AL
K
*
MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT STUDY GROUP
Jagdish M. Bhagwati
Nazli Choucri
Wayne A. Cornelius
John R. Harris
Michael J. Piore
Rosemarie S. Rogers
Myron Weiner
U
C/76-4
WHO, HOW, AND WHY:
RURAL MIGRATION TO LIMA
Henry Dietz
Department of Government
University of Texas
Migration and Development
Study Group
Center for International Studies
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139
April
1976
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
List of Tables
INTRODUCTION
iii
1
WHO MIGRATES TO LIMA?
10
WHAT HAPPENS IN THE CITY?
26
CONCLUSION
38
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table
1
Origin of Sample:
Provincial Development
12
2
Origin of Sample:
Size of Place of Socialization
13
3
Job Classifications of
Migration
4
Sample During Rural-Lima
24
The Migration Sequence Within Lima
-iii-
30
WHO,
HOW, AND WHY:
RURAL MIGRATION TO LIMA'
INTRODUCTION
Since the end of World War
II,
Peru--along with almost
every other country in Latin America and
experienced a fundamental and massive
population,
inspired by
the Third World--has
redistribution of
its
the spread of new means and networks
of communications into hitherto isolated regions.
Hector
Martinez, a long-time observer and student of internal migration
in Peru, identifies a number of migration patterns within
country.
Divided as Peru is into
geographic
Martinez
within,
zones--the coast,
the
three separate and distinct
sierra, and
the jungle--
describes six migratory patterns in terms
from, and to these
three zones.
inter-Andean; the other
three
of movements
Three of the major
currents of migration are labeled sierra-coastal,
and
the
inter-coastal,
flow toward principal mining
centers, toward the jungle, and toward Lima. 2
In addition, Martinez develops
patterns:
a typology of five migration
cyclical, where individuals may
leave their places
1Funds for this research were made available through a
grant for a year's work in Peru from the Foreign Area Fellowship
Program and from the Center for Research on International
Studies at Stanford University.
This assistance is gratefully
acknowledged.
2 o
Hector Martinez' most recent and complete work is Las migraciones
internas en el Peru (Caracas:
Monte Avila Editores, 1968).
See also Martinez, "Las migraciones internas en el Peru,"
Aportes, 10 (1968), pp. 136-160.
-2-
of origin to
participate in harvesting or other agricultural
activities; permanent,
are
in which returns
only brief, and where
no
permanent
stantial amounts of
between
nomadic, where,
families will
"home";
points of
for example,
follow harvests, but will have
staged, where
individuals may pass sub-
time residing in two,
three, or more places
their points of origin and their eventual
(see below, pp.
21-23);
and direct, where an
two basic descriptive
destination
individuai, with a
distinct destination in mind, moves in a single
these
origin
the individual becomes a full-time
resident of a new location;
individuals and/or
to
step.
Given
variables--geographic patterns
and
movement types--a complete accounting of internal migration
in Peru would
involve research into a minimum of
distinct migratory phenomena.
however, detailed
possibilities,
and
some 30
As might be rightly
concluded,
investigation exists on only a few of
the gaps
far exceed our knowledge
these
of the
subject.4
3
/-
Martinez,
4
"Las migraciones internas en el Peru,"
pp.
167-191.
The following include a selection of works which deal with
the Peruvian situation:
Jose Matos Mar, Estudio de las barriadas
limenas (Lima:
Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1966);
Matos Mar, Urbanizacion y barriadas en America del Sur (Lima:
Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1968); Direccion Nacional de
Estadistica y Censos, Encuesta de Inmigracio'n de Lima Metropolitana (Lima:
Ministerio de facienda, 1966 ff., 3 volumes);
J. Oscar Alers and Richard Appelbaum, "La migracion en el
Peru:
un inventario de proposiciones" (Lima:
Centro de
Estudios de Poblacion y Desarrollo, Estudios de Poblacio'n y
Desarrollo, 1:4 [1968]); Julio Cotler and Aprodicio Laquian,
-34 (cont.)
"Lima,"
in Aprodicio Laquian (ed.), Rural Urban Migrants and
INTERMET, 1971), pp. 111Metropolitan Development (Toronto:
133; Mario Vazquez and Henry Dobyns, Migracion e Integracio'n
en el Peru (Lima:
Instituto de Estudios Andinos, 1963); various
unpublished manuscripts presented at Primer Seminario sobre
Migracion Interna en el Peru (Lima:
Centro de Estudios de
Poblacidn y Desarrollo, November 25-28, 1970); William Mangin,
"Sociological, cultural and political characteristics of some
urban migrants in Peru" (unpublished manuscript, 1964 [?J);
Rodrigo Montoya Rojas, "La migracion interna en el Peru:
un
caso concreto, " America Latina, 10:4 (1967), pp. 83-108; Oscar
Valdivia Ponce, Migracidn interna a la metropoli (Lima:
Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1970).
The general literature on migration is vast and expanding.
G. Beijer,
Some of the more recent works include the following:
Rural Migrants in Urban Settings (The Hague:
Martinus Nijoff,
1963); Eugene Brody (ed.), Behavior in New Environments:
Adaptation of Migrant Populations (Beverly Hills, Calif.:
Sage
Publications, 1970); Melvin Goldscheider, Population, Modernization,
and Social Structure (Boston:
Little, Brown, 1971); Clifford
Jansen (ed.), Readings in the Sociology of Migration (London:
Pergamon Press, 1970); Herbert Karp and K. Dennis Kelly, Toward
an Ecological Analysis of Intermetropolitan Migration (Chicago:
A Guide
Markham, 1971); and J. Mangalam, Human Migration:
to Migration Literature in English, 1955-1962 (Lexington, Ky.:
University of Kentucky Press, 1968).
The literature on urban development in Latin America
has seemingly grown exponentially in the past several years.
The most recent bibliographical works include Denton Vaughn,
A Working
Urbanization in Twentieth Century Latin America:
Institute of Latin American
Bibliography (Austin, Tex.:
Studies, Population Research Center, University of Texas at
Austin, 1969); Richard Morse, "Trends and Issues in Latin
American Urban Research, 1965-1970 (Parts I and II), " Latin
1 and 2 (Spring and Summer,
American Research Review, VI:
1971), pp. 3-52 and 19-75); Anthony Leeds, A Bibliography
of Urban Settlement Types in Latin America (Austin, Tex.:
Department of Anthropology, forthcoming from the Center for
Latin American Studies, UCLA); Richard Morse, "Recent Research
A Selective Survey with
on Latin American Urbanization:
Commentary," Latin American Research Review, I:1 (1965),
pp. 35-74; Wayne Cornelius, "The Political Sociology of CityToward Empirical Theory"
ward Migration in Latin America:
in Francine Rabinowitz and Felicity Trueblood (eds.), Latin
American Urban Research, Volume I (Beverly Hills, Calif.:
Sage Publications, 1970), pp. 95-147; Martin Sable, Latin
A Guide to Literature, Organization,
American Urbanization:
Scarecrow Press, 1970).
and Personnel (Metuchen, N.J.:
-4-
However, certain of these patterns and types
a considerable amount
of research.
Chief among these
broad area of rural-urban migration;
within that
the movement of migrants into Lima has
inquiry than any other.
The
have produced
is
the
general problem,
generated perhaps more
reasons for such a focus emerge
quickly from a few data which demonstrate the overwhelming
dominance of Lima as an attraction for migrants throughout
Peru.
Ever since its founding in 1532,
preeminent
also
place in Peru in terms of its physical
its importance in national life.
capital of
Lima has occupied a
the country;
Lima
Not only
pull.5
the entire nation, and as
The 1961 Census
47% migrant
in origin.
moreover, suggests
5
is it
is also the political,
economic, cultural, and administrative seat
direction for
size and
the
social,
of power and
such exerts an
enormous
revealed that Metropolitan Lima was
The size of the migration flow,
the impact which provincial-origin migration
Census figures report a very high concentration of commercial,
industrial, and financial activities in Lima:
some 67% of the
industrial labor force, 44% of the service sector, and 53% of
the commercially employed reside in Lima; 60% of the industrial
production, 98% of the financial transactions, 65% of the income
from the retail business sector, and 73% of the income from
See Carlos Delgado, "Three
industries are generated in Lima.
The Lima
Proposals Regarding Accelerated Urbanization Problems:
Case," in John Miller and Ralph Gakenheimer (eds.), Latin
American Urban Policies and the Social Sciences (Beverly Hills,
Calif.:
Sage Publications, 1971); see also Sherman Lewis,
Urban Government for Metropolitan Lima (New York: Praeger, 1970).
-5-
has
had upon the city.
At the outbreak of World War II Lima
had a population of slightly more
had
grown to 1.1 million;
by
1961, to
the population of Lima exceeded
population of
13 million).
than 500,000.
By
1.7 million;
3 million6
And of this
1958 it
and by 1972
(among a total
increase across time
it has been estimated that at least half is
due
to the
migratory influx.
In discussing rural-urban, Lima-directed migration it
has become almost
impossible in recent years not
to mention
the most
obvious and spectacular manifestation of this
into
city,
the
the squatter settlements, referred to
past as barriadas
and now labeled pueblos
translated as young or incipient towns.
have
of the adult heads of
80%
origin;
the pueblos jovenes
in the
jovenes-, roughly
All studies that
taken these settlements as their focus
imately
input
agree
that approx-
families are non-Lima in
therefore provide a reasonably
6
Sources for these figures include Adolfo Cordova, La Vivienda
Comision para la Reforma Agraria y la Vivienda,
en el Peru (Lima:
1958); Fondo Nacional de Salud y Bienestar Social, Barriadas
Ministerio de Salud Publica y
de Lima Metropolitana (Lima:
Asistencia Social, 1960); and Informe Preliminar del Censo
Oficina Nacional de Desarrollo de Pueblos Jovenes,
1970 (Lima:
1971).
See also David Collier, Squatter Settlements and the
Incorporation of Migrants Into Urban Life: The Case of Lima
(C/76-3)(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Migration and Development Study
Group, Center for International Studies, 1976), footnotes 2
and 3.
-6-
discrete, accessible, and homogeneous site for investigating
7
It should be pointed
migrants of rural origin in the city.
out here that
selecting squatter settlements has one
terms of discussing migrants
drawback in
that not all migrants become squatters.
migrants.
But
the questions of which
squatters, of what
differentiates
significant
in Lima, namely,
Nor are
all squatters
individuals become
them from the nonsquatter,
and of how and why this selectivity occurs,
are
for the
present unanswered.
Potential topics for research which can be developed
concerning
the nature and consequences of migration into Lima
are limited only by the
do
the migrants come
city
into
7
from?
Where
Do people move directly to the
the squatter settlements, or do other patterns
predominate?
apart
imagination of the observer.
What
sorts of moves occur within
from such purely demographic concerns,
the city?
And
questions multiply
Homogeneity here should be understood to apply to the squatter
settlements in terms of the proportion of adult individuals in
the communities who are of migrant (i.e., non-Lima) origin.
As has been pointed out, the pueblos jovenes of Lima and of
every other city vary enormously along a whole range of dimenSee Anthony Leeds, "The Significant Variables Determining
sions.
the Character of Squatter Settlements," America Latina, XII:3
The 80% figure for adult
1969), pp. 44-86.
(July-September
squatters has been reported in Cotler and Laquian, "Lima,"
where 76.6% of a migrant sample are reported to have come to
See also Ernesto Paredes, "Fuentes de
Lima in a single step.
la poblacion de la barriada Fray Martin de Porras" in Vazquez
were
and Dobyns, Migracion e Integracion, where 89% of the adults
barriadas,
y
Urbanizacion
Mar,
Matos
from outside of Lima.
reveals that a 1956 census of the barriadas of Lima showed
that 89% of the heads of families were of provincial origin.
-7as social,
on
economic, psychological, and political perspectives
the migration flow begin to
the nature of
city?
the adaptive process of
To what extent is
psychological
assume importance.
What
is
the migrants within
the
the move accompanied by socio-
readjustments or breakdowns?
input of very large numbers
What
does
this
of job seekers mean for the labor
market?
All of these
the migrants
questions,
in the pueblos
researchers has
of course, can be applied to
jovenes.
also acted to produce
literature dealing exclusively with
munities and their
the
city of
Lima.
influences
the motives
This is not to
the beginnings
the nature of these com-
imply
and on
that full answers
listed above.
Studies
for making
such a move,
are
exist
but
quantitative data,
and the intra-Lima shifts
this
research either presents
or derives
from case studies.
The
latter's richness of detail cannot,
the
representativeness required for generalization.8
8
of a
some idea of the sequences of migration to Lima,
which the new arrivals make;
insufficient
their interest to
on their inhabitants
available to the many questions
which give us
But
unfortunately,
supply
Almost
Some case studies available are Henry Dietz, "Urban Squatter
A Case Study and Analysis," Journal of
Settlements in Peru:
Inter-American Studies, XI:3 (July 1969), pp. 353-370; William
Mangin, "Urbanization Case History in Peru," Architectural
Design XXIII:8 (1963), pp. 366-370.
-8-
no large-scale empirical
of providing
studies have been directed to
the task
detailed information concerning the stages of
migration into Lima, and even fewer have offered hard data
to clarify the various stages which occur once the
arrives
individual
in the city.
The
findings presented here constitute a segment of a
larger study undertaken in Lima during 1970-1971, which
on the phenomenon of
development
rural-Lima migration, the
of the squatter settlements,
focuses
creation and
and the
concomitant
problems of political adjustment and assimilation within the
city.
A basic
has been
to produce a series of detailed individual migration
histories
well
as
aim of the study since its inception, however,
dealing with the
sequence of moves within Lima as
the movement from the
survey was
administered to
rural areas.
(i.e.,
massive invasion,
sponsorship),
9
land),
the manner of
incremental growth,
and past and present
of the community.9
in
among them were size,
geographic peculiarities
being on a hillside or flat
a
Various criteria determined
the selection of the settlements:
the city,
these ends
422 male heads of households
five pueblos jovenes of Lima.
location within
To
age,
(e.g.,
formation
government
organizational
structure
Each respondent was classified as
a migrant
Typologies of urban settlement types in Lima are found in
Delgado, "Three Proposals Regarding Accelerated Urbanization
Problems"; Orlando Llontop S., "Tipologia de los asentamientos
no controlados"
(Lima, mimeo, n.d.); see also the typology
developed by the Junta Nacional de la Vivienda (Lima, n.d.)
-9-
a nonmigrant, with a migrant being defined as any individual
or
who spent most of his or her
first 15 years of life outside
the metropolitan limits of greater Lima.
80%
of
the
total sample
corresponds with other
settlements.10
(N=333) is migrant, a figure which
studies
Throughout
to
the migrants or to
to
this
Using this definition,
carried out in the squatter
the remaining discussion, references
the migrant portion of the sample
refer
figure.
9 (cont.)
which classifies the squatter communities of Lima
according to open space, regularity of layout, topography
of the site, and the materials used in the construction of
the housing.
See also Collier, Squatter Settlements and the
Incorporation of Migrants Into Urban Life, for some further
analysis of the effects of this type of dwelling environment
upon the inhabitants.
10
See Footnote 7, above.
-10-
WHO MIGRATES TO LIMA?
Who are
the people who migrate?
they come from almost all parts
departments
in
of the country;
sample resembles
the coast
came
to
31%, while
is more basic
environment
the
of the migrants
in
far south and the jungle
Geographically
than 8%.12
the
distribution that other studies
of
the migrants;
the jungle added a mere 4%.
distributions have some demographic interest,
to
the aims of the study
or situation in which
department
in Peru is
to
inquire into
the
the individual was born and
brought up--in a word, where he was
llA
24
(not including those people born in metropolitan
While these
it
the
come from the central and south-
The sierra region sent 66%
have revealed.
Lima)
70%
together contributed less
the migrant
22 of
with no other department contributing over
(12%),
central areas
areas
of the country;
The highest percentage originated
Regionally, almost
10%.
first place,
in Peru appear among the birthplaces
the sample.11
Ayacucho
In the
socialized.
That is,
the equivalent of a state
in the
United States.
12
North-Regionally, the country was divided as follows:
Tumbes, Piura, Cajamarca, Lambayeque, La Libertad; Jungle-Amazonas, San Martin, Loreto, Madre de Dios; Central--Ancash,
Huanuco, Pasco, Junin, Lima; South-central--Huancavelica, Ica,
Ayacucho, Cuzco, Apurimac; South-- Arequipa, Puno, Moquegua,
Tacna.
-11-
since one fundamental
thrust
of the research focuses upon
migrants and adaptation, an important
identification and description of
task involves
the
the place of origin or of
socialization.
Early
in the investigation we determined that
tain simply
the department
insufficient
covers
ments
to
of origin
for the purposes of
of the migrant would be
the study.
a good deal of territory and includes
that
range from the smallest, most
(in almost
all departments) cities of
we were careful to
precise fashion.
Thus,
if an individual
of Arequipa, not much
department includes
learn that he is
of origin,
rural settlements
some size.
Therefore,
is known to have come
is actually
revealed
city in the
isolated rural villages.
from the province of Camana is
to know a good deal more since
province is
living environ-
the second largest
country as well as many small and
However, to
A department
establish the place of origin in a more
from the department
since that
to ascer-
the largest settlement
slightly over 7,000.
therefore, allows us
Establishing
to
in that
the province
characterize the individual's
background with considerably more certainty, whereas merely
knowing
the
department of origin does not permit
such a gener-
alization.
The provincial origin data agree nicely with work done
by John
Cole, who abstracted data from the 1961 Peruvian
national census and performed a factor analysis.
The
first
dimension or factor he identified was labeled a "Development
-12-
Table 1
ORIGIN OF
Developmental Level
Upper
(31 provinces)
(33 provinces)
Middle-lower
Lower
of Province a
(12 provinces)
Middle-upper
Middle
SAMPLE: PROVINCIAL DEVELOPMENT
(24
(42 provinces)
provinces)
Lima-Callao
Percentage
of Sample
(%)
10
(N: 41)
20
(N: 82)
18
(N: 75)
21
(N:86)
10
(N:41)
21
(N:87)
100
aThe variables
(N:422)
included in the "Development Factor" include
the following:
the percentages in each province who hold
white-collar jobs, who hold the voting franchise, who are
literate, who work agriculturally, who live in urban settings,
who work in commerce and services, who are manual workers,
who are Spanish speaking, who consume cocoa, who are employed
Also
as domestics, who do not vote, and who wear shoes.
included are the percentage of migrants living within the
Variable loadings
province and the altitude of the province.
range from 0.92 to 0.41.
-13-
Factor,"
some 14 variables which have loadings
and includes
ranging from 0.92 to
0.41.
He then produced a ranking of all
ranging from
the provinces of Peru, with numerical scores
420
(for Lima) to -136
(for Acombama, in the department of
Huancavelica).
results clearly indicate that migration from outside
The
flows
Lima-Callao
provincial
range of Peruvian
from the large middle
settings.
The highest and
lowest ranks
come from the
cisely equal percentages to Lima, while 80%
middle
of the
development distribution.
An equally important datum concerns the
place of
send pre-
origin.
As shown
in Table 2,
Table
ORIGIN OF SAMPLE:
72%
size of
the
of the total
2
SIZE OF PLACE
OF SOCIALIZATION
Size of Place of
Socialization
Percentage
of Sample
(%)
Under 2,500
49
(N:163)
2500-10,000
23
(N:77)
10,001-25,000
14
(N:48)
25,001-50,000
5
(N:17)
50,001-100,000
5
(N:15)
Over
100
,0
00
a
4
100
aDoes
not
include Lima natives.
(N:13)
N:333
-14-
sample grew up
half of the
2,500.
in settlements of less than 10,000, with almost
sample having come from villages
of less
Not including the native-born Limenos,
less
than
than a
quarter of the migrant sample was socialized in environments
of over 10,000.
In other words,
the migrants are very largely
those people who grow up in small settlements,
the Leedses have pointed out)14 it
assumed that
such settings
migrant had no previous
to
and while
cannot automatically be
are exclusively rural or that
appear that
the migrants have very
environment.
seldom had prolonged exposure to any major urban
no
the migrant portion of the sample,
time at all
in any of the six largest
These conclusions
the occupational
fathers.
the
contact with any urban setting prior
coming to Lima, it does
Indeed, of
(as
79%
cities
had
spent
in the country.
receive further support by comparing
ranking of the migrants with
that
of their
Fifty-seven percent of those who were employed
before coming
to Lima worked either as
small independent
farmers
or as landless agricultural laborers prior to their arrival
in the
city;
over 60%
1 4
reported that their fathers had
See Anthony Leeds and Elizabeth Leeds, "Brazil and the
Urban Experience, Work, and Values
Myth of Urban Rurality:
in 'Squatments' of Rio de Janeiro and Lima," in Arthur J.
Field (ed.), City and Country in the Third World: Issues in
the Modernization of Latin America (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman,
1970),
pp.
229-2857
-15-
maintained
appears
similar employment for most of
that
agricultural
a majority of the migrants
their lives.
settings.
places of origin of the migrants, we can now turn
to
themselves:
who
the
to the
they are, when and why they come
Lima, and under what conditions
they move.
As noted, more
than 60%
come from settlements with a population of under
10,000.
When asked to describe
these places,
they were from small villages
and 41%
medium-sized towns,
said that
while 28%
either a small or large city
remainder
(less than 1%)
haciendas or
(20%
exactly
(51%
24%
they had come from
and 8%,
When asked
center of
downtown, 49%
answered that
that they were from
respectively).
described their places
in other ways.
downtown or outside the
almost
it
come from rural and
Provided with this basic information concerning
individuals
Thus
The
of origin as
if they had lived
town, the answers were split
outside).
As has been suggested earlier, the migrants arrive in
Lima at a fairly early age.
the
city before the
the ages of
be
15 and
Over 80%
age of 24; with
24 and 23%
of
the sample arrived in
almost 60%
coming before
coming between
age 15.
As might
expected from these figures, many of the migrants
without
completing
their education.
Slightly less
third ever progressed beyond primary school,
beyond secondary training.
of their
The
left school
than a
and only 5% went
large majority received all
education outside of Lima.
79%
of the migrants had
-16-
no
formal education within the city;
Lima, and 8%
12% had
some schooling in
received all of their education in the capital.
A more basic question in many respects than place of
origin is why and under what
this question has
factors.
conditions people
However, our
investigation often revealed the difdichotomy can possess.
instance, a respondent may answer "a need
reason
for his
coming
to the city.
be as clear-cut as it appears
tunity
But
for work" as
may help to
if the individual has the oppor-
five quick sketches
create a fuller picture of the motives
Rojas
left
19 with his wife
some
ten years in
ments)
San Juan,
and small
Ica,
son.
callejones
for which
at the age of
He
lived for
(alleyway tene-
in downtown Lima before moving to a set-
tlement along the bank of the Rimac River, where
he has his
own house.
He left
San Juan where he
had worked as a laborer for the owner of an hacienda because "the
owner was going to
land where I worked, and
family I didn't have
to Lima."
By way
of migration case histories
migration occurs.
Alvaro
the
this motive may not
to explain the circumstances of his migration.
of illustration,
Frequently
been posed in terms of "push" and "pull"
ficulty and undesirable rigidity which this
For
left.
sell the
since I had a son and
any other choice but to come
-17-
Oscar Huamani has been in Lima for 14 years.
came
from Ayacucho to
the city and
He
lived in La
Victoria near the downtown wholesale market for
seven years; he worked
unloading trucks of produce,
and lived in a callejon in the area known as Porvenir.
Seven years ago he and his family were
members
of the original invasion group
pied
land south of the city.
He
that occu-
came to Lima because
"I wanted to
see if all the good things they were
saying about
Lima were true; besides,
have any work and my
I didn't
father encouraged me to go
to Lima and see what I could make of myself here."
Miguel Fernandez grew up in Andaray, a small mining
town of a few hundred people in Arequipa.
when he was
quillo,
the
20 and moved to a callejon in Sur-
a lower-class
area, where
He left
district outside the downtown
he lived for three years before invading
same site as Oscar Huamani.
an independent
He works now as
taxi driver, drawing on his work
in Andaray, where he had been a truck driver for
the mining company.
at
the mine;
He was
"since I had children by that
and since I couldn't work at
I came to
injured in an accident
Lima because of
the mine
time,
any more,
the facilities that are
-18-
here for my children to grow up in, and to go
to
school."
Sometimes the migration paths to the city are more
complex.
Arturo
Jimenez was born in the mining-
smelting center of La Oroya, where
Pasco
Corporation employed his
moved to
the city of
was three years
15 years
to do
old;
the Cerro de
father.
The
family
Cerro de Pasco when Arturo
he returned to his birthplace
later with two friends
"because we wanted
something different and see something new."
He was successful;
he was drafted into
the Army
and spent two years stationed in Pucallpa, a booming
and still somewhat primitive jungle town of
50,000 people on the Ucayali River.
Lima when he was
"I
didn't want
He
came to
mustered out and decided to stay:
to go back to La Oroya or
Cerro de
Pasco, and I had a chance to enroll at SENATI
vocational
a job
then
training school]."
His
[a
training got him
first at a naval maintenance station and
at a United States
he works
as a technical supervisor.
And finally,
times be
steel company office where
life in a small sierra village can
simply too grim for some people.
at
Agusto
Sanchez Melindez was born and raised in Pomacocha,
-19in Acobamba, Huancavelica
by Cole;
teacher
see p. 6).
His
in Pomacocha, but
(the province ranked last
father had been the school
Agusto
as a peon on an hacienda.
He
started work early
left for Lima in his
early twenties and came directly to where he
presently lives--the foot of a hillside settlement
located near the downtown area.
He works as
a
cook in one of Lima's many Chinese
restaurants.
"There is a lot more work in Lima;
besides,
in my
on foot to
reach
home
town I had to walk six days
Acobamba
[the provincial capital of 6,000 people]."
A single-answer response, while perhaps indicating one
basic reason for the move
frequently,
such as
or
to Lima,
inadequate and oversimplifed.
a bad home environment
"pull"
factors,
such as
look for adventure, account
The major
work,
to
simply
into
15
"get
Clear "push" factors,
or displacement
from the land,
the military or a desire
for only 14%
response categories--to
ically one
should be understood to be,
look for work or for better
ahead"--cannot
dichotomy.
see Lima or
or so of total responses.
be classified
as
or the other, and probably should not be
the "push-pull"
to
specifforced
1 5
Janice E. Perlman's report on the favelado draws the same
conclusion.
See Perlman, Portrait of the People: Migrants to
Rio de Janeiro (C/75-25) (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Migration and
Development Study Group, Center for International Studies,
1975).
-20-
Closely related to
reasons
for leaving are the manners
and ways
in which individual migrants left their places of
origin.
Some
said that
latter
54%
reported that
they left alone, while 40%
they traveled with members of the family.
response includes both those who had established their
own families before moving to Lima and those
arriving at the decision to move, 69%
decision by themselves
or in any way
members
reported
Insofar as
site other than Lima;
thought about moving
felt that
forced to leave.
of
Some
8% of
the migrants
considered moving
to another
thirds had
this small percentage two
to another major city, largely because
they would have better chances there
their hometowns.
than in
They abandoned the idea of moving to these
however, and came
other places,
that they made the
and had not been sent by other family
they had at one time
that
said
coming
people who,
at an early age, were brought by their parents.
they
This
to Lima, generally because
they felt that Lima would offer better opportunities, especially
insofar as job
sample,
less
selection was
And of the
their migration to
acquainted with Lima for
permanently to
the
city.
the first
the city;
so by himself;
The migrant,
therefore,
and arrival in Lima represents,
substantial majority, the first contact
urban
setting.
78% became
time when they moved
city by himself, after having made the
with a major
total
than a quarter had ever visited Lima on any
occasion previous to
to the
concerned.
tends
to come
decision to do
for the very
the individual has had
-21-
All of this,
of
however, does not tell the
the migration process, or of
perform key roles.
complete story
the various persons who may
Large numbers of people may make
the
decision to migrate alone and may travel unaccompanied, but
the matter of assistance and of
individual
that
the
to Lima
they were the
city.
Of
family members preceding the
requires examination.
first member of
Some 44%
their
city
stated
to come to
had been preceded by
their father or mother.
had had a brother or sister who came to Lima prior to
own arrival, and 27%
(a cousin, uncle,
extended family).
reported that
About
other member of the
half of the migrants of the sample
their predecessors
28%
gave them some sort of assis-
said they had received letters
them to make the move;
encouraging
assistance
had had another relative in the
godparent, or some
tance in making the move:
23%
said they had received
in one form or another in arranging
reported that
and 14%
their family
the remaining 55%, 28%
(or in some cases accompanied by)
Some 45%
a relative had
were given
the trip;
19%
sent them money for the move;
room or board when they
first arrived
in Lima.
The
plans
to
an
immediate and extended
family structure, therefore,
important role in weighing the decision to move or
remain in
the place of origin.
Having a family member
already in Lima--a close relative who can offer assistance
in making the move and a place to live
crucial
in the city--may be a
(if unrealized) determinant in reaching the decision
-22to migrate.
When asked specifically if assistance of any
sort had been
given after arrival, 55%
received aid from parents,
number,
87%
relatives,
few reported aid
or assistance
in obtaining a job.
to be highly temporary
Examination of
reveals
the various
that the individual
household.
processes,
that
or paisanos.
they had
Of
this
had been given housing or meals or both, while
the remaining
seems
replied
However, before
in the form of loans,
gifts,
Such assistance, however,
(see the discussion below).
stages
of migration within the
soon establishes
city
an independent
looking at the within-city migration
the question of whether or not a clear
"staged"
migration occurs can now be answered more completely.
Walter Harris
migration
summarizes the
traditional concept of staged
succinctly:
The general case for rural-urban migration
throughout Latin America also holds for Peru.
The migration trend is generally from the rural
mountain areas to important towns in the larger
valleys of the Andes, from these to the coastal
region, and finally to Lima....But whereas Arequipa, Trujillo and the other secondary urban
centers on the coast often represent intermediary
stopping-off places in the migration process, Lima
represents the end of the chain.
In this sense,
it is possible to infer that most migrants to
Lima have already become urban dwellers, prior to
their arrival there.16
16
Walter D. Harris, The Growth of Latin American Cities
(Athens, Ohio:
The Ohio University Press, 1971), pp. 102-103.
-23-
The
data do not support
span of a
of
single generation.
Lima,
Lima from their place
of
another 18% made but a single stop on the way.
only 12%
70%
In the first place, almost
the sample moved directly to
origin;
least within the
such a sequence--at
Therefore,
made two stops or more between their birthplace and
and the great majority of these were
farm laborers who
moved from hacienda to hacienda in search of work.
A clearly
defined small-rural/larger-rural/small coastal/Lima pattern
simply does not
of
emerge from the sample or
other studies. 1
Furthermore,
from the reports
7
there is little evidence that
of moves
show any sort
who do
in fact make a series
ingful
occupational improvement by their move
to Lima--a
the staged migration pattern, if in fact some
of the
Any
individual
asked about occupations at each
rankings at each site
classifications
(see Table 3)
remain almost
sort of urbanizing
in the migrant portion
sample who did make intermediate moves
Lima was
of mean-
description of
possibility which might be expected from the
process did occur.
those people
on the way
site.
demonstrate
constant, and
to
Briefly, job
that occupational
that among the
17Morse classifies the inner-city adjustment period as a form
of staged migration, drawing on Mangin's work; however, Morse
clearly distinguishes this sequence from the sort of pattern
See Richard Morse, "Trends and Issues in
Harris proposes.
Research, 1965-1970 (Part I)," Latin
Urban
American
Latin
VI: 1 (Spring 1971), p. 22.
Review,
Research
American
-24Table 3
JOB CLASSIFICATIONS OF SAMPLE
DURING RURAL-LIMA MIGRATION
JOB CLASSIFICATION
Lower
Manuala
Upper
Manualb
Birthsite
(N:333)
41.6
10.7
First site
(N:106)
63.2
16.0
Second site
(N:39)
69.2
12.8
Third site
(N:13)
61.5
23.1
Fourth
(N:6)
83.3
--
[Migration Stages
to Lima
site
aLower manual:
Lower
Nonmanual C
Upper
Nonmanual
0.6
47.1
-
20.8
2.6
1
nactive e
12.8
2.6
7.7
7.7
16.7
unskilled workers, street vendors, agricultural
laborers, tenant farmers, sharecroppers, subsistence
farmers, soldiers, policemen, etc.
bUpper manual:
skilled workers and craftsmen, vehicle operators,
small retail merchants, salesmen in grocery
stores, small commercial farm owners, etc.
cLower nonmanual:
office workers, sales agents, sales clerks,
supervisors and foremen, farmowners and
managers of medium and large-size farms, etc.
dUpper nonmanual:
professionals, technicians and semiprofessionals, managers, executives, employers
in nonfarm business and industry, etc.
eInactive:
retired,
too
old to work;
too young to work,
student.
-25-
stops, vertical
very few individuals who make several
occupational mobility does not appear.
surprising when it
is noted
that the
not generally of long duration:
years at
any given site between place
To answer the questions,
and how?",
"
83%
This finding is not
intermediate stages are
spend less
than
four
of origin and Lima.
therefore, of "Who migrates
it is:
the young, generally under 25,
who have been educated
outside of Lima;
"
the inhabitants of small villages and towns of under
10,000
*
in the central and south-central
boys and men who have worked,
regions of Peru;
and whose fathers have
worked, in small subsistence agriculture, and who have
not
0
visited Lima previously;
individuals whose childhoods have been spent
in the
large middle range of Peruvian provincial environments;
0
people who make the decision to move largely independent of
*
family members,
and people who
and who move directly to Lima;
depend upon and receive considerable
assistance from family members, both in making
and in settling
into the city upon arrival.
the move
-26-
WHAT HAPPENS
In many studies
of migration, data and analysis
the individual arrives in
pointed out
(at least
IN THE CITY?
the city.
However, it has
in the Peruvian case)
Lima cannot be equated with
arrival to
end once
long been
that migration to
the pueblos jovenes. 18
Admittedly large numbers of people migrate to Lima and remain
in the downtown callejones or in other housing. 9
But
growth and proliferation of squatter settlements offers
reasons to -pursue the individual migrant once
the
urgent
in the city, and
18
Only sketchy information exists on the number of migrants
See
who actually move on to residence in the pueblos jovenes.
Planeade
Nacional
Oficina
(Lima:
1967-1980
Director
Esquema
miento, 1978), p. 54, which estimates that about one quarter
of the migrants in Lima live in the pueblos jovenes.
19
Literature on the callejones is not large; the Oficina
Nacional de Planeamiento y Urbanismo has published a series
of studies which treat the architectural and city planning
See Estudio de
aspects of this type of dwelling environment.
(Lima:
Victoria
La
y
Maria
tugurios en los distritos de Jesus
de
el
Plan
Oficina Nacional de Planeamiento y Urbanismo,
Desarrollo Metropolitano Lima-Callao, Cuaderno Serie Violeta
No. 2, n.d.); see also Richard Patch, "Life in a Callejon,"
American Universities Field Staff Reports, West Coast South
America Series, 8:6 (June 1961), and Patch, "La Parada, Lima's
Market," American Universities Field Staff Reports, West Coast
Our
South America Series, 14 (February 1967), Parts 1, 2, 3.
area
callejon
a
in
own field work in Lima included interviewing
analysed.
yet
in the district of Surquillo, but the data are not
See also Humberto Rotondo et al., Estudios de Psiquiatria
Ediciones del Sol, 1963).
Social en el Peru (Lima:
-27to
investigate how it is
have
terminated their migration
jovenes.
important as the move to
these various
there that
occupational mobility and
Does
Initially, we
arrival to
city--and
therefore,
indications are
stability develop during
Turner's
"bridgehead-consol-
the city.
Where he goes
parts:
immediately after is
first, what part
And secondly, what does he do
does he
each of the
take up?
We will
there?
consider these
What sort
questions for
steps within the city.
It has been stated many times
moves into the
that the migrant typically
central downtown districts of Lima where rel-
low-cost rental housing exists adjacent to
20 Turner's
of the
into what sort of dwelling environment--does he
enter?
atively
What
What,
take up with the migrant where he stopped:
a question with at least two
of job
city becomes
thesis seem to be verified? 2 0
idation"
first
the pueblos
the city.
stages within Lima:
the intra-city migration?
upon
experiences in
The sequence of movement within the
at least as
are
that several hundred thousand people
sources of
work can be found in "Barriers and Channels
for
Housing Development in Modernizing Countries" in William Mangin
(ed.), Peasants in Cities:
Readings in the Anthropology of
Urbanization (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1970), pp. 1-20;
Turner, "Uncontrolled Urban Settlement:
Problems and Policies,"
International Social Development Review (United Nations), 1,
pp. 107-130.
See also Turner, The Squatter Revolution:
Autonomous Urban Settlement and Social Change in Transitional
Economies (title approximate, forthcoming from Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press).
-28-
unskilled labor--commonly, in and around the
sprawling whole-
sale/retail market of Lima known as La Parada.
Housing here
consists mainly of callejones--long alleyways leading off
street, with a series of railway
going off from each side.
which includes
Cinco
In the
Several parts
the sample, 29%
the city);
migrated
37%
lived in this
lived in other
of
21
Altos,
of housing
(another downtown, old part
a total of 44%
of the
callejones
sample
type of urban dwelling environment.
types
of housing within the city
the many pueblos jovenes
the city which acts
migrants
of central
directly into callejones
private homes, haciendas, and so on),
into one of
the families
of the district
combined with those who moved into
in other parts of the city,
first
of
21
in Lima, La Victoria, and Rimac
of
21%
others--provide the same sort
and occupational surroundings.
Of
limits,
La Victoria--such as Barrios
Esquinas, and
three rooms
district of La Victoria,
La Parada within its
live in callejones.
Lima next to
flats of two or
the
and 19%
Some
(rented rooms,
migrated directly
of the city.
The
district
as receptor for the largest share of
is La Victoria,
followed by central Lima
the
and Rimac.
Data from Estudio de tugurios cited earlier.
The figures
in the study show that for every 1,000 families in La Victoria,
"Tugurios" are defined as including five
208 live in tugurios.
different types of downtown slum housing; in La Victoria, the
tugurios contain an average of 1,347 people per hectare, or
about 575 per acre, in one and two story housing.
-29-
No
other district of the city receives
moved directly to
these,
(or 2%
the same site
ently
no
(i.e.,
intra-city moves at all).
information on each point
the migration sequence within the city:
step,
While these data are
in
self-explanatory, several points deserve special
mention and elaboration.
More than half of the sample,
instance, did in fact make at least
their present site.
half moves
prior to
time
classification he had while
there, and his reason for leaving.
at
length of
the type of dwelling environment, with whom the
individual lived, the gross job
many ways
and of
and address at which they pres-
The following table presents
at each
than 7%
of the total migrant sample)
moved directly to
of
Less
the site where they are presently,
only one third
live
over 6%.
on to
settling at
of
short duration;
is
three
to
one move before arriving
Approximately one-third
a third site,
and a
the present
of the remaining
few lived in four places
site.
the modal time at all
five years, and the mean
for
These moves are not
sites
length of
except the third
residency exceeds
three years at all sites.
The
type of urban dwelling environment
comment as well.
dominates
for the migrants at
sequence, as
equal to or
some
As noted above, the callejon-type residence
the first site
the callejon does not predominate throughout
migration
deserves
(46%).
However,
the intra-city
residence in private housing becomes
greater than callejon housing as movement
in Lima
-30-
Table
4
THE MIGRATION SEQUENCE WITHIN LIMA
First
site
(N:333)
(%)
Time in years
Under 1 year
Second
site
(N:187)
(%)%)
Third
site
(N:63)
)
Fourth
site
(N:14)
(%)
Present
rse
a
site
(%)
9.4
2.7
9.5
7.1
1.0
24.6
29.0
13.8
23.2
27.3
38.5
15.5
16.0
28.6
22.2
20.6
19.0
28.6
35.7
14.3
14.3
4.6
37.6
22.3
34.5
31.9
37.4
25.0
69.2
90.5
7.0
6.4
7.8
7.7
.2
46.5
33.7
26.6
7.7
8.1
Tugurio
Rented room
4.4
2.9
7.5
8.6
9.4
14.1
-----
.7
.2
Other
7.3
6.4
17.2
15.4
.2
Job classification
Lower manual
Upper manual
Lower nonmanual
Upper nonmanual
Inactive
67.2
18.3
1.7
--12.8
62.4
30.1
3.2
--4.3
57.8
32.8
6.3
--3.1
53.8
30.8
----15.4
38.7
50.6
5.9
1.0
3.8
With whom respondent lived
Lived by himself
With relatives
With friends
With his own family
Other
16.5
53.8
9.5
17.1
3.2
19.3
27.3
7.0
42.2
4.3
20.0
18.5
3.1
49.2
9.2
--28.6
--64.3
7.1
1.7
3.3
--94.5
.5
Reason for leaving site
Work situation
Economic necessity
Bad housing conditions
To acquire own house, land
Change in family status
Displacement
Problems with landlord
Found better
housing
Other
14.7
6.6
14.4
25.4
19.5
5.7
1.8
6.6
5.4
10.9
4.3
9.2
44.4
14.4
4.3
1.1
4.3
7.6
10.9
3.1
7.8
35.9
14.1
7.8
1.6
9.4
9.4
23.1
7.7
--38.5
23.1
7.7
-------
x
x
X
x
X
x
X
x
x
1-2 years
3-5 years
6-9 years
10 and over
Type of housing
Private house
Apartment
Callejon, quinta
aFor total sample
(N:422)
-31-
develops.
The two most
common residential patterns
residence in one callejon, and then the present
residence in either two callejones
other type
more
or one callejon and
after
Does
the move
to become adjusted to
the
to a squatter settlement seem to
stabilized employment?
within the
the questions
stages of intra-city migration allow
the individual migrant a chance
city?
Slightly
data provides an
an answer for some of
do the
one
their time in Lima.
An examination of job classification
These are:
2)
(26%) reported never having
lived in a callejon setting during
opportunity to attempt
1)
site; and
of environment, and then the present site.
than a quarter of the sample
above.
are:
Does his
follow
overall period of time
central city permit the individual
to
establish
himself?
Comparing job classifications at first
present occupations
for
reveals that
the migrants across
time.
in the
city 67%
manual
and upper manual jobs.
and 18%
Put
during their
considerable mobility exists
Upon or immediately after
of the migrants worked first
the squatter communities,
and 51%.
residence with
in lower
By the time migrants reached
these
another way, 35%
figures had shifted to
of the
39%
sample moved upwardly
intra-city migration sequence, with most changing
from lower manual to upper manual occupations.
job
arriving
classifications may hide
some of
data however, since an individual may
These gross
the significance of the
remain within the same
classification and still better his position in terms
of job
-32-
stability, income, and possible advancement.
For instance,
a man may begin as a street vendor but later become an unskilled
factory worker.
but has
He remains
in more
in the same gross
classification
than one way bettered his situation.
When detailed job classifications are
compared therefore,
the comparison becomes increasingly revealing.
For
employment in Lima the four lowest and most menial
street vendors, agricultural
workers,
migrant
of
sample, while moderately skilled upper manual
taxi and bus drivers,
construction workers,
and other
the
jobs--
skilled factory and
skilled workers--totaled 18%.
the time of the interview the percentages had changed:
least skilled occupations
rose to
totaled 18%
while
the
the more skilled
44%.
This shift
in occupational
to upper manual during the
more important
arrival
in the city and
reveals
that 78%
occupational
rankings from lower manual
intra-city sequence is considerably
than any mobility which might
rural-to-Lima move.22
2 2
occupations--
laborers, unskilled service
and other unskilled workers--claimed 39%
small merchants,
By
first
of
A comparison of the last job held before
the first job taken following arrival
the migrants stayed within the same gross
ranking--generally
Compare Tables
occur during the
3 and 4.
lower manual.
The migration
-33-
sequence within the
city is,
The final move
occurs.
therefore, when upward mobility
(out to a squatter settlement)
in many ways
to represent a step
requirements
for existence in Lima have been met;
comes
taken only when the basic
a steady
job,
a fairly well assured income, and an acquired familiarity
with
the city.
one
An examination of
site to another within the
the reasons for moving from
city (see Table 4)
economic reasons--a change of work site,
job--decline
in importance over time;
marriage, or an
increase in
to
process?
the size of family--and the desire
degree can it be
greater importance in
concluded that
do in fact represent the
the squatter
final stage of the migration
And more broadly, can the squatter communities be
viewed as permanent
that
or a change of actual
a squatter settlement.
To what
settlements
that
while family reasons--e.g.,
to become a homeowner assume greater and
the shift
shows
settlements?
the inhabitants may at
(That is,
what are
the chances
some time decide to return
to
their hometowns?)
In the most general sense,
having moved to
to
the
the migrant's
Lima is overwhelmingly positive.
In response
question "Are you glad that you came to Lima, or would
you prefer
to have stayed in your hometown?"
95%
that they were satisfied with having migrated.
were
evaluation of
answered
Preferences
based on the presence of more readily obtainable
employment
in Lima
(51%) and an overall better environment--
more entertainment, more attractive suburbs, wider streets,
-34-
and a better place
to raise children were commonly voiced.
The most frequently mentioned disadvantages
problems with employment
including climate,
and
so forth),
(13%).
of Lima included
(18%),23 environmental factors
(18%,
traffic congestion, a hectic pace of life,
followed by the presence of crime and delinquency
A high cost of living
mentioned by 10%
of
and housing problems were
the respondents.
A large majority of the migrants maintain contacts and
relations with their hometowns:
to
said that
their point of origin at least once since
The most
such as
(28%),
common reasons for such visits were
funerals, weddings, and the like
and
to return
the opportunity to
for visits,
of the sample
to
70%
(65%)
therefore, is
common.
vacations
(26%).
Willingness
However, two
thirds
and many of those who said that
they would revealed under probing
strongly conditional:
that their answers were
"I would if I could be sure of having
a good job back there,""maybe
A number of
family matters
stated that they would not consider returning
live in their hometowns,
have grown up,"
coming to Lima.
(31%),
visit parents
they had returned
and other
respondents
after I retire and my children
similar answers.
The move
to Lima
in the sample cited employment as
both advantageous and disadvantageous, i.e., Lima was seen as
better than the hometown because of chances to work, but worse
Laborers whose employment is
when there was no work available.
unstable (for instance, construction workers) were among those
who expressed such opinions.
-35-
is,
for the most part, permanent and satisfactory.
The move to
permanent
as
the
for
the squatter settlement itself
the migrant, who comes
to view his
end point of migration, and as a place of
Some 88%
of
is
situation
consolidation.
the sample stated that they planned to
where they were, as
far as
they knew at the
likewise
remain
time of interview.
Furthermore, when confronted with a hypothetical question which
asked them what
they would do
them elsewhere, almost half
30%
said that
such as
full
if an attempt were made
(48%) rejected the notion outright;
they would go if
title to
the land;
would go only under pressure.
they could perceive
and
5%
clear benefits,
responded that
they
Sixteen percent answered that
they would go willingly with no qualifications.
produce
to relocate
These
responses
a picture of individuals who have gone through a good
deal of movement within
the city, who have obtained relatively
stable and assured incomes,
settlements
in order to
and who have moved to the squatter
consolidate their achievements by
establishing a permanent residence.
Despite this
that ties with
of
from other data
The most
straightforward:
Eighty-five percent
they think of themselves as provin-
(from the provinces) and not
residents).
evident
the place of origin persist.
the migrants stated that
cianos
was
conclusion it is
common motive
as Limenos
given for
(native-born Lima
such a feeling
the individual born outside Lima maintains
a strong feeling of affection for his hometown.
reasons
vary.
For instance, a telephone
The exact
operator in a hospital,
-36-
who had been born and raised in the sierra city of Huancayo,
considers himself a provinciano
to be
one,"
"because it seems better to me
while a neighbor of his who was
at the age of
five and who has
30 years
that he had to maintain his
"I
felt
can't and won't
deny it
my whole life in Lima."
brought
lived in the city
in Lima
permanent
don't like
Linkages and affection
apparently deep-rooted,
interviewed
residents of Lima.
How commonly does
and 20 or 30 years
a return migration?
What reasons would prompt
investigation of
each individual respondent was
and why that person had returned.
(43%) was
replied
the
that
place of birth.
the person had been unable to
and the same number said that the
had undergone severe
reason.
asked if he
Twenty-five percent
individual was able to find work back in his
find work in Lima;
research
go back to the provinces,
the most common reason given
Sixteen percent answered that
such
temporary or
the basic concern of the
knew of anyone who had left Lima to
affirmatively;
as noted,
Yet the question can be raised:
While an
transient migration is not
reported on here,
consider themselves,
an individual come to Lima and then decide
return to his hometown?
for that
"I
call himself
seldom erodes them.
The migrants
to
I've lived
One of the few migrants to
a Limeno, a taxi driver from Cajamarca, said,
for the hometown are
for over
origin no matter what:
despite the fact that
it when someone calls me a provinciano."
to Lima
individual
adjustment problems and had left the
Thus there are people who migrate
city
to the city
-37-
but who do not remain, and it
for leaving seems
is noteworthy that
the major reason
to be availability of work in the hometown,
rather than a specific inability
to "make it"
in Lima.
-38-
CONCLUSION
The great majority of the migrants
settlements
are people who by
to make
the squatter
their own reckoning have had
reasonably good luck and success
the city.
to
How do these people
in undertaking
the move to
feel about others who may want
the move to Lima, and where are people
in general
more satisifed--in the city or in the country?
Would the
migrants be willing to help someone else who wanted to come
to Lima?
Perhaps surprisingly, nearly three
said that
27%
they do not
favor unlimited migration to Lima,
feeling that migration should not be
who might want
to
come.
the most
common response
was
the city was
that
When asked why
overcrowded
that
for
sample
only
curtailed for those
they felt as they did,
(for those in favor
migration would create more job
consequences
quarters of the
(42%),
of halting migration)
and that further
shortages and other adverse
those already in the city.
Another 16%
felt
further migration would be detrimental to the countryside,
that agricultural production would suffer, and the like.
Of
the quarter answering that migration should be allowed to
continue
chances
unabated, a third
stated that Lima offered more
for advancement and that people should be able to
take advantage of such opportunities.
Another question asked
whether the respondent would be willing to help
wanted to migrate
to
the city;
almost
two thirds
someone who
(63%)
responded
-39-
affirmatively, while 37%
In general,
opinion.
off in the
city than
responded negatively or had no
the migrants felt that
in the
country
terms, i.e.,
areas.
that life is better
the rural
in
the squatter settlements have an appreciation for
in the
the same
time,
in the
in
problems which
At
to 26.5%),
though, the migrants
create
two other principal considerations bear directly
adjusts in Lima,
migrant
the city:
how easily the
When asked
less difficult
if getting used to Lima had been more or
expected or about equal,
replied that there
52%
difference between expectations
it was easier to get along than
and 26%
thought that
they arrived
in Lima;
deal of trouble
a great
two-thirds
and only
7%
Four-fifths
had a job waiting
yet only 27%
had been
they had expected,
it had been harder.
said that they had not
felt
that
(65%) found work within a month
delayed more than six months.
the
they had encountered
Almost
after their arrival
(Employment problems
in Lima are by no means relegated to migrants
A native Limeno referred to
(82%) of
for them when
in finding their first jobs.
for some people such difficulties
than he
and the actual situation.
For 22%
migrants
dif-
and how the migrant perceives
ferences between migrants and native-born Limenos.
fade.
the
they and others like them have helped to
upon the phenomenon of migration to
no
city than
cities.
Perhaps
had
thus
they express very strongly
articulating in broader terms what
in personal
(73.5%
people are better
indeed,
alone;
make migrant-native
the occupational
differences
situation
-40-
when he
said,
"It's
the same
for everyone
because
I'm a
Lime'no
and I can't get a steady job.")
Another item probed into the same area:
it
is more
difficult for a provinciano
than for someone born and
raised here,
that it makes any difference?"
felt
30%
ahead in Lima
or don't you think
Again, a slim majority
(54.5%)
replied that the provinciano faced more difficulties,
while 13.5%
maintained that
at a disadvantage.
the Limeno
people of
center
the city
around the belief
that it is
adjust himself to
take advantage of you"
of one Lima native.
the Limeno
the native-born Limeno operated
Perceived contrasts between the
ficult for the migrant to
that
you think
that a provinciano/native difference does not exist.
About
and
to get
"Do
A 22-year migrant
provinciano
more dif-
the city:
was
the
"The
response
from Pisco in Ica
said
"has it easy because the provinciano has
change himself to
become accustomed to
to
the atmosphere
(ambiente) of Lima."
Perhaps
of more
interest and surprise are
of those people who felt
Arturo Jimenez,
18,
stated his
Limeno
is
that the Limeno has more trouble.
whose migration history is
sketched on page
reason for believing this way, "because a
isn't well prepared and is very lazy."
representative
interviews,
the opinions
in all
of answers
This
response
that were repeated throughout
settlements and for all types of migrants.
The native Limeno is unwilling or unable to work hard;
does
the
not know how to struggle;
"he enjoys the good life
he
too
-41-
much and does nothin but party
(festejarse) all day."
A
variation was voiced by an 11-year migrant from the rural area
of the
department of Lima who felt
had more
trouble "because he
already has
that the city-born
individual
doesn't value hard work since he
everything, like his family and house and work."
This persistent downgrading of the native city dweller, besides
implying a perception by the migrants of the
inferiority of
Limenos, may also help to explain part of the strong affection
and pride which many migrants
take
in being provincianos.
While what has been presented and described here will
hopefully
the
service to answer and clarify a number of questions,
data inevitably raise further questions
Of special concern are questions
do
individuals
those
that
for investigation.
such as these:
leave Lima and return to
do stay, what seem to be
How frequently
the provinces?
For
the crucial factors or
variables which determine whether an individual will choose
to make the
final move to a squatter settlement?
(For that
matter, how commonly is an actual choice made, and how often
do
circumstances
simply force an
Another area of special
difficult
among
to
for
concern, but
the move?)
one which might prove
Are the migrants who leave
to Lima the more dynamic,
their hometowns?
the rural areas
upwardly mobile elements of
Are the sierra and
thereby losing the "cream of
cities?
to make
investigation, involves the matter of selectivity
the migrants.
come
individual
coastal
the crop,"
rural regions
so to speak, to the
Some incomplete and fragmentary evidence suggests
-42-
that
this may
imply that
indeed be the case.24
further that
reasons given for migrating suggest
the migrants manifest a high level of
status quo in the rural
satisfaction with the
urgently sought
to
their children.
processes
find a better way of life for themselves
A thorough study of
the self-selection
crucial importance.
comes
to
involved in migration both from the rural areas
The
remains
data presented here may help
an understanding of who migrates to
he
dis-
areas, and
Lima, and within Lima to the squatter settlements,
of
study
the migrants come to Lima relatively well educated;
moreover, many of the
and
Data from this
toward
the city and why, where
from, and how for a large number of individuals
migration appears to end and
consolidation takes place
in the
pueblos jovenes.
24
See Stillman Bradfield, "Selectivity in Rural-Urban MigraThe Case of Huaylas, Peru" (unpublished manuscript).
tion:
Bradfield concludes from a study of brothers from Huaylas that
those men who are best educated and those who are most imaginative
Bradfield also
and progressive are the most apt to migrate.
finds that the target for migration very strongly tends to
be Lima.