definable
being
the
field
of
familial
structural
or domestic
a scheme of dyadic relations.
connecting individual to individual in
The other dimension, is the part played by kinship rules in the allocation of
status - the politico-jural
the
political
society,
dimensions
given
of
framework
its
social
domain, (12)
and sustains by way of sanctions of
of
the
society
economy
and
world
relations,
complementary
relationship
patrifiliation
and
and
matrifiliation
present in all familial systems.
within
which
it
view,
has
these
institutions
and
norms.
form
modes
the
of
elementary
reckoning
occurs.
two
Every
irreducible
They
enjoy
components
kinship,
a
of
invariably
48 The emergence of institutional patterns could be understood as resulting from
or
integration
the
reflecting
can vary even in neighboring communities
This phenomenon is
Calicut
in
the
roles
identical
or at least closely
and by the same technology.
the case of the Moplahs and Nayars
clearly evident in
occurred,
have
cross-influences
though
where,
of
the same environment
living in
at
it is common knowledge that this balance
assigned to each of these elements.
similar culture,
arrived
divergence
and/or
of
cultural
a
distinctiveness has yet been maintained.
the "tarawad" as a body of cultural and structural elements
Stated summarily,
of
Each element
has form and internal structure.
status manifested
in it
carries with it or is an outcome of a specific context of social relations to
which given norms and customary
socio-spatial
frame
institutions,
for
arrangements
of
institution its
of
arrangement,
example,
home,
behavior are linked.
can
is
that it
that
related
be
workplace, and
coherence
in
a
description
observable
to
community
It tacitly implies a
at
large.
of
kinship
socio-spatial
What
gives
comes about through the interweaving
such nexuses, in the conduct of persons in interaction.
the
of
49
Definitions of clan, subclan,
property group, and
taravad.
F-------------------I
I
I
I
L
-
.
.
.----
----
-----
'clan' to
term
uses the
Fuller
all members who claim
represent
ancestress
common
a
to
descent
They also form the
(Figure A).
property group if they own property
collectively.
A
----.
The term sub-clan refers to that
segement of the clan which has moved
out of the ancestral house or has
(Figure B).
adopted another name
have
not
they
do
Consequently,
membership in the tarawad.
B
:...................................................................
The tarawad comprises of all members
in the
"o f the clan who reside
tarawad
and
collectively
own
or
alternatively,
the
p roperty,
roperty group and residential group
a re congruent and equivalent to a
j oint family (Figure C).
-..
,
mMWMV
- ---
13
i...............................................3
..-----
C
clan
sub-clan
tarawad
50
A woman with two
sons and
two
daughters with one of them having
two children would have her property
divided into six parts The daughter
with two children would receive three
shares.
In the case of one of the sons being
dead, the property is divided into
five
parts
with
his
wife
and
children not receiving any shares.
--- -------
Ii.'
V
15
If the daughter having two children
were dead, the property would still
be divided into five parts with the
children having a claim to one fifth
of it.
E!*5-5
Property
0
Female
X
A
Male
Deceased member
Rules of property division
in a taravad
---
16
----
----..
v..
51
Footnotes
(1) Wilhelm, Sidney, Urban Zoning and Land Use Theory, p. 32.
(2) Fortes, Meyer, Kinship and the Social Order, p. 234.
(3) Barth, Fredrik, Ethnic
Groups and Boundaries
-
The Social Organization of
Culture Difference, p. 8.
(4) Fuller, C.J., The Nayars Today, Chapter 3.
(5) A male Nayar has four names: his clan name followed by an inherited personal
name, which is usually his mother's
personal name and a caste title.
names:
her
clan name which
A female Nayar,
is
mother's name and a given name.
(6) For a
detailed account
of
eldest brother's
the
inherited
the
symbolic
the Castes of Ceylon and Malabar" is
Royal
Anthropological
however,
has only three
matrilineally, followed by
her
She does not bear a caste name.
rituals of "rites of passage" Nur Yalmans'
in
given name, a given
significance
article
"On
and meaning
the Purity
extremely illuminating.
Institute,
Vol.
93,
of
Part
the
of Women
Journal of
I,
1963.
52
(7)
The diminished powers of the karnavan as the head and representative of the
tarawad was something one realized during the field study as well.
On one
occasion after having acquired permission from the karnavan the previous day
to document the house,
we were asked to terminate work midway the next day
by one of the male members of the household.
the
husband of
group
-
"the
implications
structure.
one of
the
visiting
of
that
In that
females
of
husband."
action
-
the
Little
as
a
he apparently happened to be
tarawad or matrilineal descent
did
one
realize
manifestation
of
a
the
changed
of
common
power
the karnavan was unable to intervene, exemplified the
fact of his once unquestioned authority having been reduced to
mere figurehead.
deeper
that
of a
Though still residing in the ancestral house and partaking
utilities,
the
acquisition
of
the
means
to
an
independent
subsistence by the particular subclan had drastically altered the structure
of relations within the "tarawad."
(8) Though not exactly within the ambit of this inquiry,
Milton Singer's study
on the Madras industrialists is an excellent example that
the rules underlying the notion of
been
transmuted
industrial houses.
to
the
corporateness
organization
and
of
the
administration
illustrates how
joint
of
family has
present
day
It emphasizes the structural compatibility of traditional
53
traditional joint family
documents
adapted
some
the
environment.
of
the
organization with industrial entrepreneurship and
specific ways
traditional
The
joint
distinctive
in which Madras
family
approach
in
of
the
an
industrialists
urban
and
industrialist
have
industrial
study
to
an
understanding of modernization is the analysis of family adaptive strategies.
Singer, Milton, When a Great Tradition Modernizes, Chap. 8.
(9) hallowel, Irving A.,
Culture and Experience, Chap. 12.
(10) The generic Hindu text on architecture -
the Vastu Shastras
-
on which the
many regional variants are based, is an exhaustive compilation of aspects
that
deal
with
orientation,
the
systems
qualifications
of
measure
of
and
an
architect,
proportion,
site
building
selection
types
and
and
a
detailed description of the various religious rituals that accompanied the
different phases of construction.
rules laid by the texts,
a combination
of
two
Most Nayar houses adhered strictly to the
and were organized either around a single court or
internal
courts with
individual rooms being prescribed.
the
location and
size
of
the
54
(11) Meyer
Fortes
development
that
the
develops
a very
of structural
study
of
structural theory,
theory, in the
kinship
has its
critical and
and
social
comprehensive
process
survey
of
of his attempt to
organization
roots and precedents in
which
the
show
culminated
in
the work of Lewis Henry
Morgan.
Fortes,
Meyer,
Kinship and the Social Order.
Refer particularly to Part 1
and 3.
(12) The concept
of
"domain"
refers
to
Meyer
Fortes'
...the social and cultural processes that make
fall into determinate
call
domain
-
a
range
of
social
of
the
term:
up a given social system
Each such sector - which I
sectors of organization.
comprises
definition
relations,
customs,
norms,
statuses and other analytically discriminable elements linked up in
nexuses
and unified by the stamp of distinctive functional features that are common
to all...a domain is
of
social
not merely a classificatory construct.
organization
in
the
sense
that
and
the
Social
Order,
its
members
It is
a matrix
derive
their
specificity from it."
Fortes,
Meyer,
Kinship
pp.
95-96.
For
a
more
exhaustive explanation of the politico-jural domain, refer to Chapter 12 on
"Cognatic Systems and the Politico-Jural Domain."
55
CHAPTER FOUR
The kinship relations of a
THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE
KINSHIP SYSTEM ON THE
STRUCTURING OF THE
direct and
PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
environment, from the organization of
indirect
neighborhood level.
the impact
matrilineal
implications
descent
the
on
the
system
structuring
residential
of the system on the organization
the
field
a
study
was
-
conducted
range
of
the
unit
up
Though this study focuses on the specific
as it
the
aspect
exists in
the Kuttichera
of
built
to
of the residential
brief reference to the concept of "neighborhood"
where
have
of
unit,
a
the area
neighborhood
of
Calicut city - seems appropriate.
The concept
internal
structure,
of
structure
as
of
the
in
is
restricted
Kuttichera,
tarawad.
an inmarrying male is
allowed only
words,
"neighborhood"
To
accorded
basically
from
the
of
the
the status of an outsider,
and
reiterate
contact with his wife
explicitly
specified
by
derives
the
and
system,
some
aspects
children.
the
In other
husband
is
not
allowed to spend time during the day at his wife's tarawad or place of
residence.
he visits his wife late in
morning.
however,
rights in
his own tarawad,
His
daily chores
he
being
for all
also
a
the evening and leaves in
matrilineal
descendent
which allows him to visit it
purposes are
tarawads - that of his wife and his own,
thus
divided
the early
has
certain
during the day.
between
the
two
and enjoying a different status
56
in each of them.
that
the
two
In order to fulfill
tarawads
would
his divided obligations,
need
to
be
located
in
it
follows
relatively
close
proximity.
Kuttichera as a neighborhood
represents such a network of relations.
The
concept of neighborhood points to a field of social relations, in which
local association is
is
an outcome of the ideology and values of kinship and
thus drawn into the familial domain.
partly
due
relations,
to
the
the
convergence
"axiom
of
amity"
of
as
Besides the fact that
neighborly
part
structure also plays a significant role.
of
relations
the
unit,
but
incorporates
the
kinship
and
is
kinship
family
The definition of neighborhood
in this context does not solely comply with that of
delimited
with
this
notion
of
being a physically
an extended
network
of
social relations.
What occurs,
interestingly,
is
a situation wherein on the one hand there
exists an intermeshing of kinship and locality or alternatively the notion
of neighborliness deriving from a network of extended kin group relations,
whilst on the other, of individual descent groups -
tarawads -
with an
internal structure that prescribes strict laws of individual interaction.
57
It
consequently
largely
on
domains,"
an
implies
explicit
regulating
that the
coding
kinship
relations
of
prescribed
of public and private domains,
and
crux
sustenance of
the
notions
the
system would depend
of
"public
social interaction.
In
and
fact,
private
the notion
form seminally the complementary sphere of
of
the
rules
that
underlie
the
spatial
organization of the tarawad as a social and residential unit.
The tarawad as a residential unit emerges as the physical
family
origin
point,
spatial
layout
that is
necessitated
avoidance,
given
reveals
etc.,
the
the
dynamics
inevitable
of
the
symbol of the
kinship
segmentation
and
Its
differentiation
by the prescribed rules of inheritance,
that characterizes
system.
interaction,
the internal structure of the system.
The organization of the residential unit comes
fundamental social distinction that is
to be pivoted around the
perpetually maintained,
between the
individual households and the clan as a corporate group.
From the gamut of interrelationships
of the system,
that comprise the internal structure
the more crucial ones that contribute to and determine
rules underlying the spatial order of the residential unit appear to be:
- the aspect of descent through the female line
the
58
- the occasion of marriage of female members of a descent group
- the
distribution
of
wealth
and
the
issue
of
property
transmission
amongst members of a descent group
- the role of male matrilineal descendents as representatives
of the clan
and centers of authority.
The
extent
and nature
organization
of
the
of
the
impact
residential
proceeding to examine them in the
of
unit,
each of
will
these
be
aspects
on
considered,
the
before
context of the four house types
that
have been documented.
The bias of inheritance in favor of females and the marriage pattern which
requires the residence of a woman in
her own tarawad have two significant
implications.
condition
Firstly,
given
the
that
descent
takes
place
matrilineally, the number of potential households in a tarawad is directly
proportional
to
comprise a clan.
the
number
of
females
in
the
descent
The formation of a new household is
in
groups
that
may
turn accompanied
by the allocation of a set of self-contained living spaces either through
subdivision of the tarawad
cases by the building of
house or by extensions
to it,
or in
isolated
detached quarters within the tarawad compound.
In most cases, especially amongst the Muslims, the first two patterns seem
59
to predominate
for reasons stated at the beginning (Figs.
on pp.
79,87,93).
What is evident then, is that the extent and periodicity of the transformations
the
tarawad
house undergoes,
is
directly
related
to
the
number
of
female members in the clan and the occurence of marriage.
Though the extent of living spaces that is
comply with the rules of property
allocated to a new household did
division as it
was practiced
in
the
old
order (i.e., an equal division amongst the members of a descent group), this
is
not
necessarily
so
today.
This
individual property as an independent
is
attributable
source
of
to
the
income that
concept
of
developed
in
more recent times allowing for individual households to acquire space within
the tarawad according to their relative status and economic level.
The organization/location of household spaces follows another criterion as
well which has to do with the status of the husband.
In that the husband is
accorded the status of an outsider,
and given the strict rules of avoidance
between male and female members of
the different
the husband is
his
households
in
a tarawad,
allowed only limited access to the tarawad house.
accessibility
is
restricted
solely
to
the
spaces
allocated
In
to
fact
his
60
Such
household.
a
set
of
conditions
demand
a
careful
demarcation
and
intrusion
organization of household spaces in a manner that would exclude
into other household domains.
The issue of household domains must be related to the fact that it
uncommon to come across tarawads with as many as five
different
representing
ancestral
private
between sixty to a
transitional
and
81,82,88,94).
and
zones
all
a
together
in
an
the total clan populace
hundred members,
assumes
not
six households,
living
wherein
Given such a situation,
house.
ranges anywhere
lines,
descent
to
is
special
the aspect
of public,
importance
(Figs.
pp.
The transformations of an ancestral house and the aspect of
the social
zones are inextricably linked together, reinforcing
norms
that
mark daily life in a tarawad.
The rituals that accompany the rites of passage - birth,
death etc.,
cycle,
- marking
entail
the
residential unit.
of the
There
notions
are
two
of
the
transition from one phase
provision
and
location
The nature of rituals
purity-impurity,
aspects
related
to
of
pollution
rituals;
to another
specific
finds its
puberty,
spaces
basis in
distance
firstly,
and
the
marriage,
in
a life
within
the
the prevalence
ritual
dynamics
status.
of
the
61
ritual
itself,
an
concerns
that
individual
member
a
of
kin-group
and,
secondly, the collective celebration by all kin-group members, which usually
follows its
a variance
Though there is
completion.
together"
is
"rites of
passage"
the
an
Nayars,
the
symbolises
rituals seem to have
especially
Nevertheless,
that
with
regard
aspects
two
individual and collective,
of
the act of
The act of "eating
the form of feasting.
usually in
occasion
the rituals that are
the constant feature is
observed amongst the Moplahs and Nayars,
collective celebration,
in
and
reinforces
kin
bond.
been more stringently
to
the
females
the
to a degree the principles
determine
by
tarawad.
that
observed,
rituals
the
of
observed
The
of
the
of spatial
organisation of a tarawad residential unit.
To take an
puberty -
instance
which is
of
the
looked
spatial
upon
as
correlates
a
state
of
of
rituals;
pollution
amongst the Nayars calls for the seclusion of the girl,
for a period of time.
new phase
prevalent,
-
rites
of
particularly
a dark chamber,
Her release from seclusion, marked the beginning of a
in her life,
collectively by
in
the
as having
feasting.
gained adulthood, which was
In view of
the location of the chamber
the notion
of
celebrated
"pollution distance"
within the house was prescribed.
A
62
similar
ritual
took
place
on
the
occasion
of
a
birth
in
the
tarawad,
requiring the provision of a delivery room (Fig. on p. 99 ).
The notions of purity-impurity
bathing,
to a point where
it
ascribes a special
importance
attains a ritual status in
to the act of
or bathing
itself
was usually the only way one could re-enter a state of purity.
Consequently,
the bathing tank came to be an inevitable aspect of a Nayar tarawad.
case of wealthy tarawads there were usually two bathing tanks,
In the
for separate
use by male and female members of the tarawad.
The observation of rituals forming an integral part of their cosmology and
usually being celebrated by all members of the kin group implied that large
spaces in the tarawad house were specifically designated for use during such
occasions.
In fact, one can conclude, as the analysis of the four docu-
mented houses reveal,
that such spaces form the generic core in
layout of a tarawad residence (Figs. on pp. 83,89,95).
the spatial
The order of its oc-
curence designates explicitly the rules related to its use by kin and non-kin
members,
residence.
demarcating
in
the
process
the
public
zones
in
the
The ultimate structure of dependence and amity and its
tarawad
external
independence, finds its expression in the gatehouse, as a primary definition
of the public-private domain (Fig. 17-21).
63
in
forms
gate
house
Different
Kuttichera as an explicit definition
of public and private domains
17
19
18
20
21
64
CHAPTER 5
THE SITE OF THE FIELD
STUDY - KUTTICHERA
NEIGHBORHOOD - AND ITS
METHODOLOGY
field
The
neighborhood of
(Figs.
conducted
study
Calicut
to
have
been
the
to
Kuttichera
a predomimant Muslim population
an area having
As stated in
on pp. 69-7 1).
the earliest
-
largely
restricted
was
the beginning,
established and dates
the settlement
back
to
the
is
one of
early
14th
century.
The neighborhood of Kuttichera is located along the coast of the Arabian sea
and contained within the north-south Beach Road on the west and Trunk road
lt
on the east.
in
the
and
north,
Road,
Idiyangara
and Kuttichera
tank and
the
is
flanked by the highly commercial
Francis
Road
is
the
south.
the settlement
which bisects
North Road,
in
located
a large
towering wooden structure
along
the
the
intersection
Misqual
northern edge form the focal point of the settlement.
of
north-south axis,
communal bathing
the
of
At
streets of Big Bazaar
Mosque
tank.
The
along
its
A noticeable feature
of the settlement are the many smaller mosques that occur, serving different
residential
groups within the community.
The
settlement is
residential with commercial activities restricted to
predominantly
the north,
south and
east edges and along the northern part of Idiyangara Road.
As one enters
the neighborhood,
the general
impression one receives
is
of
65
narrow
streets and
broken by
the
alleys
occurence
of
individual tarawad houses
behind
the
gatehouse
distinctiveness
individual
of
tarawad
lined by high,
to
the
gate
(Fig. 25).
shield
gate
houses
houses,
mark
in
marking
At times,
from
house
blank brick walls,
and
a
view
the
the
domestic group and the boundaries of the private
walls
way
the
domain.
to
screen is
forecourt
high
definitive
entry points
a second
the
intermittently
placed
within.
that
enclose
autonomy
the
of
The
the
the
The gate house in
some cases takes on elaborate forms, with seating arrangements within, in the
form of raised platforms,
for in
most instances,
transactions with outsiders
takes place only at this point.
Within the tarawad compound, most houses exhibit a similar basic principle of
organization.
That is,
once beyond the gate house,
deep verandah which usually runs
along the
large room with two raised platforms,
and leads into a large
hall.
entire
on either side,
these
through
household
of
an
of the
house.
A
follows the verandah,
that are doubly backed or two
instances where an appropriation of
needs
front
leads to a
Depending upon the social-economic status of
the family, there occur verandahs
the
a forecourt
expanding
spaces takes
(Figs.
on
halls,
or
place, necessitated
pp.
75,84,90,96).
Despite these occurences, what becomes clear is that in the scheme of spatial
66
organization that characterises a tarawad house type, this sequence of spaces
demarcates
in
a
definite
way
the
levels
publicness
of
and
accessibility afforded to various members of a tarawad group.
consequent
It forms the
generic core of the house type.
The field studies comprise an extensive documentation of four house types,
factor in
based on the identification of the familial domain as a critical
social grouping,
with the
primary isolate.
Of the four house types documented,
families and are located in
one (house
4)
of Calicut.
belongs
residential
Kuttichera
unit of
the
(houses 1,
extended
2,
its
three belong to Muslim
& 3),
to a hindu Nayar family and is
family as
while the fourth
the suburbs
located in
The Nayar house has been documented solely for the purposes of a
analysis,
comparative
organisation
of
the
with
the
object
residential
unit
of
examining
of
a
the nature
different
social
of
and
spatial
cultural
of
the
existence of any precise geneological data on the individual tarawads,
the
group,
aspect
subscribing
of
to
a
generational
similar kinship
range
in
terms
system.
of
the
Due to
formation
the
of
lack
households,
property transmission and tarawad subdivisions through a period of time,
not been dwelt upon.
has
The scope of the study, being restricted to the pattern
of existent interrelationships in a tarawad, is largely synchronic in nature.
67
The
three Muslim house
system is
still
types documented are
adhered to,
prototypical
patterns
observations,
interviews,
Masjid
in
which
the
of
examples wherein
the kinship
and represent different generational ranges and
growth.
This
was
concluded
with household members,
tarawad
was
on
the
and members of
represented.
The
three
basis
of
the local
prototypical
patterns are:
(1) A generic
built
tarawad house type of
sometime
wherein
the
residential
during
expansion
units
This being due
property
the
of
dispersed
relatively
early
the
in
20th
recent
century
household
different
has
parts
origin having been
(House
been
of
1-pp.
accomodated
the
to the fact that being a wealthy family it
in different
parts of
the neighborhood.
75-83),
in
neighborhood.
owns landed
The house
type has
therefore remained relatively unaltered.
(2) Household
expansion generating
ancestral house,
resulting in
subsequent
extensions/additions
to
the
the expansion of the ancestral house as a
physical unit, within the tarawad precinct (House 2-pp. 72,84-89).
68
(3) The formation of new households
existing ancestral
house,
leading to
through
internal divisions of
successive
generations
(House
the
3-pp.
73, 90-95).
The Nayar tarawad (house 4-pp.96-100)
of recent origin,
in
as
single
a
this case,
is
its unaltered state is mainly due to
the
fact
the tarawad as a social institution no longer functions
economic
Nevertheless, it
(House 1)
having been built sometime during the early 20th century.
Unlike the Moplah tarawad,
that,
like the Moplah tarawad
is
unit
through
the
a striking example
residential unit as laid down in
activity
of
the
of
joint
housekeeping.
spatial organization
the hindu text of architecture--the
of
a
Vastu
Shastra.
The pattern of
transformations that a tarawad house undergoes does depend
upon other factors
household,
salient
like
the
the generational
feature
transformations
that
of
range,
emerges
the
economic
and
social
status
size of the lot etc..
from
ancestral
greater number of female members in
the
examples
house
takes
a
tarawad.
cited,
place
as
property.
heirs to family
family
or
is
that
there
increased
occurs
a
This being directly linked
the maternal residence
rightful
a
Despite this, the
when
to the kinship rule that requires
the
of
of female members
69
-a-l-"~
t7
Ward 12
s
BlockoNo.
tt
L4
-f1-
T
L-
-
2]
13'
1111
MUC
ajI!
Ad
OMI
~~
rL
lol30f
KutihraNigbrho:
alct
ouses
cum
ted
os
u
s/M
jid
0P3Y90
""
__j
M
70
Muslim
22)
Aerial view of the
quarters in Calicut
23)
Ediagara
Road
24)
bazaar
A
residential
Kuttichera
25)
typical
A
residential
Kuttichera
in
street
section
26)
Jua1 Masjid,
Kuttichera
Mosque
on
Francis
in
street
section
the
of
the
of
23
22
24
25
26
71
CHAPTER 6
THE ANALYSIS OF THE
FOUR DOCUMENTED
SITE PLAN
Area of the field study
Houses
HOUSE
TYPES
documented
Mosques/Masjids
M
30
0
30
90MN
72
Ward 12
Block No. 5
WARD-BLOCK PLANS OF
THE AREA OF FIELD STUDY/1934-1983
Plans showing the nature of transformation
of tarawad houses
Revenue mSap
BLOCK Nc.5
Are
6 &cre &
sae
so-
P.o
a
"oft"
MW8%VV8Q
a .Ppgb
MAKAM"
1934
1934
1983
1983
73
1934-
1983
74
Ward 16
Block No. 2
A
£
-
1934
9
1983
75
A 7i
HOUSE 1
(A Moplah tarawad)
V
Name of the tarawad: Puthiya
Ponmanichintakam
Location: 16/67 Kuttichera
No. of descendent groups: 4
Total clan populace residing in
house: 10
the
The house was built sometime during
the early 20th century by a Muslim
Ceylon. The
family
from
migrant
significant
any
of
absence
to
an
reflects
transformations
generational
the
shallow
extent
the fact
range. Added to this is
that some households have moved out
to establish independent residential
different parts of the
units in
as
a
tarawad
The
neighborhood.
functions
family origin point still
as such when all the clan members
of
occasions
the
on
congregate
family rituals and festivals.
First floor plan
0 1
3
6m
FLY1--
76
A-
Most of the second floor remains
unoccupied,
due
to
the
few
households presently residing in the
house. It originally accommodated
the bedrooms allocated to individual
households.
Second floor plan
0
1
FL--
3
6 m
1
77
27&28) Views
of
the
leading
into
compound
29&30) The verandah
of the house
gate
house
the
tarawad
along the
front
31) The central hall with a light
well
which
is
used
predominantly by the women of
the clan
32) One of the bedrooms
second floor level
at
the
A
27
28
2
32
78
A-
01
3
A,
6m
rL-~-1
First floor plan
Second floor plan
KEY
NS Living
Bedroom
Kitchen
SW.C. /Bath
EZ3
E'l
Storage
Well
Plans showing the organisation
of activities
Section A A
79
Plan showing the pattern
of ownership by individual
households
A-
The
tarawad
does
not
strictly
observe the rules of matrilineal
descent
for
one
finds
the
co-residence
of
married
male
descendents as well. Despite this,
however,
they
function
as
independent
economic
units,
with
each
of
their
household
spaces
having
an attached kitchen.
The
female descendents share a common
kitchen, located to the rear of the
house.
Represents individual
descent groups
KEY
A-
First floor plan
01
3
rLnji
6 m
80
Plan showing the pattern
of ownership by individual
households
A-,
A1
Second floor plan
0 1 3
6m
rtJ---1
81
Plan showing the public,
private and transition zones
A7
[
0e
-
*i
~
4
.
Individuals who are not kin members
are welcomed only in the public
areas of the house. Given the system
of "purdah" that is prevalent in the
Muslim
community,
the
females
restrict
their activities to the
rear portion of the house. The stair
finds
a
specific
location
in
proximity to the public areas. It
allows accessibility to the upper
floor for male members married into
the family, without intrusion into
the
private
domains
of
other
households.
0.000
~-*4-
*
.0
0.
KEY
--
Public
FN1
Il
Private
Transition
First floor plan
AJ
01
3
rLJ
6 M
i-
.
82
Plan showing the public,
private and transition zones
0 1
Second floor plan
(;Pr.nnd floor DIan
A-,
3
6 M
rtJ---i
83
The generic core comprises a set of
ceremonial spaces that have specific
uses on the occasion of rituals that
the
by members of
are observed
In a way it is a spatial
clan.
definition of clan corporateness. It
sequence
and
an
ordered
follows
occurs in all house types. Its order
is:
which
runs
the
verandah,
1 along the front of the house,
doubly
case
this
in
and
male
by
is
used
backed,
non-kin members on festive
occasions.
2 This room is used exclusively
for marriage ceremonies, when
each platform is occupied by
kin relations of the bride
following
bridegroom
and
and
which
negotiations
exchanges of gifts take place.
3 & 4) Feasting halls used by the
male and female clan members
respectively.
Plan showing the generic core
84
HOUSE 2
(A Moplah tarawad)
Name of the tarawad: Mollantakam
Location: Kuttichera
No. of descent groups: 5
Total clan populace residing in the
house: 96
The tarawad, established sometime
during the early 16th century, is an
has
that
of
a
house
example
undergone continuous transformations
the process of
in
through time,
expanding
and
new
accommodating
households. A comparison with the
survey
plans
of
1934
suggests
the
within
substantial expansion
the
through
compound
tarawad
addition of spaces to the original
ancestral house.
The exact relationships among the
various
descent
groups
residing
however
presently remain unknown.
the fact of common residence is the
only evidence of a common origin. In
view of this the aspect of household
property ownership assumes a special
significance and gets manifested as
a system of explicit boundaries and
codes of use.
First floor plan
0 1
3
FLJN
6 M
4L
e
a
A
A
L
0
E
85
A
LJ
Second floor plan
0
1
3
6 m
n---1I
""
A
86
A
L
01
AA
3
--
A
6M
nt-i-
First
floor
Second floor plan
plan
A dominant aspect in this house type
is the utilization of the court as a
spatial element in the organization
of
the
residential
spaces
of
individual descent groups.
The spaces designated as bedrooms at
the first floor level are also used
as living spaces during the day.
KEY
Living
.Bedroom
--- Kitchen
W.C./Bath
- -- Storage
EA Well
1
Also
noteworthy
is
that
the
formation of a new household leads
to the division of the well. The
number of divisions of the well in
most cases is an accurate indicator
of the number of households that
comprise a descent group.
11
IH111111111111111111
* Eu
ry
I
1=~m
Plans showing the organisation 0 1
of activities
rL
-j
a
m
-i
Section AA
87
A
L
A
Represents individual
descent groups
First floor plan
KEY
Plans showing the pattern of
ownership by individual households
01
[[J
3
6m
n-i--i
|
Second floor plan
A major
part
of
the
house
is
occupied in distinct segments by
three of the descent groups, with
the other two being located around
the central hall. Ownership at the
second
floor
level
follows
an
explicit rule
in that which is
immediately
above
the
individual
segments at the first floor level,
gets to be occupied by the descent
group.
It
is accessed directly by
stairs placed strategically
in the
transition zones of the house.
transition zones of the house.
88
6.0.0iii~g~
0. ..
6:.. .***.
.
.
.
..
.
0.0.0
.
0....
060.
1*
0
00
*
A
L.
~ ~ ~
*o
......
00 .
00
.....
0.0..0.0
0.
........
000
..
..
0
6
.........
*
.
o
o
00A
.
@
..
~::.......
.
.
:.**
a
A
**
.
First floor plan
The transition zone which in the
most part is the living areas, takes
the
form
of
a
spine,
linking
different descent group territories
and
their
individual
points
of
access to the second floor level. At
the
second
floor
the
condition
reverses to distinct common spaces
that link the residential spaces of
individual households of a descent
KEY
Public
v.
Private
--- Transition
Plans showing the public,
private and transition zones
Second floor plan
0 1 3
6M
fLJ~-1
group.
89
Though
the
spaces
have
been
appropriated
through
time
by
expanding households, one can still
recognize a spatial order similar to
that in House 1. In this case,
however,
there
occurs
only
one
feasting
hall.
In
cases such as
this, where the ritual spaces of the
house have been appropriated, the
ceremonies
take
place
in
the
forecourt.
Plan showing the generic core
90
HOUSE 3
A7
(A Moplah tarawad)
Name of the tarawad: Muchendiagam
Location: Kuttichera
No. of descent groups: 4
Total clan populace residing in the
house: 60
The tarawad was established sometime
A
century.
mid-16th
the
around
comparison with the survey plans of
1934 shows marginal additions to the
house. This could be attributed to
various reasons, the primary ones
being the restricted lot size and
the probability of there being few
these
Given
descendents.
female
conditions expanding descent groups
have been accommodated through a
process of internal divisions of the
ancestral house while maintaining
the rules of spatial differentiation
necessitated by the kinship system.
A conspicuous absence in this case
is that of the gate house which was
demolished to allow for vehicular
access into the compound.
First floor plan
0
1
3
6m
FLN
A
1
91
Second floor plan
0
1
3
S m
A-]
92
A-]
A-
A- 1
01 3 em
1U-~-1
KEY
First floor plan
Second floor plan
nSI Living
Bedroom
**Kitchen
SiW.C./Bath
---- Storage
-
Well
Plans showing the organisation
of activities
3"
0L_ 1
I
emr---
Section AA
93
A-1
A-1
A1
KEY Represents individual
descent groups
Plans showing the pattern of
ownership by individual households
First floor plan
0
1
3
1tJ ~~l
em
Second floor plan
94
A1
I
First floor plan
KEY
Public
O
Private
f--1 Transition
Plans showing the public,
private and transition zones
01
3
fLJF-1
em
Second floor plan
95
As in the previous two house types
the generic core extends through the
house connecting different household
spaces. It differs from the previous
examples
in
that
it
terminates
directly
in
the
kitchen spaces,
grouped together in the rear.
Plan showing the generic core
96
AI
a
-1
A
L
-I
I
*
A
0
L
U
Pallakal
tarawad:
of
the
Name
Puthan Vedu
Location: Paniankara, Calicut
N
0
First floor plan
HOUSE 4
1
3
6m
rLY-~~1
(A Nayar tarawad)
This tarawad, established during the
no
longer
early
20th
century,
functions as a joint family. It is
inhabited today by a single female,
she being the only female matrilineal descendent. Nevertheless,
it
which
example
striking
a
is
relations
kin
how
illustrates
determine the organization of the
residential unit of a Hindu Nayar
joint family.
undergone
has
house
the
Though
partial renovations in recent times,
its plan form still clearly exemplifies the underlying principles of
organization as laid down by the
text, that were strictly adhered to.
97
A-Z
A
L
-I
A
L
IJ
Li
n 1I--I
m
Second floor plan
Section AA
98
33) View of the
the street
gate
house
from
34) North elevation showing the
which
corridor
collonaded
flanks the entire side of the
house
35) The forecourt looking towards
the porch and main door
36&37) The living space
after the porch
immediately
38) Detail of a wooden beam
column junction
and
33
36
34
37
35
38
99
Plan showing the organisation
of activities
........--,...--....
III
Though
the
house
has
undergone
partial renovations in recent times,
its
plan
form
still
clearly
exemplifies the underlying principles
of organization as laid down by the
text, that were strictly adhered to.
To state briefly, some of the more
important ones are:
the orientation of the entry
gate to the east
the organization of
living
spaces
around
courts,
its
scale and number
depending
upon the social status of the
clan. The
concept
of the
court as an organizational
element
dealt
effectively
with the aspect of expanding
households. This seems particularly operative among the
Nayars, who being an estate
owning group and having their
houses located in them, were
never really restricted by
the issue of lot size.
location
and
the
exact
function of spaces within the
tarawad house was specified
by the text. For example, the
delivery room, prayer
room
and
kitchen
a
enjoyed
specific relationship, given
the prevalence of the concept
of pollution distance.
the inclusion of the bathing
tank either as detached or
integrated into the residential layout.
Another
tarawad
salient
feature
of
the
house are the rooms above
A
L
0-
-...
-I
A
J
:.
01 3
n-J-i
em
First floor plan
KEY
f
Living
Bedroom
M Kitchen
M22W.C./Bath
'- Storage
E Well
E- Delivery room
Prayer room
E
::
the gate house and adjacent to it.
These
were
allocated
to
the
in-marrying male members. Thus, in
terms of public and private zones,
the residential spaces beyond the
porch was strictly for the use of
matrilineal kin members.
100
Plan showing the organisation
of activities
A
A
013
n-a-m
Second floor plan
101
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE FOUR HOUSE TYPES
1.
... .
3
.
.the
HOUSE 1
The Generic Core as a set of
Ceremonial spaces
The generic core comprises a set
of spaces that have specific
uses
on the occasion of rituals. It follows
an ordered sequence and occurs in
all house types. Its order is;
1) The verandah which runs along
front of the house
2) A room used exclusively for
marriage ceremonies
3) The feasting hall
2.
The Organization of a Tarawad Precinct
The set of spaces that form the
generic core always extends through
the entire length of the house. Within
a tarawad precinct the core is always....I
located on an axis between the
gate house in the front and a
detached kithcen in the rear.
HOUSE 2
HOUSE 3
-
.:.
HOUSE 4
--.....
r-.-
.*-s-:-
r
3.
[i
2
Patterns of Transformation
of a
Tarawad House
The three patterns of transformation
that a tarawad house undergoes in
the
process
of
accomodating
expanding households are;
1) wherein
the
ancestral
house
remains unaltered and residential
units are established in different.
parts of the neighborhood.
2) Through
extensions
of
the
ancestral house with the utilization
of the court as an organizational
element.
3)
Through internal division of theL.
ancestral house
Nothwithstanding
the
pattern
of
transformations, the generic core
remains unaltered.
.
.
-|
.
*
.
e.
..
I
102
HOUSE 1
HOUSE 2
HOUSE 2
I
4.
The Organization of Servant Spaces
The servant
spaces are
always
organized along the periphery of
the house and precinct boundaries.
Thus, schematically,
the core is
enclosed by living spaces mediated
by a zone of transition, with the
servant spaces located in a peripheral
band.
*.
.0,
HOUSE 3
HOUSE 3
HOUSE 44
HOUSE
o... ,...
Lii
I
5.
e ;a 176..
The Location of Access Points
Accessibility to the second floor
level for non-kin male members is
always located in proximity to the
verandah as a public space and/or
in transition zones. Access points
located within the house is generally
used by the female members.
The
Dominant
Male
and
Female
Territories within a Tarawad House
Given the nature
of prescribed
individual interaction in a tarawad.
there occur distinct territories that
male and female descendents, and
non-kin members inhabit. The public
spaces are predominantly used by
-
4al
--
D.
r--.]
*
to the rear of the marriage hall are
used by the female members. The-overlap of spaces used by male
descendents of the clan is determined
time and occasion.
Non-kin
.by
103
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUDING REMARKS
The
various
aspects
of
property
division and transmission
which form
the
traditional matrilineal system as discussed above must be viewed alongside
the more recent developments
situation
today.
matrilineal
residence,
The
extended
economic
With reference to
household
that have contributed to a radically changed
nuclear
family
family,
as
the
cooperation,
in
key
legal
most
cases
kinship
group
responisbility
these changes, Gough has suggested
becomes
the
primary
work
unit
has
for
with
and
that
each
market
economy,
matriliny
disappears when the
dissappears
1.
She
subsistence base shifts
also
the
respect
to
socialization.
when the
small
occupation,
when
bureaucratic political structures arise or when a matrilineal
a
replaced
system enters
suggests
to one primarily
that
it
dependent on
movable property.
The change in
of
the
property
social
order
family dwelling
houses.
lt is,
relations as a result
is
units
reflected
take
however,
in
the
precedence
too
physical
over
premature
to
of the gradual transformation
the
environment
establishment
as
of
single
tarawad
remark more specifically
on the
influence of the changed traditional order on the physical environment.
one can
decipher
a
changed
products and institutions
the
emphasis
that
community
is
instituted
identifies with
in
the
today as
Yet
cultural
a
result
104
of
the altered state
Mosques and Madrasas
as
a symbol
of
of
institutional relations.
Thus
for instance,
have assumed an added significance amongst the Moplahs
communal identity,
which in
the
past was
provided
by
network of individual tarawads as the focus of the community structure.
activity
of
the
rebuilding
community
communal institutions is
identity
through the
exemplification
the
The
of
stretched to the point where traditional mosques -
built by Hindu craftsmen and therefore near replicas of temples - are either
demolished
or renovated
in styles
reminiscent
of
Islamic
architecture
in
North India.
The fragmentary evidence in
critical
raises
the transforming physical environment raises
and extensively debated issues of continuity and change.
the fundamental
industry and technology
and
of
organization
continuity
problems
Examining
need to
of
be
traditional
as
a
and
totally
societies.
examined within
modernisation
tradition
It also
question of whether continuing modernization
form of urbanism,
the
of
in
of
change
larger context
of
the
in
societal
traditional
change
the
the structure
aspect
development
source
The
transforms
the
and
and
central
societies.
exploring
continuities between the past and present, with a recognition that these are
105
often expressed in
deep relationships between politics and
for fuller explanaions
they have.
of how and why specifc
societies
religion,
allows
have developed
as
It would also allow for an understanding of why certain elements
get emphasised as symbols of progress constituting particular definitions of
modernity.
With respect to the processes of moderization of traditional societies, some
of the significant positions commonly advanced till recently were:
-
that continuing modernization inevitably brings about a total structural
transformation of
the
with the nuclear
family, caste with class,
traditional
society, replacing
the
joint family
and religious
beliefs and
rituals with secular and scientific ideologies.
-
that the transformation of tradition could not occur because
belief
and
institutions
were
incompatible
with
modernity
traditional
and
would
therefore necessarily obstruct the progress of modernisation.
-
that traditional societies would not modernize
until they had abandoned
their traditional institutions, beliefs and values.
These positions hypothesized what constituted the distinctiveness of modern
and
traditional
societies,
which
emerged
during
the
classical
period
of
106
modern
sociology
development
treated
and
dominated
the
60's.
up to
modern
and
the
They
traditional
studies
many
reveal
societies
the
as
of
modernization
persistance of
closed
a
view that
The
types.
and
implicit
assumption behind many of the researches informed by these positions was that
a society's modernity
differentiation.
related directly to its
characteristics
of structural
The greater the specialization, the less traditional it was
and the better able to develop continuously and to deal with new problems and
social forces.
Traditional society was viewed as a static
one with little
differentiation or specialization and bound by the cultural horizons set by
its tradition, in contrast to modern society as being culturally dynamic, and
oriented to change and innovation.
Often, the analysis of
tradition which
although containing a variety of components such as patterns of behaviour,
symbols of social and cultural identity,
modes of legitimation of the social
order, constituted an undifferentiated whole.
however the growing body of research
traditional
general
societies,
definition
of
has
into the processes of modernization of
indicated the inadequacy of such an emphasis and
tradition
2
.
Consequently,
the
implicit
assumption
that the less traditional society is more amenable to sustained growth has
been proved incorrect.
In fact,
they have shown that the development
of a
107
new
society
kinship
through
the
disruption
community
systems,
of
traditional
frameworks
or political mechanisms
be
-
often to
leads more
-
they
disorganization than towards the establishment of a viable modern order.
The
percieved persistance of strong traditions in modern or modernising societies
has
also
undermined
traditional
the
modern
and
adoption
of
behavior,
symbols
an
earlier
etc.
rooted
"end
as
societies
evolutionary
established
model
of
the
in
dichotomy
states",
or
at
arrived
modernization.
past
differentiating
Binding
to
referring
are observing the nascent recognition
that even if
typologically different from modern ones,
ways
have
it
recognized as characteristic of certain modern or modernizing
the
through
of
been
societies.
We
traditioanl societies are
they may vary greatly in
the degree
to which their traditons impede or facilitate the transition to modernity.
This is
clearly
exemplified by Marion Levy's
pioneering
premodern social structures of China and Japan,
of
3
modernization .
An
example
Milton Singer's studies in
4
to
closer
and their individual courses
the
the city of Madras,
research into the
context
of
this
study
which presents evidence for a
position that recognizes the continuing coexistence and mutual adaptatins
cultural
traditions
and
modernity
draws on the ideas of A.L.
envision
the
possibility
4
.
In
formulating
Kroeber and Robert Redfield,
that
a
society
is
may
be
such
a
position,
of
he
which allows one to
modernizing
without
108
traditional
its
abandoning
necessarily
values
institutions,
and
beliefs.
Milton Singer's position derives from a realization through field studies, of
the
relationship
between the
cultural and
social in a
which had earlier characterized Redfield's approach.
societal structure,
He states that
social
relations and social networks are important not only as aspects of a social
structure
The
but equally as media for the transmission of cultural traditions.
network of
relations,
social
in other words, are cultural as well
as
societal 5
Consequently,
of
recognition
viability
there
of
development
sharing many
-
has
developed
a
is
described
by
what
so-called
that
is
of
some
characteristics of
reinforce
modern
or
which is
6
systems"6.
that
as
-
"the
systemic
modernization
may
a
informs
or
frameworks
organizational
traditional social structure,
modern progression, with the
to change,
Partial
organizations
take
place in
and their infusion
Thus, in this
sense,
the
often used to refer to traditional cultures
in change, represents an alternative mode of
responses
knowledge
Eisenstadt
institutional
those traditional
term "post-traditional",
S.N.
of
systems.
transitional
segregated parts of a still
may even
body
perceiving the traditional
underlying assumption, that
to
in the nature of
many of the forces that develop from within a society's
109
Although these processes of change and
tradition is of crucial importance.
the problems
they
evoke
greatly.
they tend to
and
the
kind
create
of
have certain common cores,
post-traditional
The range of response is
reactions to
evident in
the impact of modernity.
orders
that
the
responses
develop
vary
the symbolic and institutional
Consequently, it
becomes critically
important to realize how differences in the content of tradition influence
the
9
perception of
change, adaptability to
change and
the possibilities
of
effecting cultural transformations.
It
follows
that
what
is
required
is
a
systematic
distinction
between
different aspects of what has often been grouped together under the rubric of
tradition.
various
groups in
It
is
aspects
only
of
of
an
understanding
tradition, as
contemporary
establishment
in
settings,
guide
the
the
interaction
activities
of
of
these
different
that one can comprehend the dynamics of the
post-traditional
cultural dimensions.
they
of
orders
in
their
social,
political
and
Traditional societies, however different they may be,
all share the acceptance of tradition, of some actual or symbolic past event,
order or figure as the major focus of their collective identity.
not only serves as a symbol of
continuity,
but also acts as
legitimator of change and the limits of innovation.
Tradition
the ultimate
110
Consequently,
an
alternative
interpretation
of
change
implies
that
the
explicit ramifications of elements and images borrowed from foreign sources
and grafted
on to the urban fabric
viewed in a different light.
in
Calicut
in
recent
times needs
to be
The transformations in the physical environment
calls for an understanding of the processes of change occurring in the social
and cultural realms of
such fundamental
the two communities in the first place.
questions
as:
To
what
extent
pattern of
life of the
persist
binding for only some members of
spheres?
customs,
as
has
the
new
ways of life
form of adaptations
community become only a
situation
totally
the
the
total
partial one?
society
undermined
and symbols or are there
of the content of
has
or
It raises
sanctioned
Or does
it
only
in some
traditional
usages,
strands that persist in
the
tradition?
These are questions that
would lead one to a comprehension of the contents
of a transformed symbolic
template,
from the point of view of the individual identity of the Moplah's
and Nayar's and its
relation to the collective identity
social and cultural orders.
recent developments in
The appropriateness or inappropriateness
of the
the built environment can only be gauged or validated
through an understanding
which it is replacing.
of their respective
of the processes of change in
the content
of that
111
Footnotes
1)
Gough,
Kathleen,
"The Modern Disintegration of Matrilineal Decent
Groups" in
Matrilineal Kinship, pp. 631 - 652.
2)
Some of the more noteworthy studies related to the Indian context
that deal
with the issue of cultural continuity are:
Srinivas, M.N., Social Change in Modern India
Dumont, Louis, homo Hierarchicus:
The Caste System and Its Implications
Mandelbaum, David, Society in India
Marriot, McKim(ed.) Village India:
Cohn, Bernard S.,
India:
Studies in the Little Communmity
The Social Anthropology of a Civilization
Brown, W. Norman, Man in Universe:
Cultural Continuities in India
3)
Levy, Marion J., Modernisation and the Structure of Societies (2 Vols.)
4)
Singer, Milton, When a Great Tradition Modernizes, Part 4
5)
ibid, pg. 247
6)
Eisenstadt, Shmuel N.(ed), Post Traditional Societies, p. 3
112
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Bailey, F.G., (ed.) Debate and Compromise, Rowman and Littlefield, New
Jersey, 1973.
Bailey, Joe, Social Theory for Planning, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London,
1975.
Banton,
Michael,
Publications, 1966.
The
Sociology
of
Complex
Societies,
Tavistock
The
Social
Boundaries:
Groups
and
(ed.)
Ethnic
Fredrik,
Barth,
Organisation of Culture Difference, George Allen and Unwin, London, 1970.
Bauman, Zygmunt, Culture as Praxis, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1973.
Brown, Radcliffe A.R., Structure
Free Press, New York, 1965.
and Function
in
Primitive
Society,
The
Brown, W. Norman, Man in Universe:
Cultural Continuities in India,
University of California Press, Berkeley, 1966.
Cohn, Bernard S., India: The Social Anthropology of a Civilization,
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice hall, 1971.
Dale, Stephen Frederic, Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier; The
Mappilas of Malabar, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1980.
Dames, Mansel Longworth, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Hakluyt Society,
London, 1918-1921.
Dumont, Louis, Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications,
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1970.
Eddy, Elizabeth M.,
Chicago, 1968.
(ed.) Urban Anthropology, University of Chicago Press,
Eisenstadt, Shmuel N., (ed.) Post-Traditional Societies, W. W. Norton and
Co., Inc., New York, 1972.
113
Epstein, Scarlett T. and Jackson, Darrel, (eds.) The Paradox of Poverty, The
MacMillan Company of India, Ltd., 1975.
Fortes, Meyer, Kinship and the Social Order, Aldine Publishing Company,
Chicago, 1969.
Fuller, C.J., The Nayars Today, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
London, 1976.
Geertz, Clifford, (ed.) Myth, Symbol and Culture, W. W. Norton and Co. Inc.,
New York, 1971.
Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures, Basic Books, Inc., New York
Geertz, Clifford and hildred, Kinship in Bali, University of Chicago Press,
Chicago, 1975.
Geertz, hildred, The Javanese Family, The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc.,
London, 1961.
Gluckman, Max, (ed.) Essays on the Ritual of Social Relations, Manchester
University Press, 1962.
Gough, Kathleen and Schneider, David M., (eds.) Matrilineal Kinship,
University of California Press, Berkeley, 1961.
Gray, Albert, (trans. and ed.) The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of Laval,
hakluyt Society, London, 1887.
Gutman, Robert, (ed.) People and Buildings, Basic Books, Inc., New York,
1972.
Hallowell, Irving A., Culture and Experience, University of Pennsylvania
Press, Philadelphia, 1955.
Hatt, Paul K. and Reiss, Albert J.,
Press, New York, 1965.
Jr.,
(eds.)
Cities and Society,
The Free
114
Hussain, Mahdi, (ed. and trans.) The Rehla of Ibn Battuta (India, the
Maldive Islands and Ceylon), The Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1953.
Karve, Irawati, Kinship Organization in India, Asia Publishing House,
Bombay, 1965.
Kroeber, A. L.,
1952.
The Nature of Culture, University of Chicago Press, Chicago,
Kroeber, A. L. and Kluckholn, Clyde, Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts
and Definitions, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and
Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. XLVII, No. 1, Cambridge, 1952.
Leach, E. R., Pul Eliya: A Village in Ceylon: A Study of Land Tenure and
Kinship, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1961.
Levy, Marion J., Modernization and the Structure of Societies (2 vols.),
Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1966.
Logan, William, Malabar, Madras Government Press, India, Third Edition, 1951.
Mandelbaum, David, Society in India (2 vols.), University of California
Press, Berkeley, 1970.
Marriot, McKim, (ed.) Village India: Studies in the Little Community,
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1955.
Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, New
York, 1968.
Miller, Roland, Mappila Muslims of Kerela, Orient Longmans, Madras, 1976.
Nainar, S. Muhammad husayn, Arab Geographers' Knowledge of Southern India,
Madras University Press, Madras, 1942.
Northrop, F. S. C., (ed.) Cross-Cultural Understanding:
Anthropology, Harper and Row, New York, 1964.
Epistemology in
115
Redfield, Robert, The Folk Culture of Yucatan,
Press, Chicago, 1941.
The University of Chicago
Redfield, Robert, The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture, The
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1960.
Schusky, Ernest L., Manual for Kinship Analysis, holt, Rinehart and Winston,
New York, 1965.
Singer, Milton, When a Great Tradition Modernizes, Praeger Publications, New
York, 1972.
Singer, Milton, (ed.) Entrepreneurship and Modernization of Occupational
Cultures in South Asia, Duke University Program in Comparative Studies on
Southern Asia, 1973.
Singer, Milton and Cohn, Bernard S., Structure and Change in Indian Society,
The Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Inc., New York,
1968.
Sorokin, Pitrim A., Social and Cultural Mobility, The Free Press of Glencoe,
London, 1959.
Srinivas, M. N., Social Change in Modern India, University of California
Press, Berkeley, 1968.
Steward, Julian, Evolution and Ecology: Easays on Social Transformation,
ed. by Jane C. Steward and Robert F. Murphy, University of Illinois Press,
Chicago, 1977.
Steward, Julian, Theory of Culture Change: The Methodology of Multilinear
Evolution, the University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1963.
Wilhelm, Sidney, M., Urban Zoning and Land Use Theory, Free Press of
Glencoe, New York, 1962.
Yalman, Nur, Under the Bo Tree, University of California Press, Berkeley,
1967.
116
Yalman, Nur, The Semantics of Kinship in South India and Ceylon, in Current
Trends in Linguistics ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok.
Journal
Articles
Anderson, Stanford, "The Physical City as a Socio-Cultural Resource: Social
Space and Physical Form as Reciprocally Related Systems of Conventions,"
La Ville dans le Islam, 1982.
Bendix, Reinhard, "Tradition and Modernity Reconsidered," Comparative
Studies in Society and History, 9, pp. 292-346.
Eisenstadt, Shmuel N., "Some Observations on the Dynamics of Traditions,"
Comparative Studies in Society and History, 11, pp. 451-475, 1969.
Goodenough, Ward H., "Residence Rules," South Western Journal of
Antrhopology, Vol. 12, pp. 22-37, 1956.
Gough, Kathleen, "Changing kinship usages in the setting of political and
economic change among the Nayars of the Malabar," Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute, Vol. 82, pp. 71-78.
-
"Incest prohibitions and rules of exogamy in three matrilineal
groups of the Malabar Coast," International Archives of Ethnography,
46, No. 1.
-
"Female initiation rites on the Malabar Coast," Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 85, Pt. 2, pp. 45-80.
-
"Cults of the dead among the Nayars," Journal of American
Folklore, Vol. 71, No. 281.
-
"The Nayars and the definition of marriage," Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 89, pp. 23-34.
Jain, Kulbhushan, B., "The Modern Traditionalism," Akshara, April 1982,
Akshara Foundation, Bombay.
Vol.
117
Mines, Mattison, "Islamization and Muslim Ethnicity in South India," MAN,
10, 1975, pp. 404-419 (The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
of Great Britain and Ireland).
Narayanan, M. G. S., "The Zamorins Gift to the Muccunti Mosque," Cultural
Symbiosis in Kerela, Kerela historical Society, Trivandarum, 1972.
Tambiah, S. J., "The Structure of Kinship and its Relationship to Land
Possession and Residence in Pata Dumbara, Central Ceylon," The Journal of
the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 88,
Part 1, pp. 21-44.
Yalman, Nur, "On the Purity of Women in the Castes of Ceylon and Malabar,"
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol.
93, Part 1,
pp.
25-58, 1963.
Figure Credits
Figure 1 - Dale, Stephen, Islamic society on the South Asian Frontier, p. 92.
Figure 2 - Guide Map of Calicut,
Planner, Calicut.
prepared by the Office of the Regional Town
Figures on pages 72,74,75,76,77, Regional Town Planning Office, Calicut.