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U 0 ro ' -4 y Ci ryD REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MOROCCO: POLICIES AND FINANCIAL FLOWS by Leila Zlaoui to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning on May 20 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master in City Planning Submitted ABSTRACT Since the early 1970's the Moroccan government has implemented a set of policies aimed at developing lagging regions and reducing regional disparities. These policies involve institutional as well as economic and financial vehicles for the promotion of lagging regions economies. Despite their variety, these policies were unable to influence the financial servicing patterns in favor of the less developed regions and counteract the tendency towards spatial concentration. The analysis of the financing patterns of the major public, private, and international financial institutions shows that whenever the financial rate of return on investment is considered a main criterion, capital flows in priority into developed regions. The evaluation of the policies reveals two major issues. First, the theoretical principles underlying the policies adopted are based on assumptions that do not hold true in the context of developing countries. Second, even when some of the critical variables for regional development were identified, the measures undertaken to deal with them were not the most adequate to solve the problems involved. Thesis Supervisor: Biswapriya Sanyal Assistant Professor of Urban Studies and Planning 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To Ali, Rabia, and all the others... I would like to express my thanks to Bish Sanyal and Ralph Gakenheimer for their advice, support, and understanding. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page No ABSTRACT 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS 3 LIST OF FIGURES 6 LIST OF TABLES 7 LIST OF ACRONYMS 8 TABLE OF EXCHANGE RATE 9 1. INTRODUCTION 10 2. REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK 12 2.1. Before 12 2.2. After 2.3. Regional 3. REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT POLICIES 23 3.1. Administrative Deconcentration 23 3.2. Creation/Strengthening of New Channels for Independence Independence 15 Disparities: Highlights Allocation of Public Resources for 18 the Regional Development 3.3. Industrial 25 Decentralization and Development Pole Strategy 27 4. EVALUATION 29 4.1. Institutional Aspects 29 3 4.2 Regional Distribution of Large Projects Approved by ODI 4.3. 31 Distribution of Public Funds for Regional/Local Development 34 4.3.1. Special Regional 4.3.2. Local 4.3.3. Communal Supply Fund 4.4. Regional Distribution of World Authority Development Fund Projects From 4.5. Development Fund Regional 1962 to Bank Funded 1985 37 Distribution of the Lending Activities of Institutions 41 Banque Nationale Pour Le Developpement Economique BNDE 4.5.2. 35 36 Three Major Moroccan Financial 4.5.1. 34 41 Caisse Nationale Pour Le Credit Agricole CNCA 42 4.5.3. Credit 44 4.5.4. Conclusion on the empirical 5. REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THIRD WORLD COUNTRIES: Immobilier et Hotelier CIH findings THEORIES AND REALITIES 5.1. Regional Development: 5.2. General Limitations Neoclassical 50 Theoretical Background to Policy 5.4. Specific Limitations 51 Implications 52 in the Context of Developing Countries 5.5. Business and Tax 50 the Validity of the Location Theory 5.3. 45 53 Incentives: Empirical Findings 56 5.5.1. Effect of Tax Incentives on the Location Decision of Firms 56 5.5.2. Opportunity Cost of Tax 5.5.3. Impact on Employment and Growth 58 6. CONCLUSION 61 7. RECOMMENDATIONS 64 Incentives 56 ANNEXES 67 BIBLIOGRAPHY 69 5 LIST OF FIGURES No Page No 1. Morocco 2. Distribution of Industrial Activities 1967 20 3. Distribution of Industrial Activities 1976 21 4. Distribution of Industrial Activities 1979 22 5. Provincial Boundaries 13 1973 and Economic Regions 6. 24 Location of Large Projects Having Benefited From State Assistance 1973--1980 6 33 LIST OF TABLES No Page No 1. Distribution of Manufacturing 2. Regional Distribution of Large Projects Approved by ODI 3. 31 Development 1978--1979 34 1978--1980 35 Distribution of FEC Projects Financed Under 1983 World Bank Loan Mor-2722 6. 36 Regional Distribution of Bank Funded Projects Regular 7. Operations, Regional 1962--1985 38 Distribution of BNDE Lending 12-31-1979 8. Regional in 9. 41 Distribution of BNDE Agreements 1980, 81, 82, and 84 CNCA, Regional Potential 10. 18 Grants Made by Local Authority Development Fund, 5. 1973--1980 Grants Made by Special Regional Fund, 4. Industry Regional Housing 42 Distribution of Real and Customers 43 Distribution of CIH Lending 1978--1984 to 44 11. Ranking of 12. CNCA, Detailed Table 67 13. Regional 68 Lending Institutions 46 Distribution of CIH'S Hotel 1978--1984 7 LIST OF ACRONYMS BNDE : BANQUE NATIONALE POUR LE DEVELOPPEMENT ECONOMIQUE National Bank For Economic Development CIH : CREDIT IMMOBILIER ET HOTELIER Lending CNCA : Institution For CAISSE NATIONALE POUR LE CREDIT AGRICOLE Lending FDCLG Housing And Tourism : FONDS Institution For Agriculture DE DEVELOPPEMENT DES COLLECTIVITES LOCALES ET DE LEUR GROUPEMENT. Local FEC : Government FONDS D"EQUIPEMENT COMMUNAL Communal FSDR : FONDS Infrastructure Fund SPECIAL DE DEVELOPPEMENT REGIONAL Special Regional ODI : : Development Fund OFFICE DU DEVELOPPEMENT INDUSTRIEL Office For wB Development Fund Industrial Development WORLD BANK ABBREVIATIONS DH : Moroccan Dirham N.a : Non Available Non Regional.: Oth. Regions Non Regionalized : Other Regions e TABLE OF EXCHANGE RATE 1 1965 us 5.00 DH 1975 US 4.14 1976 us 4.43 DH 1977 us 4.40 DH 1978 us 4.30 DH 1979 us 4.00 DH 1980 us 3.70 DH 1981 us 4.25 DH 1982 us 5.30 DH 1983 us 6.10 DH 1984 us 6.99 DH 1985 us 9.50 DH DH 1. Picked randomly for each of the years indicated. 9 1. INTRODUCTION In Morocco, as disparities are factors. These national in many the result factors resources and developing countries, regional of historical, led to the current income, and disparities and develop equity and crucial for social and social distribution of the regional access to production factors and markets. regional political differences The goal lagging regions is to reduce important attention to regional implemented regional well through lagging the five year plans in order involve financial vehicles for to reduce institutional as the promotion of regions economies. The purpose of this thesis the financial is to evaluate flows in Morocco, and thereby effectiveness of the policy tools used towards paid issues. A set of policies were disparities. These policies as economic and for stability. Since the early 70's, the Moroccan government has careful in the those policies and investigate the to direct financial flows lagging regions. The approach involves two main steps. First the regional development policies and the financial flows patterns are explored. Then theoretical explanations for observed are discussed. I have also tried critical regional variables that into account to the discrepancies identify the development policies should take in the context of developing countries, and examined how they were dealt with in the case of Morocco. 10 The central hypothesis is that because regional policies are based on assumptions that do not hold developing countries, despite their not of able to influence in the context of variety these policies are the financing servicing patterns the less developed regions and counteract spatial the in favor tendency towards concentration. My analysis combines both empirical literature. I have used the theoretical the empirical data and theoretical findings as a support for search, whose conclusions frame the policy recommendations. The results of are evaluated implemented the Moroccan regional through (i) the analysis of the policies throughout the several development plans, the analysis of the financial and mixed Moroccan financial activities development experience and (ii) servicing patterns of major public institutions, and World Bank in Morocco. 11 lending 2. REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK This chapter reviews the spatial political at the historical trends that have shaped distributions of economic activities, events that have led to as well the adoption of policies aimed a more even spatial distribution of activities and This historical and political as the background understanding of the nature and the is important income. to our limitations of the policy tools adopted by the Moroccan authorities. 2.1 Before Independence The regional precolonial, problems of Morocco are a heritage of colonial and post colonial each showing maladjustments and poor economies and geopolitics adaptation from one stage to the next. In precolonial times sharp contrasts already existed between the different regions of Morocco, and rural areas. The pattern of towns was central place between as well that as between the urban the result of the Morocco occupied as point the of intersection the Arabic and European commercial spheres. The most important cities (Fes, Meknes and Marrakech) were inland road network on which located on an camels and beasts of burden were relied on as a means of transport. This type of communication induced a semi autonomous urban system linkages necessary for control in which the urban by the monarchy and for 12 trade were loose, and permitted considerable provincial autonomy. addition, In the urban network was characterized by a hierarchy of urban and village market centers, complemented by the system of weekly markets balanced The country was (souk). thus endowed with a well urban hierarchy characterized by a dominantly location of towns. The precolonial spatial presented an important agricultural communities particularity: and were over the mountains with limited populated; potential were while the plains, with inhabited by nomadic communities and were poorly populated. Various factors caused this contrast: prevalent pattern however, resources were inhabited by sedentary rural important agricultural pastoral inland tax epidemics, wars and invasions, but also system in the accessible plains which territory controlled by the Sultan FIGURE (De Mas 1: 1978). MoroccoO qw. ooA "d. rOOD ~Source: DE MAS P. 1976 13 formed the the Under the forty years of French domination, the most important change was the shift of the urban concentration to Atlantic center, of coast with the selection of Rabat Casablanca as the economical as the governmental center, and the construction the new ports of Kenitra and Mohammedia. The rail and road network were designed to drain the resources from the colony the metropolis. They radiated over to like a half web out of Casablanca the country. By itself the logic the development of the of the colonial industries near system was development of the raw materials Second most local internal market, but towards as well as finished or industries depended upon leading to the recently created ports. First economic activities were not oriented towards the the exports of intermediate products. imports; and finally, the market was essentially composed of the European population living on the Atlantic Coast: the farmers in the fertile agricultural plains; apparatus the two main cities of Rabat A. the in and the administrative and political and Casablanca (Kaioua 1984). The precolonial spatial peculiarities poor mountainous regions, existed newer low density (high density population in the rich plains) which in Morocco did not change during and greater disparities building agriculture increased 14 the colonial period, but up on the previous ones were induced. The plains were taken over Modern mechanized in by French settlers. the yield and the value added of these areas without densities. leading to higher population In the mountainous regions, with agriculture, the imbalance between the agricultural potential traditional the size of the population and worsened. This worsening was the result of the explosive growth of the population within the limited cultivable areas, without the possibility of using the plains already occupied by the French settlers as an outlet. The spanish colonization of Prerif, the northern zone, Rif and made this region an economically peripheral area cut off from the rest of the country which was under protectorate (De Mas the French 1978). 2.2. After Independence The integration of the old Spanish zone protectorate at the into the former French independence of the country immediately caused great hardship the cost of living for and substantial the population. region experienced massive social in In 1958 and 1956 increases in 1959, the unrest. The orientation of the first Moroccan five year plan -- Plan Quinquennal 1960-1964-- was largely influenced by these events. The plan was characterized by: independence from external government of industry; the key an effort influence; extreme control sectors of the reform of the political Morocconization , to achieve economic economy in particular structure by way of modernization and democratization; lessening of social and regional 15 by the disparities. and In contrast with the later plans, maximum growth was not only objective of the first version of the first five year This plan was prepared government in 1959 by a cabinet under the officials who sympathized with the the plan. leadership ideas of the progressive parties. The economic policy conveyed implication of less power for by the plan, with the King, from the King himself and the political dissolved in May encountered opposition parties. The cabinet was 1960, and a new version of the Plan was written between May and November proposals its 1960. The new version lacked the reform that had characterized the previous one. priority was given to the different economic reform, and social industry; and the control by government of sectors was clearly and regional Instead limited. Agrarian inequalities received no attention. The period of 1961-1964 started with the sudden death of King Mohamed V and Hassan II. the accession to the throne of his son The new King's endeavour was focused on the authority of the monarch -- aiming for a position of unlimited power ( De Mas 1978). The next two plans gave the priority respectively reorganization of the monetary situation, and agriculture. The social and regional to social the irrigated inequalities received no attention. The strategy of the sixties was that growth would to maximum economic lead to a decrease in the income differences among groups and regions. This strategy 16 lamentably failed. As in the indicated poorest respectively 25% and of the population consumed 10% the 1973-1977 plan, while the richest and of the total consumption, by 1972 they consumed 37% and respectively (Plan 1973-1977, p. 14 quoted 1972. This led admitted that condition of in the attempts on the King to reforms his policy which was aimed at of a fairer distribution of national a program of national regarding regional of the in 1971 and The King improving the the rich, had failed. The the poor without hurting new government he constituted dedicated later life in politics and planning. 1.2% 1978). in De Mas The worsened economic situation at the beginning seventies culminated 3.3% to itself the realization income. Eighteen months reform involving decisive measures planning was formulated.The regional development program has been carried out since. Despite it the wide variety of involves, the results of regional planning are much the fifteen years of Moroccan less conclusive than Currently the population is concentrated prosperous plains and coastal areas of country. The most on the coast, Casablanca expected. in the fertile and the Northwest important urban and economic notably Rabat and policy tools institutional of the concentrations are (seat of the government) and (economic capital). The inland areas are marked by the older urban concentrations of Fes, 17 Meknes and Marrakech. 2.3 Regional Disparities: Highlights The northern and primarily coastal location of economic activities has severely affected development elsewhere. According to a 1984 World Bank study': "manufacturing industry region of Casablanca employment (69%), second important region 19% of and exports is the Northwest (40%). The (Tanger, Rabat) of output, 18% of 16% of exports. The region of Tensift (Marrakech and Safi) (9%) and exports place (64%), the number of firms, 12% employment, and Oriental, (57%), in terms of number of firms output with in the is heavily concentrated is also (29%). important The four other in terms of output regions (South, Center-North, and Center-South) have a negligible in Moroccan manufacturing". The following table summarizes these data. TABLE 1 Distribution of manufacturing Regions Firms %A Output industry Employment %A % Exports % Center North West Tensift Oth.Regions 57 19 N.a N.a 69 12 9 N.a 64 18 N.a N.a 40 16 29 N.a Total 100 100 100 100 3 World Bank: Promotion, 1984 Morocco: Industrial 18 Incentives and Export and 4 show the increasing concentration of Moroccan Figures 2, 3, industrial activities as measured and 1979. 19 in terms of jobs, between 1967 Figure 2 Distribution of Industrial Activities 1967' Tetouan Lache e e Rabat Casablanca 8 Jadida Number of Jobs - 2000 500 o +. 1ek m- Source: KAIOUA A. Sowm:D.NOfN.G.M.,r*71419. 1984 20 Less than 100 Figure 3 Distribution of Industrial Activities 1976' Tanger , Nador Larache 4 Ksar al K&br Jerada o Casablanca E Jadida 0 Midelt Number of Jobs 12000 6000 2 000 Souwns : 0 . Source: Reperdoire desItabilsemens ndustrfeis 1976, Dlrin do l7ndusrfe, R"b FchkwODI Groupe Hult. lblin ,s* aJour pour 100km KAIOUA A. 1974 1984 21 0 Mining center Figure 4 Distribution of Industrial Activities 1979,*' Tanger Tetouan KWnitra &Taa ,nt.IA Cmsane. U. sotat Safi Errachidiae Number of Jobs Esaoura 108000 11000 Agadir 0 10010 2000 Souce: AnnuaKonpiMe Mwro n* 7, 1979 ( Mining non included 00. Source: KAIOUA A. 1984 22 3. REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT POLICIES The regional development policies defined and Moroccan authorities throughout the 1973-77, the implemented by 1978-80 and 1981-86 development plans, are based upon three main principles: (i) administrative deconcentration,(ii) financial resources for regional industrial and allocation of public local investment decentralization development, and (iii) in relation to the creation of development poles. 3.1. Administrative Deconcentration and Regional Administration The structure of reflects local its antecedents institutions in Morocco clearly in the French centralized state administrative tradition. There are basically two institutions in Morocco: (i) protect, and advance the interest of the central the regional, governments provincial and led by institutions that municipal locally elected types of represent, government at levels, and officials at local (ii) local the municipal level. (i) In 1971, grouping the Government created seven Economic Regions, together several provinces generally around an urban development pole, as a "framework for economic (Law of June 16, of the regional 1961). The regional consultative assembly action" administration consists (regrouping member of the elected provincial assemblies and representatives of 23 the Chambers of Agriculture, Commerce, Craft, provincial governors Industry), (representatives appointed by proposals prepared by role through inputs for economic planning submission to the national the King the region's major administration departments. To date has been to provide the representatives of central and regional in the provinces), and government of investment its consultative assembly. FIGURE 5 Boundaries 1973 and Economic Regions? Provincial . Provinces Situation 1973 .. - (ii) As part of RM N 1" . f.i m . . atc the decentralization process, an important number of new provinces were created. Provinces and their chief executives, the Governors, constitute the main intermediary between the central and municipal levels of government. Governors are directly appointed by the King. '7. Source: DE MAS. 1978 24 Administratively they are responsible Their primary function Interior. is the Minister to to carry out the to maintain Ministry of Interior's twin responsibilities: law and order, and financial and the political, administrative to oversee affairs of local governments. assemblies were formed and given provincial of In (at 1963 elected least theoretically) more power and responsibilities. Each financed by subsidies from the central by the Governor, and Minister of (iii) (which is entirely approves the provincial budget assembly may be Interior over In 1976, government, prepared imposed on the province by the the assembly's objections). local authority chart the adoption of the (Charte Communale) established a directly elected municipal council in the communes, and was power and responsibilities of Currently, at the municipal share responsibility council by intended the local increase the communities. two parallel level, affairs: for municipal elected locally, and the pacha or the central to structures the municipal the caid appointed government and representing central interests. 3.2. Allocation of Financial Public Resources for Regional/Local Development Local governments central government subsidies, and to in Morocco finance depend (through loans) a substantial 25 to a large extent on the transfers, grants, share of their expenditures. Despite the regionalization carried out institutional through framework which facilitated involvement of the regions an increased in the preparation of the plans, many difficulties were encountered mechanisms necessary to the new regarding the methods and information was achieve regionalization: not regionalized; the possible locations for projects were not always specified; the Secretariat for Planning found to regionalize difficult ministries. Because of the investments of the different the difficulties distribution by regions under decided it extremely in allocating budgetary the capital budget, the Government to establish/strengthen three channels of financing for regional (i) development purposes. The Communal Communal or FEC) source of Infrastructure Fund created in 1959. loans available to local (Fonds d'Equipement It constitutes the only governments for infrastructure and development projects.In the last FEC has grown rapidly, and municipal (ii) development projects The Special Regional Developpement Regional 1973 its role and capacity (iii) to finance is being strengthened. Development Fund or FSDR) which (Fonds Special de was established in to finance by means of central subsidies and grants, infrastructure projects in the fund decade least developed regions. This is now being phased out. The local Government Development Fund (Fonds de Developpement des Collectivites Locales et de leur Groupement or FDCLG) which was established 26 in 1976 as part of the decentralization reform. This Fund of central subsidies and Ministry of Interior, entrusted grants. and It is a chief source is administered by the the Government has recently the provinces with the local distribution of the funds. 3.3 Investment Decentralization and Regional Development Poles. The goal of deconcentrating investments and private funding. In order involved both public to counterbalance the appeal Casablanca-Rabat-Kenitra axis, five cities were proposed 1973-77 development plan as future economic development Oujda, Agadir, Marrakech, Fes and Tanger. deconcentrate private investments, the offered 10 years tax In order of in the poles: to 1973 investment code incentives for enterprises establishing themselves outside Casablanca. The exemption allowed was 100% for some provinces. However, according tendency to concentrate most of the around Casablanca-Mohammedia is not declining. As a result, to the 1921-1986 Plan, industrial investments decentralization of private investment under the development plan, was also being stimulated by provide serviced land at a reasonable cost through the Office of Developpement the in and 1981-1986 (a) an effort to to entrepreneurs Industrial Development (Office du Industriel, ODI),(b) employment premiums calculated on the basis of the number of with personnel the jobs generated, and training for enterprises in poor provinces. 27 interested (c) in assistance locating In addition, the plan adopted new measures to development process away from deeper into the arid the fringe of zones. These measures irrigated areas and involve livestock raising, amelioration and organization of move the rural the the development of small and medium scale waterworks, the promotion of small shift and medium size enterprises, and so on. They mark a away from the characterized Spatially large scale irrigation projects which had agricultural policy they imply a shift rainfed agriculture and in the 1960's and early 70's. toward the mountainous regions of the arid zones. 4. EVALUATION The set of policies implemented in Morocco integrates three essential and complementary components of a regional development program: (a) Institutional changes --aimed at transferring authority, and responsibility from the central, regional/local level. This transfer power, to the is properly supposed to be one of the conditions, and also one of the factor of regional development. (b) Public social and infrastructure investment --aimed at improving regional conditions (health, education, training, infrastructure), creating greater external economies and therefore increasing their potential for development. (c) Tax and other incentives aimed at inducing private developers to invest in lagging regions. In the following section we will review the impact of the policies; examine the distribution of industrial investment); and investigate the financial servicing patterns by looking at the spatial distribution of the activities of different financial institutions: public institutions in charge of the funding of development projects, national banks lending to private sector, international 4.1. lending for development projects. Institutional Aspects The question of deconcentration versus decentralization is 29 the keystone for measures appreciating the impact adopted of the in Morocco. Deconcentration in refers to the delegation of responsibilities to echelons of a structure which remains the principle of a central reassume at any institutional this context the regional in its entirety governed by authority which keeps the right time the responsibility it delegated. On the contrary, decentralization presumes body with its own area of authority. The measures adopted Morocco at to the different levels of the existence of an elected local government, a deconcentraion than a decentralization in are more of type. The Economic Regions are principally a spatial framework planning rather than an essential level in the administrative structure. The multiplication of the number of provinces therefore of provincial for governors is also a way of and increasing the controlling power of the central authority. The consultative assemblies, elected body at the provincial political or financial power.At level do not have any the municipal council has to share the responsibilities for with (appointed by the central the Pacha representing central interests). -- one modern, the other different level the elected municipal affairs government and Although these two hierarchies traditional-- are supposed to carry out tasks, they often work together with some tension and conflicts. Actually these features, i.e, the importance of the Governor's role and the extent of his supervisory authority, weakness of the provincial consultative assemblies, and the 30 the control over exerted by the the municipal local executive authority council, demonstrate the yet (Pacha, Caid) excessive centralization of the Moroccan administrative apparatus. 4.2. Regional Distribution of Large Projects Approved Through the Investment Code During the 1973-77 and 1978-80 Development Plans The main objective of the regional to stimulate industrial development package was investment outside the coastal Casablanca Rabat Kenitra axis. The following table projects indicates the regional (involving amounts equal to or distribution of larger than Dirham) that have been approved by the Office for Development (ODI), in application of the large 10 Million Industrial Investment Code between 1973 and 1980. These projects benefitted from state assistance. TABLE 2 Regional Distribution of Large Projects approved by O.D.I. 1973-1980 Amount (in M. DH) Regions % Share Per Capita (in DH) Oriental Center North-West Tensift Center-North Center-South South 860.6 2327.2 1538.3 905.1 156.8 73.1 54.6 15% 39% 26% 15% 3% 1% 1% 583 419 375 307 65 48 23 Total 5915.7 100% 290 Source: Computed from data drawn from "L'Espace Industriel Marocain de Kenitra a Casablanca", KAOUIA Abdelkader, 1984 p.133. Despite the official discourse and the measures undertaken to 31 induce a decentralization of the productive apparatus, absolute terms the Industrial Northwest Oriental (26%). and benefitted investments approved by O.D.I.,the Office for Development, were heavily concentrated Coast, especially in in in the Atlantic the developed regions of Center (39%) and However, on a per capita basis the regions of to a lesser extent Tensift from a substantial period. Oriental has share of the highest share is above the national turn out to have investments during that share per capita, and Tensift's average. In contrast, the three regions of Center-North, Center-South and South were completely neglected. 32 FIGURE 6 Location of Large Projects Having Benefitted From 198o" State Assistance between 1973 and A 4 AmUOA ~ L..~pb &V(M Is &V hM3pbatim*ra 21a A uAeu 0. Source: KAIOUA A. 19e4 33 A SA iii 4.3.Distribution of Public Funds for Regional/Local Development Though there is no systematic data on the regional distribution of public funds, some information is available on the grants made by the Special Regional Development Fund (FSDR) in 1978-1979 and those made by the Local Government Development Fund (FDCLG) in 1978-1960. The grants were made mainly to finance projects in sewage and sanitation, drinking water, public health, rural roads, electrification, and local staff training. 4.3.1. Special Regional Development Fund (FSDR) Table 3 shows the distribution of grants made by Special Regional Development Fund in 1978 and 1979. TABLE 3 Grants Made By Special Regional Development Fund, 1978-1979 (in DH) Regions Share Per Capita Amount % South Oriental Center-South Tensift Center-North Center North-West Non-Regional. 222321000 67588000 60693000 69511000 42649000 79743000 53590000 89569000 32% 10% 9% 10% 6% 12% 8% 13% 2424808 1475376 1512046 2944591 2397689 5559658 4105387 92 46 40 24 18 14 13 Total 685664000 100% 20419555 34 Population Source: Computed from data drawn from Projet de Developpement Economique et Social (Rabat: Avril 1981, Volume I, p. 6 6 ), Royaume du Maroc. Population data are drawn from 1982 census. On a per capita basis, Center and North-West, which two more developed regions of Morocco benefitted grants. Most of the funds were used one of the to finance projects less developed regions, received the the funding. The obvious explanation is the Saharan territories, and from FSDR least and Center-South. regions such as South, Oriental that are the in poor South, which is lion's share of the region contains the funding pattern is one of the response of Moroccan authorities to the claims for autonomy of the Polisario front. 4.3.2. Local Authority Development Fund table indicates the regional The following FDCLG grants from (FDCLG) 1978 to distribution of 1980: TABLE 4 Grants Made By Local Authority Development Fund From 1978 to 1980 (in DH) Regions Oriental South North-West Center Center-North Tensift Center-South Non Regional. Total Amount % Population Share Per Capita 72250000 103649000 173580000 204152000 89668000 106457000 54992000 293552000 7% 9% 16% 19% 8% 10% 5% 27% 1475376 2424808 4105387 5559658 2397689 2944591 1512046 49 43 42 37 37 36 36 1098300000 100% 20419555 54 Source: Computed from data drawn from Projet de Developpement Economique et Social (Rabat: Avril 1981, Volume I, p.66), Royaume 35 du Maroc. Population data are drawn from 1982 census. The funding pattern of FDCLG displays much than FSDR. And even though less variance lagging regions such as Oriental and South benefitted from the highest per capita allocation, the developed provinces of Northwest substantial and Center were attributed a share of the funds. 4.3.3. Communal Supply Fund (FEC) Financing patterns of Communal through the Supply Fund are appreciated the regional distribution of FEC financed projects under 1983 World Bank and expanding loan "Mor-2272" aimed at strengthening FEC its activities. TABLE 5 Distribution of FEC Projects Financed Under 1983 World Bank Loan Mor-2272 (in DH) Regions North-West Center-North Center South Oriental Tensift Center-South Total Share Per Capita Amount % 64125000 31625000 57513750 17612500 10812500 7000000 2187500 34% 17% 30% 9% 6% 4% 1% 4105387 2397689 5559658 2424808 1475376 2944591 1512046 16 13 10 7 7 2 1 191076250 100% 20419555 9 Population Source: Computed from FEC, Etat des Projets Soumis au Refinancement au 30 Avril 1986. Population data are drawn from 1982 census. 36 The regional Communal distribution of the lending activities of Supply Fund differ substantially from the distribution patterns of FSDR and FCDLG. The main borrowers (Center, 30%) Casablanca highest (North-West, 34%) and Rabat ratios of DH per capita are in to be found in Center-North. All other undeveloped regions and West and center-North are the coastal and Mediterranean sides). and projects to a technical The those two areas benefit areas of Morocco They contain the most municipalities of the country; . lending. Actually, Center, North- from a negligible amount of FEC managerial are the regions of (Atlantic important precisely those which have the capabilities to propose fundable lending institution (FEC), and which can be considered as secure borrowers. 4.4. Regional Distribution of World Bank Funded Projects From 1962 to 1985 This part of the analysis lending to Morocco. The purpose does not bear on all World Bank It excludes most lines of credit projects. is to distinguish between regular operation projects, i.e.,projects whose location was decided prior to Bank approval of the location of loan, and subprojects lines of credit is unknown at the lines of credits, the loan is financial institution which is for which the time of approval. typically made then In the case of to a major in charge of lending Moroccan to Moroccan private entrepreneurs. All subprojects are submitted for World Bank approval before funding. The analysis of 37 the lending patterns of the Moroccan financial lines of credit projects institutions which manage Bank is undertaken in the next section of this chapter. Regular projects analyzed represent 52% of Bank lending to Moroccoand lines of credit 48% $ of which 618 in Agriculture and 922 which are financed by Moroccan financial the regional distribution of line of credit projects institutions we assume the lending activities of the latter do not depend on the source of the funds managing. Therefore World Bank Industry, which are they are expenditures in Agriculture and in majority made through projects, are considered as having distribution as the Moroccan 1984 in Industrial Development Finance projects). Regarding World Bank that (1,560 million of line of credits the same patterns of institutions managing those funds. TABLE 6 Regional Distribution of Bank Funded Projects Regular Operations From 1962 to 1985 Region Project costs X Population Share Per Capita North West Oriental Center South Tensift Center Center North South Subtotal National Impact Not Allocated 977 302 256 376 657 263 243 3074 659 391 24% 7% 6% 9% 16% 6% 6% 75% 16% 9% 4.105387 1.475376 1.512046 2.944591 5.559658 2.397689 2.424808 20.419555 20.419555 20.419555 238 205 169 128 118 110 100 151 32 19 Total 4124 100% 20.419555 268 Source: Location Analysis of World Bank Funded Projects in Morocco. World Bank, EMENA Urban Projects Division, July 1986. 38 Though the developed regions of Northwest received on aggregate terms expenditures, on a per Northwest to be which has more South and the largest share of Bank capita basis, with the highest ratio, in favor of and Center the exception of the distribution turns out lagging regions such as Oriental, Center Tensift. The analysis of the distribution of World Bank expenditures within the regions shows different patterns depending on the nature of the investment sector. Investment in the directly productive sectors are concentrated spatially; infrastructure sector is more dispersed; in the social investment sectors that it investment "While in the richest regions in the and it is is most evenly distributed: (North-West and Center), expenditures have been dispersed between the different provinces, in poorest regions, concentrate the trend has been to them in one province usually coinciding with the province designated by the Moroccan authorities to play the role of development pole. Social most sector investments are the evenly distributed among regions and provinces among the regions; educational provinces, projects have benefitted 27 and urban projects 23. investments, with Infrastructure the exception of power projects which benefitted 24 provinces, are more concentrated. Highway projects benefitted Agricultural 12 provinces and water and to a larger extent 39 industrial supply 10. investments whose location is necessarily related with the quality of economic much in environment of the provinces are less dispersed. Agricultural 15 provinces and , the resources and IDF investments have been made (Industrial Development Finance) in 4 provinces."' ' World Bank: Projects, 1986. Morocco: Location Analysis of Bank Funded 40 4.5. Regional Distribution of Major Moroccan Financial 4.5.1. Institutions Banque Nationale pour le Developpement The National 1959. the Lending Activities of Three Bank for Economic The following table shows Development Regional TABLE 7 Distribution of BNDE Region Designation Center Casablanca & Mohammedia Rabat Meknes Fes Tahla Tetouan Tanger Oriental Marrakech Agadir North West Center South Center North North West Oriental Tensift South Oth.Regions As shown distribution of BNDE lending 12-31-1979 Amount ('000 DH) in the table, favor of companies % 3671303 401533 236631 226715 108415 65849 364878 224834 179932 168468 1095109 6743568 BNDE, Les Operations de in 1979. Total Source: (BNDE) was created the regional interventions since its creation to EconomiqueBNDE la BNDE en 54% 6% 4% 3% 2% 1% 5% 3% 3% 2% 16% 100% 1979. more than 50% of BNDE whose headquarters were located lending was in in Casablanca- Mohamadia. Though the activities of many of them and especially those in the fishing and maritime transport whole country, the weight of Casablanca 41 sectors, span the in BNDE's lending remains very important (about 60%). All other regions occupied a negligible place in BNDE's activities. After 1979, the distribution of agreements did not evolve lessening of toward a the concentration of economic activities. TABLE 8 Regional Distribution of BNDE Agreements 1980, 81, 82, and 84 in Region 1980 1981 1982 1984 South Tensift Center North West Center North Oriental Center South 14% 3% 49% 26% 5% 1% 2% 3% 3% 79% 9% 3% 2% 2% 8% 4% 59% 14% 7% 3% 5% 13% 1% 67% 13% 2% 2% 2% 100% 100% 100% 100% Total Source: On BNDE, Yearly Reports, 1981, 1982, the contrary, Casablanca's region has seen BNDE's lending increase, reaching 79% in Two other regions were allocated lending: North-West which is for political 1984. its share of 1981 and 67% in 1984. decent proportions of BNDE's is the region ranked second with regard to the concentration of economic which 1980, activities in Morocco, and South considerations the object of massive investment. 4.5.2. Caisse Nationale Pour Le Credit Agricole In a Octobre 1982 document 1982", CNCA "Credit Agricole, Bilan et Perspectives. CNCA, the National 42 Bank for Agricultural Credit made an evaluation of its activities, and presented an overview of future prospects. The following distribution of CNCA's real customers are table indicates the regional customers. Potential and potential identified by CNCA according to its lending criteria. TABLE 9 CNCA Regional Distribution of Real and Potential Region Real Center Tensift North-West Center North Center South Oriental South 33% 21% 15% 12% 10% 5% 3% 27% 13% 19% 17% 8% 3% 12% 100% 100% Total Source: Credit Agricole Bilan et Annex 1 Table 9. Potential Perspective, October The regions of Center and Tensift benefitted most from CNCA lending are 1982 those which (benefits are measured according to the number of lending). These two regions include customers: Customers lenders and not the volume of more than 50% of the real the five other regions share less than 50% of the customers. The distribution of potential considered as CNCA's objectives for Center will lending, remain the major customers, which can be the future, shows that Region beneficiary of the followed by North West where CNCA 43 institution's intends to quadruple the number of its customers Oriental, despite the substantial number of their regions (see Table 2 customers, will (see Table 2 concern to shift fringe of regions the rural irrigated and the arid projected South and increase of the remain among the in Annex). CNCA customers does not meet in Annex). less benefitting The prospective distribution of 1981-1986 Development Plan's the development process away from the areas and deeper into the mountainous zones. 4.5.3. Credit Immobilier et Hotelier CIH CIH lends to the housing and hotel indicates the regional sectors. Table 10 distribution of CIH lending for housing construction from 1978 to 1984. TABLE 10 Regional Distribution of CIH Lending To Housing From 1978 to 1984 Location 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 Casablanca Rabat Fes Marrakech Oujda Agadir Tanger 39% 36% 13% 7% 5% N.a. N.a. 45% 24% N.a. N.a. N.a. N.a. N.a. 45% 30% N.a. N.a. N.a. N.a. N.a. 46% 21% N.a. N.a. N.a. N.a. N.a. 42% 28% 12% 9% N.a. 8% N.a. Total 100% 100% 00% 100% 100% Source: CIH Yearly Reports The figures mentioned 1983 45% 17% 9% 8% 10% 8% 3% 100% 1984 47% N.a. 7% 11% 4% 6% 3% 100% 1978,79,81,82,83,84. in CIH annual predominance of Casablanca and to a reports clearly show lesser extent of Rabat. two cities benefitted from more than two thirds of the 44 the These institution's lending to housing every year. The remaining third is shared between the rest of the country's biggest cities (Fes, Marrakech, Agadir, and Tanger). CIH's hotel diversified and 1 in Annex) were more than its expenditures in housing. The review of these expenditures from 1978 Marrakech (see Table expenditures to (33%), followed 1984 shows a clear predominance of by Casablanca and Center region (29%), then by Agadir and South region (25%). minor borrowers with 11 and 2% Fes and Tanger are respectively. 4.5.4. Conclusion on the empirical findings Table 13 summarizes for each of its financing service; (lowest), institution its status; and ranked from 1 (highest) to 3 the three regions that benefitted most of investments expenditures. We recall North West, and to that its the regions of Center, a lesser extent Tensift are those which most concentrate economic activities. Although the include the nature table does not information on absolute amounts, relative proportion and per capita share of investments, it allows us to sketch a global picture of the distribution patterns, and to summarize the partial conclusions drawn for each institution. 45 individual financial TABLE 11 Ranking of Institutions FSDR Public FDCL Center North West Tensift South Oriental Center North Center South 3 1 2 FEC BNDE 3 1 CNCA 1 2 1 3 2 Mixed-9 CIH.H& 1 2 Int'l WBf 2 1 1 3 2 1 CIH.T 7 3 2 3 3 2 3 By drawing a line after Tensift to separate developed from lagging regions, we can see that FSDR, FDCL, and World Bank regular operations have primarily funded all others have invested lagging regions, where in priority in lagging region. In the following section we will explore some clues to the distribution patterns. The financing pattern of the three public institutions analyzed varies depending on the nature of the service they provide. FSDR and FDCLG which finance development projects by means of subsidies and grants, to a varying degree both give the priority to lagging regions. FEC whose role is to finance municipal development projects by means of loans, concentrate its ' Mixed institutions are partly private, partly public. They manage funds from diverse sources including World Bank lines of credit CIH lending for housing. 7 CIH lending for tourism. * World Bank regular operations. 46 activities in the Center, All lending but also two most developed regions of North West and in the less developed the other Moroccan financial institutions and direct their Center North. institutions analyzed are activities in priority towards the more developed regions of the country. The distribution of World Bank expenditures varies depending on the regular operations investment sector. evenly distributed between the regions for sectors (urban, education...), of projects They are the so called social and more concentrated in the case in the directly productive sectors where the pattern is assimilated to the distribution of lending activities of the Moroccan financial institutions. Two parameters seem to determine the financing pattern in terms of spatial distribution: -- The nature of the financing service: -- The nature of the investment sector: social versus directly grants versus loans, productive sector. Contrary to what might have been expected, funds, i.e., agency, public is not institutions, national a main determinant of the source of the banks, international the distribution pattern. Actually the fact that grants, subsidies and expenditures in the social sectors display such than lending and expenditures suggests a different distribution pattern in the directly productive sectors the following observation: of policy tools used, whenever investments is taken Despite the complete variety the financial rate of return on into account as a main criterium, capital 47 flows primarily into developed regions. The conclusions of this evaluation leads to elicit the following questions: Why does the Moroccan regional little effect on the program have so development investments and financial flows patterns? -- Were wrong policies followed? to assume that regional In other world, was it wrong development could be achieved by administrative decentralization, redistribution of public financial resources through new channels, and by giving incentives to private investment -- Or, were the measures in lagging regions? adopted to implement these policies wrong? Why administrative deconcentration (delegation of power, authority, responsibilities) instead of administrative decentralization (transfer of power, authority..)? Why not undertake fiscal decentralization instead of creating or strengthening new channels to allocate financial public resources from the central regional/local level. Could the public resources used those foregone through tax exemptions) from the developed to used in programs aimed to the (or to direct investment the lagging regions have been better at the generation of local resources for development? -- What were results of the effects of each one of the program? In order to answer these questions consider these choices on the the political and economical 48 it is necessary to conditions of Morocco, as well as the theoretical and conceptual development policies from which framework of regional the Moroccan experience draws. 49 5.REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THIRD WORLD COUNTRIES: THEORIES AND REALITIES. 5.1. Theoretical Background The objective of this section is to sketch the assumptions underlying neoclassical location theories, identify why these assumptions may not hold reasons why they do not hold true in general, true particularly the reasons and the in the context of developing countries. Regional or access differences in availability of production factors to production factors and to markets are at of interregional the origin disparities. According to neoclassical economic characterized by a scarcity of natural theory, core regions are resources and of labor, while peripheral areas suffer from a scarcity of capital and technology. The determinant conceptual element returns will be high is that factor in areas of scarcity and low in areas of abundance. Consequently, core regions which are characterized by a scarcity of natural resources and of labor should have a high return on labor and natural resources, whereas peripheral regions should have high return on capital and technology. The main assumptions underlying the theory are: -- Complete mobility and homogeneity of production factors (except physical capital: buildings, -- Decreasing marginal returns; 50 land..), it has been argued that agglomeration economies might be offset by higher per capita absorption costs, congestion costs, and communication diseconomies (Richardson, 1969), knowledge on the part of producers and buyers and -- Perfect complete predictability, -- Inexhaustible entrepreneurship and -- Fully developed technical skills, transportation network. resources and labor Under these assumptions, natural flow from peripheral areas to core regions, while capital reduce it and flow from core regions to peripheral regions. The technology will process would should increase factor supply in areas of scarcity and in areas of abundance eventually leading to an equalization of factor prices over space (Richardsoni969). 5.2. General Limitations of Neoclassical Location Theory. It appears that not all production factors tend spatial equilibrium of supply and demand.The tendency towards towards spatial equilibrium is counteracted by: -- Different degrees of factors mobility -- Heterogeneity of factors -- Increasing factor returns at spatial distribution of external Labor economies and scale economies. is not homogeneous, and labor moves from this migration the core due to the unequal though in aggregate terms low wage areas to high wage areas, in reality is highly selective and its effects often lead to further polarization rather than equalization. Migrants from 51 peripheral to core areas usually come from the more mobile and high wage earners). productive population strata (the potential As a result migration, which reduces aggregate level reduces the average wage (as increasing it also the periphery rather than at neoclassical would labor supply, theory Furthermore, imply). migration, because of the selective character mentioned above, diminishes the production potential Tolding F. W., Capital flows, too, shown that capital is tend towards regional do not studies (Stohr W., cost and capital reason for such a pattern is high) cost is capital is (where capital The main low). is the higher productivity of capital in core regions due to a comparative advantage external (where to core regions relatively 1978) have Tolding F. areas flows from peripheral and capital "abundant" (Stohr 1978). equilibrium. Empirical "scarce" areas of peripheral in scale and economies that do not seem to be often offset by high per capita absorption costs, congestion costs or communication diseconomies. 5.3. Policy Implications The implications in terms of policies are that the major instruments of regional development in market and mixed economies aim to change these disequilibrating flows. Because market major capital, economies, migration is outside of direct policy tools have concentrated on and on creating greater 52 in most policy control, inverting flows of external economies in peripheral areas through public infrastructure investment. experience draws from that stream of The Moroccan thought. 5.4. Specific Conditions in the Context of Developing Countries We have already seen the general limitations to complete mobility and homogeneity of production factors, and decreasing marginal returns. We will now examine the reasons why the remaining assumptions do not hold true in the context of developing countries. These assumptions are: -- Fully developed transportation network, -- Perfect knowledge and predictability, -- Inexhaustible entrepreneurship and technical skills. In most developing countries, the configuration of transport network is an inheritance of colonial was not designed to achieve national development requirements, but instead times. Transport network to drain resources from the colony to the metropolis. As, a result rather than being a lattice covering national transport network territory, towards great port cities. transport and communication In addition, after investment between major urban centers, and to a regions and transport typically is made converges independence, in priority lesser extent between core (respective) peripheries. Very infrastructure the whole little investment is made to connect peripheral each other. These investment patterns do not facilitate a mobility of production factors in favor of remote and 53 areas lagging in to areas. Information which location theory, is a central assumption in neoclassical is not evenly available either. The more remote a region is, the less is known about its production potentials, cost and timing of operation, local customs, chemical and physical properties of local material remote a region is, and so on. Also, the more the less likely it is that relevant information on investment opportunities and management decisions will reach it. This constitutes a critical issue in developing countries where political and economic conditions change rapidly and often unpredictably. Ministries are reorganized, regulations are changed, costs and availability of funds fluctuate, relative factor price vary suddenly... Relevant information about these matters is not channeled in a democratic and systematic way, but through personal contact, rumor and so on. Thus, whereas information is vitally needed because of the rapidity and frequency of changing situations, the sources and modes of information are unperiodic, unpredictable, and require cultivation of sources and personal contacts. Getting information as well as solving problems requires intangible and delicate negotiations which are conducted through personal, face-to-face contacts, and lead to a tremendous pressure towards spatial concentration. Finally, entrepreneurship and technical skills are not inexhaustible and evenly available. Universities are often located in major centers. Managers and multitude of obvious personal cities. reasons prefer to get them to Inducements technicians for a to live in major less developed areas are likely to be expensive because of the compensation necessary make up for the advantages given up, and not so successful to in this sense that it may attract only second raters. None of hold the assumptions underlying classical location theory in the context of developing countries. Factor flows do not follow the expected pattern and do not lead to an equalization of factor prices overtime. Actually because of the uncertainties attached to the investment decision, higher return is required to justify investment in underdeveloped regions. These uncertainties add to the certainty of having poorer communications, slower deliveries, incompetence, absence of supporting services... uncertainties add to costs. Both the risks and lead towards spatial developed regions. There ought the certainties add The to the concentration, and location in to be large and clear advantage to justify location outside of developed centers (Alonso W. 55 1975) 5.5. Business and Tax Incentivess Empirical Findings This section is an attempt to synthesize the main criticisms that have been formulated against business and tax incentives (tax exemption or alleviation) as a tool for local or regional development, as well as to investigate the major trends in terms of alternative policies. The following argument draws from the U.S. literature on the topic; however, the points retained are those relevant to the context of Third World countries. There are three main sets of criticism regarding Business and Tax incentives: -- They have little effect on the location decision of firms. --They have a big opportunity cost in terms of foregone tax revenues and alternative use of these revenues by the public sector. --They have little impact on employment and growth. 5.5.1. Effect of tax incentives on the location decision of firms. Many surveys conducted on firms either expanding their facilities or moving to a new location show that state and local taxes or the availability of subsidized credits are not considered as important factors in the location decision process (Harrison B. & Kanter S.1978). In most cases access to markets, labor costs, and the availability of physical space were the 56 paramount location consideration Different sets of these interviews showed that incentives did not Tax for that would not incentives, therefore functioned as the companies more than anything else. incentives are ineffective precisely because state and taxes are, themselves, relatively unimportant local 1978). the availability of induce business behavior have occurred otherwise. The a windfall (Harrison B. Kanter S. determinants (Vaughan J.R. location 1980). The reason why they have such constitute a cost as side policy and little effect they do not is that affect Since uncertainty is usually greater with respect they revenues. to expected revenues than costs, exclusively cost side policies are insufficient to taken place in the induce investment activity that would not have the absence of the incentive. Furthermore, given relative scale of the base against applied, is% How their effect on the cost important are state and which the side is local limited. then the application of even a such a small base is unlikely to most firms. In the empirical are consistently estimated at added state and to savings to local taxes from 0.5 to 3 percent of value and from 2 to 5 percent of sales Opportunity cost of Tax is very large rate of subsidy (Harrison B. 1978). 5.5.2. The question If this ratio yield significant literature, are taxes as a percentage of the typical firm's cost of doing business? small, incentives incentives. 57 & Kanter S. each Though tax incentives have very individual firm's cost of doing business, and location decisions, terms a heavy cost Tax little effect on reducing they nevertheless represent for in influencing in aggregate the state. incentives force the state to forego the which would have been collected tax revenue in the absence of the policy. These foregone revenues have other productive uses, and goods and services which purchased or provided it is the those foregone revenues could have that constitute the real of the incentive. Moreover as these foregone opportunity cost tax revenues could have financed new state spending having a positive multiplier effect which the tax is also foregone, incentives then the net multiplier effect of is negative. 5.5.3. Impact on employment and growth. Various statistical time, and tests conducted at different periods of in different places have conclusions (all quoted led to the following in Harrison B. Kanter -- There was no significant S. 1978): relationship between growth manufacturing employment and per capita state and collections among all -- There was no local from -- tax the states (Bloom 1955). significant relationship between state and taxes and employment growth 1947 to local in 1953 (Thompson and in the Michigan economy Mattila 1959). The rank ordering of eleven states the burden of state and local 58 in 1971 according to taxation on ten specific industries showed that there was between this rank ordering 5.5.4. Trends by small correlation and the state unemployment rates. in terms of alternative policies Business and generation. no systematic In firms tax incentives aim at growth and the U.S., two third of all (those with job new jobs are generated twenty and fewer employees). It is the smaller corporations despite their higher failure rates, that are seeking out most the large ones are new opportunities, while mainly redistributing their operations (D.Birch 1979). body of literature suggests that small businesses are not only the major source of new technical innovation and tend jobs, but are also a major A growing source of to be quite profitable (Daniels B. 1980). Recent economic evaluations of government intervention development stress the following points: limited importance of large business second the limited ability of capital third the and fourth efforts events to must attempt ensure economic enterprises; ability of states and local development growth in a context of national and 1980). thought out economic development policies to build on the comparative economic advantage of a region to stimulate a diverse growing national policies that growth; small (Daniels B. Consequently well the to to encourage economic international first in the development process; limited availability of capital the limited to create attempt economy. Public to stimulate economic growth should 59 target small businesses because of capacity their profitability and their to generate jobs and to innovate. large Public policies should not exclusively focus on capital; many other market factors such as land, markets for labor, enerqy, management, the product-- must be made a business before that capital B. can -- raw materials, and appropriately available improve its viability to (Daniels 1980). It is widely recognized however, problems involved sector are small, difficult to experience numbers. are at independent, identify and in identifying It is precisely the origin of difficult there are many businesses. Firms in and volatile. They are the most to work with, and there them and assisting them their dynamism and their big is no in large their generation power, these problems are not thought in terms of policy recommendation is approaches; vitality which that make them a to rely on existing networks to be unsolvable. The to adopt of indirect institutions rather than building large new ones institutional capacity within the communities themselves on their that partner for the development administrator. However trend in helping small that own behalf rather (Daniels B. than to be 1980); "acted to on"; build ongoing to act to promote the planning and financing of community based enterprises -- owned wholly by local government or controlled private business and S. Kanter in partnership with socially (Barry Stein quoted by B. 1976). 60 Harrison 6. CONCLUSIDN The ultimate objective of the Moroccan regional program was to promote regional flows in favor achieve of peripheral incentives to areas; by changing capital lagging regions. The policy tools used to this goal were public infrastructure; development development investment in health, education and induce private investment in and administrative deconcentration. These policy tools address some of the variables identified as being critical to regional development in developing countries. These variables were agglomeration and external economies; transport network; managerial skills; entrepreneurship and and eventually technical and information, perfect knowledge and predictability. Public investment improve transport in infrastructure has probably helped to communications within and between regions; it has probably helped to create external in some areas higher economies, but none of levels of the peripheral areas of Morocco can yet be considered as competitive in that regard as the two developed regions of Center Although public and North-West. investment in education and to make support staff skills available entrepreneurship and high level training helped locally, the problems of managerial and technical skills can hardly be overcome because of the personal advantages associated with life in big cities. Administrative deconcentration 61 is supposed to address the issue of information, knowledge and predictability. And actually an effective decentralization of administrative power and services, by transferring the power game at even without changing lessening of spatial adopted its rules-- would centralized-- cannot, -- the policy tool -- delegation of and decision making remain highly in any case, achieve that goal. We have already seen the limited ability of tax to generate growth and employment, and tool level to a substantial is deconcentration or responsibilities whereas power peripheral lead concentration. However in Morocco, which the local areas. Besides the to direct limitations incentives investment to inherent to the policy itself, centralization of administrative power, because implies centralization of relevant decision making and management, decisions of firms. developed It pushes information for business strongly affects the location towards business location in regions and hampers all induce private investment in it the measures undertaken to lagging regions. As we can see from the above, the analysis of the Moroccan experience rises a set of different but interlinked issues. The policy objective which was to promote regional development by attracting external capital policy tools. These latter were not aimed growth potentialities of to the different at developing the the regions themselves. Such an objective would have required the national the regions, framed the choice of the definition in the framework of development strategy, of differentiated programs for regions, based on each region's potentialities and 62 comparative advantages. The policy attracting fulfill external capital within capital. into tools were just the regions and aimed at trying the regions the requirements of that to foreign The whole battery of efforts was seriously hampered by the excessive centralization of the Moroccan administrative apparatus. Actually the policy extent, tools adopted could, address the critical variables for in Third World Countries. They could lagging regions, but When left to highest a certain regional improve development the conditions of they can hardly overcome capital its own initiative, capital return is highest. to And in most cases, flow trend. flows to where the return on investments is in core regions. In the current context of national (debt crisis, austerity programs), and international events which require a most efficient utilization of scarce public and private resources, using public resources to try without much success to divert capital from the areas of high return to peripheral developing countries can afford However regional disparities are still less than social The following a critical is still a priority and political section sketches alternative regional luxury that few anymore. many LDC's and regional development stake is no regions is a issue in whose stability. the elements of an development program, and presents the rationale behind the policy recommendations. 63 7. RECOMMENDATIONS Regional development policies should aim at strengthening the local, economical, institutional and financial basis for development. These objectives involve strengthening local governments; retaining local capital by involving local elites in the development process; assisting small businesses. -- Strengthening local governments The goal of promoting lagging regions economies cannot be achieved without the support of strong local governments. They are those who are better informed as to the local conditions, potentials and needs of the regions. Their contributions to the programs definition and implementation is crucial. Strengthening local governments involves decentralizing administrative power and services. It implies giving to local governments the prerogative to raise (through a fiscal decentralization) and to generate (through public or mixed economic projects) revenues at the local level. It also implies that local governments have to be endowed with the managerial and technical skills necessary for local programs definition implementation and management. -- Retaining local capital and involving local elites in the development process Local elites often have a tendency to reinvest their profits and to consume outside their regions when these latter are underdeveloped. Involving these elites in the development 64 process would change their investment and consumption patterns, and would make of them the development process. long run they would constitute In the the necessary counterweight local motor to centralizing of the trends and they increase local would constitute a coalition to help autonomy. -- businesses Assisting small Small businesses sector) (in the formal as well are known for being innovative, they ought generators. As such development policies. However and job and growth they are also known for being large failure rates. are necessary to better of operation, their problems, informal to be the first target of independent, volatile, and for having Extensive studies in the as know their modes their viability, their linkages and so on. Choices will have to be made between blind assistance on a large scale, or selective assistance in the framework of national Careful industrial development strategies. attention should be given to assistance. In order to to the chances of success, increase existing networks have ongoing institutional finance programs for best the modalities of reduce the costs of the programs and local governments and to be the basis on which capacity to define, implement, and assisting small businesses. They are located to assess the needs as well as implement, monitor to build to define, the performances, and when necessary, 65 adjust the programs. 66 -4 0 0 Is cl. Ln (U '0 CO* (D n I. 0. :D -nj 4 3 191,400 1,095,300 12% 27% 8% 3% 13% 17% 100%. 5 1 6 7 134,500 298,000 91,200 30,300 143,600 South Center South Center Oriental Tensift North Center TOTAL 19% % 2 Rank 206,300 PC Northwest Region 12,200 116,800 35,000 16,800 74,400 41,800 350,600 53,300 RC 2 4 3 7 1 5 6 Rank 100% 21% 12% 15% 3% 33% 10% 5% % 32% 52% 22% 26% 9% 39% 38% 55% % RC/PC - 3n 0 C+ Cl- -o -0. ga~ a.-+u m wD ocrorE ID 0*M CL 0- c+ C, Z z D o 03 cr 103 0 (I 0 240,153 284,070 16,703 323,069 106,646 970,641 Apadir & South Casablarca & Center Tanner & Ntrth MrraiMch Fes & Oriental lm Amwnt MTAL 29,080 Anomt 100% 118,850 29% 60,795 2% 7,270 33% 20,470 11% 1,245 25% % 1978 100% I 51% 6% 17% 24% % 97,325 11,350 32,370 27,290 26,315 Amnpt 1979 54,335 Awnt 30% I 100% 182,013 100% 12% 28,810 16% 33% 93,245 51% 28% 5,623 3% 27% _ 1980 243,770 61,700 2,600 75,370 20,100 84,000 Amuount 1981 12,660 1,200 4 810 38,050 7,799 Auit 100% 64,519 25% 1% 31% 82 34% X 1982 22,841 Annemt 100% 119,q47 20% 39,810 2% 4,459 72 48,412 59% 4,425 12% Z 10"- 9,913 6R,945 1,174 48,34? 15,783 A.7n 100% 144,207 33% 4% 40 4? 147ft ' 14I% 1T 10"l 7 147 4R" 11IT 3I 0. :3 0. 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