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OFFICE EXPANSION IN FORT POINT:
A CASE STUDY OF ADAPTIVE REUSE
IN AN INDUSTRIAL DISTRICT
by
BRUCE ANDREW WILLIAMS
A.B., Harvard College
(1983)
SUBMITTED TO THE
DEPARTMENT OF URBAN STUDIES AND PLANNING
ON MAY15, 1987 IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF
MASTER IN CITY PLANNING
at the
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
May 1987
Bruce Andrew Williams 1987
The author
hereby grants to M.I.T.
distribute copies of this thesis in
permission to reproduce and to
whole or in nart.
Signature of Author
5epartment ot Urban Studies and Planning
Certified by
Lynne B. Sagalyn.
Accepted by
Thesis Supervisor
(
Philip ClaV/
Chairman
Department Graduate Commitee
MASSACHUSETS INSTITUT'
OF TECHNOLOGY
JUN 0 8 1987
LUBAr
5
OFFICE EXPANSION IN FORT POINT:
A CASE STUDY OF ADAPTIVE REUSE
IN AN INDUSTRIAL DISTRICT
by
BRUCE ANDREW WILLIAMS
Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning
on May 18, 1987 in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Degree of
Master in City Planning
ABSTRACT
A district of
Channel area
conversion to
million square
buildings once
warehouses and industrial lofts in the Fort Point
of Boston has undergone rapid and substantial
office use during the past five years. Almost one
feet of space is
now available for offices in
used for storage and manufacturing.
This thesis first examines the process of change in the Fort
Point district over a period of twenty-five years, from the last
efforts
to
nurture
industrial development to the recent
development boom. The recent adaptive reuse of the district is
not an isolated event, but was prefigured by two decades of
activity among public sector planning organizations and private
land owners.
Secondly, the implications of reuse are addressed by evaluating
the evolving role of the district in the context of the city of
Boston.
The increasing role of the district as a location of
inexpensive office space in converted buildings is found to
fulfill an important niche in Boston's economy. The nature of
the buildings themselves, the pattern of ownership, and the
regulatory process has allowed the district to be an important
resource in allowing this expansion.
Thesis Supervisor: Lynne Sagalyn
Title: Asst. Prof. of Planning and Real Estate Development
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to
process.
all the people who helped me through this long
My classmates in the department have become close friends over
the last two years. This last stage of our experience, in which
we shared the joys and agonies of completing a thesis, only
heightened my appreciation and respect.
Anniken Kloster, in
particular, was always there to cheer me on when it felt
like the
project would never be complete.
Lynne Sagalyn, my advisor, was patient and knowledgable. Her
thoughtful reactions, questions, and advice were invaluable in
focusing my investigation.
I only regret that I did not heed
more of her good advice.
I owe my greatest debt of gratitude
to Westley Spruill, who
helped to make this experience bearable. His patience and gentle
support were unlimited. I hope that this is a debt I will have
the opportunity to repay in the years to come.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Appendices
Bibliography
Interviews
Introduction
The Process of Change
The Evolving Role of the Fort Point
District
Conclusions: The Impact of Reuse
22
50
LIST OF FIGURES
MAP l
Fort Point District Context
MAP 2
Site
MAP 3
Fort Point Adaptive Reuse
MAP 4
Fort Point Arts Community
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION:
ADAPTIVE REUSE
AND THE FORT POINT DISTRICT
Preamble
At the intersection of Congress and State Streets in
downtown Boston, pin-striped men and women
shadow of
one forty
story building to the next.
towers crowd the street,
to
the
rush from the
extraordinary
monuments in
expansion
economy.
The intersection
Boston's
financial
is
of
glass and granite
Boston's
considered
district,
in
Office
the
service
heart of
the parlance of local
real estate brokers it is the "100% corner" against which
all other locations are measured.
Further
along
Congress
buildings and over an
Fort Point
quite
Channel.
different.
expressway,
a
past
bridge
more
tall
leads over
On the far side, the environment is
Solidly
originally
constructed
materials
and
manufacturing
Street,
to
finished
economy,
built
brick
store
and
goods
of
fill
the
buildings,
process
New
the raw
England's
landscape.
Today,
however, many of these industrial structures house office
workers.
This district, and others like it, are finding
new
as
uses
the
post-iqdustrial
pervasively molds land use.
economy
ever
more
The process of reuse in this
industrial district is the subject of my investigation.
Adaptive Reuse
Ten years ago, the architect Raynor Warner wrote about
adaptive reuse, maintaining that it represented
become
that
tolerable";
buildings
left
forces
could
social
functions.
a
demonstration
behind
be
by
"a truth
of the simple fact
changing
economic and
rehabilitated for contemporary
Warner also wrote:
By the time <this book> goes into its second printing,
what is now tolerable may become self-evident. We are
so quick to adapt to changed circumstances that we may
not recognize how much has changed" (Warner, 1978; p
vii)
He was right.
in urban
In 1987,
development.
reuse is
an accepted fact
Examples of the reuse of schools,
factories, churches and a myriad of
other building types
are
is
extensively
catalogued.
architecturally and
rather than
It
economically,
to destroy
them or
to
proven possible,
re-use buildings,
let them lie fallow and
decaying in a landscape of neglect.
The mere fact that buildings can
to new
be successfully adapted
economic lives is now so ubiquitously apparent as
to be banal.
The reasons that this change took
Changes in
place are multiple.
taste among both architects and the citizenry
led to the belief that history is worthy
and emulation,
in stark
modern movement
of the
more so,
of preservation
contrast to the anti-historical
preceding generation.
But even
economic changes allowed this aesthetic impetus
to
be
1970's
realized.
and
The
early
impact
1980's
of inflation during the
increased
the
cost
of
new
construction, favoring the re-use of existing structures.
Federal tax changes, in 1976 and more profoundly in 1981,
allowed deductions of rehabilitation expenses, increasing
the attraction of reuse.
Yet, we may not see the forest for the trees.
the
success
cumulative
of
individual
impact
on
institutionalization
urban
of
reuse
view, and use,
the
cities.
placement
The
examples
existing
of reuse is their
development.
has
changed
built
the way we
environment
zoning
tax code encourages, and often mandates,
to
possible
and
profitable,
development game have shifted,
a very
of our
the federal
reuse on a much
greater scale than has been experienced before.
is
The
of preservation incentives and
directives everywhere from local
re-use
Beyond
and our
the
Because
rules of the
cities develop in
different way than they did in the decades before
Mr. Warner wrote his book.
The reality is that
with new.
The
growth. is
no
longer synonymous
re-use of buildings and entire districts
is significantly altering the pattern of urban growth and
land
use,
structures.
shifting
at
Districts
marginal, inimical
least
some
once
considered
growth to existing
economically
to the needs of the modern city, have
seen their fortunes reversed.
Once they were barriers to
growth, which had to be cleared of existing structures to
allow
development and growth.
They are
now a resource,
reservoirs of available, adaptable space.
Industrial Districts; a Resource for Growth
A prime
in the
example of built space as a resource is found
industrial
districts
of
older
cities.
These
districts are typically comprised of multi-story, densely
packed warehouses and manufacturing
lofts
built
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
in the
They
are
physical remnants of a defunct spatial arrangement of the
economy,
in
which
many
manufacturing
functions were centralized near
the hub
The
markets,
and warehousing
labor,
and at
of rail and port facilities near the urban core.
original
declined
functions
precipitously
of
since
these
the
first
districts
half
of
have
the
century, because the advantages
for their centralization
were
suburbanization
greatly
eroded
by
the
of
the
population and the development of an auto-based transport
system, as
well as
by changing modes of production.
Boston, for instance,
largest single
for
one
manufacturing
employment
In
was the
sector of the economy in 1950, accounting
fifth
manufacturing was
of
all
jobs.
By
1985,
employment in
less than half of the 1950.
At 42,500
jobs,
it
is
now only the fifth largest job category.
1
In cities around the nation, industrial districts have
found
new
uses
expansion.
Soho
Francisco,
the
as
sites
in
for
New
office
York, South of Market in San
Fort Point Channel in Boston are just a few of
many, examples.
The buildings of these districts,
although they vary greatly by age
in
general
particularly
The solid structures,
and
and residential
goods,
Volumes of
adaptable
can
attractive
undivided
handle
any
warehouse
plans.
or
use, are
to adaptive reuse.
original meant to
easily
floor
and original
handle machinery
contemporary uses.
loft
space present
Most importantly however, the
centrality of these districts
makes
them
attractive to
reuse by virtue of their location alone.
This
location
is
of
increasing importance, because
concomitant to the decline
of
manufacturing,
office sector has greatly expanded its role.
of Boston,
the sector
all
in
jobs
employees.
the
office
city,
This figure
the approximately
in fact,
now constitutes
has
job
is a
any
largest
In the case
fifty percent of
approximately
300,000
substantial increase from
170,000 office
the
of
or
the urban
jobs in 1950.
percentage
Boston,
concentration of
major American city surveyed by the
I It is led by services; government;
finance, insurance
and real estate; and retail, in that order. These figures are
quoted from Hamer's 1973 study, updated by the BRA research
department.
BRA,
but
the
same
phenomenon
of
office
growth
and
manufacturing decline repeats in city after city.
Based on the twin facts of an expanding
and
a
steadily
declining
office sector
manufacturing
sector,
the
conversion process currently occurring in many industrial
districts is
a foreseeable, even inevitable move to fill
a
In
vacuum.
this
industrial districts
deterministic
on the
view
of
growth,
edge of downtown lie in the
path of expanding office sector,
which
in
the
case of
Boston has more than doubled in square footage since 1970
(BOMA, 1987).
vertical,
Although
with
traditional
added
financial
demand has
much
of
space
this
growth
concentrated
district,
the
sheer
has been
within
the
volume
of
steadily-pushed the zone of office towers and
office jobs outward.
A Case Study of Office Expansion
In studying the
industrial
area,
Boston, this
significantly
route
to
the
process
the
of
Fort
change
Point
in
Channel
a particular
district in
initial view was not contradicted,
refined.
What
current
status
developing office
but was
I discovered is that the
of
the
district
as
a
node has not been direct or immutable.
It is characterized by cycles of investment and activity,
conflicting plans,
and alternative possibilities.
complicated by patterns of ownership and
access.
It is
It is
enriched
by
stake.
The
the
variety
manifest
of
actors
destiny
I
with interests at
first
presumed
is
moderated by a closer study of the case.
Yet, a
pattern of
change can be traced back decades
before the current explosion
added almost
one million
in
conversions,
square feet of office space to
the city's total inventory of thirty-five
feet
in
just
the
which has
past
five
recent, and most powerful
years.
million square
This is the most
development, but
the district
has not developed simply as an extension of the financial
district; it is also
a
residential,
institutional, and
cultural district as well.
The
goal
of
this
study
is
to
decisions and actions taken by the
to understand
arrived
at
determine
sort
through
major actors involved
how the process of reuse has unfolded
its
how
present
the
state
product
of
the
today,
and
and
further to
this conversion process
actually fits into the urban system.
It is my contention that development
has
particular
characteristics
definition of adaptive
reuse.
both
a
the
reality
of
because
Adaptive
building's
perception of that building's utility.
in a
story
in this district
of
the
very
reuse changes
function
and
the
The reuse process
district like Fort Point, therefore, is largely the
of
changing
perceptions
of
what
a
declining
industrial district can be in the life of a city.
This change in perception may gradually occur with the
incremental addition of
abruptly through
reuse
projects,
the success
of a
is
evolutionary
may happen
prototype, but it is
crucial to understanding the process.
process
or
In
essence, the
rather than revolutionary.
the process of reuse unfolds, the
As
potential of remaining
buildings is highlighted, and this potential changes over
time.
There is no clean slate that
easily transform
with a
and often opposing uses
fabric over
a period
a city
new vision.
coexist
or developer can
Rather, different
within
of transition.
the
same urban
Therefore, at the
same point in time the district can have many identities.
Fort Point, for instance can be called an office node, an
artists' community, a manufacturing district.
in perception,
The change
and in fact the perception of change is a
strong motivating factor in the reuse of the district.
In the case study I attempt to trace both the physical
and perceptual
which
changes by
relating the
unfolded in the study
century.
at
the
according to
district.
These
development in the district is
influences,
factors,
the last quarter
In the second part of the study I analyze what
the process has produced
looking
area over
chain of events
but
including
diverges
not
models suggest that
following one
according
ownership,
13
various models of
to
location,
a
set of
number
and
of
timing.
Neither
is
the
process
complete;
district is renovated, more
has been
what
for decades.
could
happen
is
Not
while
much
remains substantially
of the
as it
only what has happened, but
important
to
understanding the
importance of adaptive reuse in Fort Point.
II'Ijl
f505TOW
HAKV'Ofk
r-1 F--"-FORT POINT CHANNEL AREA
Description and Context
The
study
area
is
a
fifty acre parcel of land and
buildings on the east side of Fort Point
from downtown
part
of
Boston. (see map 1)
South
Boston,
but
residential neighborhood
by rail
Two bridges link it to the
Congress
Streets.
The
it
Channel, across
Geographically it is
is
removed
from
the
yards and vacant land.
city, crossing
Northern
at Summer and
Avenue
bridge makes
another connection just north of the district.
Approximately six million square
feet of
built space
is contained
in the
warehouses and
industrial lofts of
the district.
These
buildings, few
larger than 100,000
square feet,
are closely packed along narrow streets and
old rail spurs
in
bisecting cross
roughly
streets.
rectilinear
grid
broken by
Five to Seven story industrial
and mercantile buildings line these main thoroughfares of
Summer and
to downtown.
Congress Streets,
Summer is
surrounding streets
which connect the district
actually
up
to
a
story above
on a viaduct, originally constructed
to allow trains to cross underneath.
It proceeds through
the district to connect the area to the rest of the South
Boston industrial waterfront.
Warehouses
crowd
Congress Street.
out along
the
narrow
side
streets north of
South of Summer, more warehouses string
Midway Street
along one edge of the district.
They frame a twelve acre vacant parcel stretching
the banks
gap
in
of Fort Point Channel.
the
district,
dense
brick
although
a
and
number
out to
This is the only major
granite
of
fabric
of
the
small vacant lots are
scattered throughout the study area.
At the edge of the
district,
near
the
Congress and
Summer Street bridges, the district is only a few minutes
walk away from South
public transit
merges
where
lines converge.
the beginning of
which
Station,
the
into
district
the
commuter
rail and
South Station also marks
of
Financial
tall
office towers,
District,
Boston's
In the interior of the study area, particularly
amid the
central office district.
stretch of
warehouses along
much further away,
Midway street,
the city is
both physically and psychologically.
Vast vacant lots surround
the district
on two sides.
The Fan Piers to the North and the Commonwealth Flats and
the Penn Central Railroad properties to the east
district
apart.
Only
Gillette Company's vast
district
is
there
any
on
one
its
southern
story
contiguous
set the
flank, where
factory
adjoins the
developed land, but
needless to say, the contrast is still strong.
On
the
South
Boston
expanses, there are other
large
seafood
beyond the vacant
Waterfront,
points
are
restaurants
of
activity.
at
located
A few
Pier heads
overlooking Boston harbor, near to the center of Boston's
remaining
Pier.
commercial
fishing
Commonwealth
waterfront, was
Pier,
once a
also
shoreline,
South Boston
passenger terminal
and is now a
industrial
lies the South Boston
although the
city
on
development.
Further down
uses predominate, and beyond
residential
district is
both the central
at the Boston Fish
the
convention center and office
the
fleet
neighborhood.
Thus,
self contained, set apart from
and
industrial neighborhoods,
surrounding
residential and
it is not totally isolated and
without context.
A History of Trade and Industry
The Fort
once
Point district
tidal
flats.
began to fill the
warehouses,
In
area to
lofts,
and
is constructed
1837, the Boston Wharf Company
create port
Each
one
around
constructed
distinct medallion, emblazoned with
construction.
facilities.
The
other mercantile buildings were
built in a concentrated period
century.
on what were
the
turn
of the
by Boston Wharf has a
BWC and
the year of
The warehouses were only part of a vast transportation
complex on the South Boston waterfront.
Located between
pierheads and a system of rail yards, the district served
to store
and process
inland or
out to sea.
leather, and sugar,
the
products before
mercantile
they were shipped
Particularly important were wool,
goods central
city.
to the
Necco
Confectionery Company) was one
fortunes of a
(the
New
tenant, leaving
England
its name
on one of the streets of the district.
With the decline of the regional manufacturing economy
in the
1930's, the
point declined.
By
along the Fan Piers
nearby rail
entire area's
the 1950's,
was replaced
yards had
fallen into
elaborate system of transport
The district
shifted from
constructed
to
manufacturing,
Still
tied
serve,
a break bulk
the great port complex
by a
parking lot; the
disuse as well.
linkages had
The
broken down.
the import/export role it was
to
warehousing,
to
role as
more
and
manufacturing,
general
light
wholesaling functions.
the
buildings
housed
garment, leather, and printing industries, which replaced
sugar and wool as the major businesses of the district.
A Constant Pattern of Ownership
The Boston Wharf Co, which originally
and built
filled the land
most of the buildings has remained as landlord
of three-quarters of the area.
The rest was parceled out
among a
number of separate owners during the early years
of
century
the
by
originally granted
Brewing Co.
Most
Wharf ownership
roughly in
(see map
warehouse to
was
property
Co.,
of
the
which was
goods, and
in the hands of Pabst
properties
are clustered
A few
store dry
originally
the triangle
2).
Wharf
title to all filled land in the area.
Jordan Marsh built a
another
Boston
the
under non-Boston
along fort Point Channel,
defined by
Congress and Summer
are scattered
in with the rest of
Boston Wharf's holdings.
This
with few changes, to the present.
pattern
has continued,
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CHAPTER TWO
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE
STAGE ONE: An Inner CitU Industrial District
The 1960's
marked an
era of
Under the leadership of
Ed Logue
great change in Boston.
Mayor John
Collins and Director
of the new Boston Redevelopment Authority, vast
districts
of
the
sponsored urban
city
were
targeted
renewal, and
were stripped of buildings
for
federally
significant tracts of land
for redevelopment.
The Fort
Point district was relatively unique in escaping any form
of
government
downtown
and
recipients
intervention.
entire
of
Major
portions
of
the
residential neighborhoods were the
planning
studies,
clearances,
rehabilitation, and other forms of government attention.
In many respects, the lack of action in the Fort Point
district reflects
industry.
a
Stimulating
was a much greater
stable,
lack
if
of
urgency
Fort Point
declining;
district never reached higher
and
the
buildings
dealing with
rebirth of the mordant downtown
concern.
slowly
in
were
was relatively
vacancies in most of the
than 15%
well
(BRA, 1967; p4),
maintained by the Boston
Wharf Co.
In the 1965-75 Plan for Boston,
district
for
new
illustrating its
the
BRA targeted the
light-manufacturing development, even
idea
with
a
sketch
showing mid-rise
towers rising
along Fort Point Channel.
The plan exists
only as a vision of what the entire city might be like in
ten years.
The BRA
part of the plan
however,
that
never took
any action
realizable.
the
existing
The plan
to make this
does recognize,
structures
were no longer
attractive for industrial development by proposing
a new
form to take the place of the brick warehouses.
In
1967,
the
BRA
organized
program for industrial space
prepared
in
anticipation
an
in -house marketing
in Boston.
The
of industrial displacement by
urban renewa 1 and highway construction in
the
city.
Of
the
1,400,000
Point
total.
district,
Much of
property along
a
A street
was
a vailable
significant
this space
other parts of
square feet identified,
approximatel y 250,000 square feet
Fort
study was
in the
s hare of the city
was located- in Boston Wharf
at the margins of the district,
but properties along Congress
and Summer
Streets showed
vacancies as well.
This
planning
uses in
marketing
efforts
industrial
Economic
(EDIC),
to
the district.
advocate of
The
program
in
specifically
joint
the
extent
of
encourage industrial
Even the agency created to be the
development
Development
a
represents
study
and
with
had
another focus.
Industrial
the
BRA
Corporation
in
1972 on
industrial land needs in Boston, concluded that the small
floor plates and multi-story
buildings were
not tenable
for
contemporary
policy
makers
plants
to
and
future
sought
the
to
city,
identification of large
industrial needs.
lure
high-tech
and
thus
open
and assembly
focused
parcels
Public
on
further
the
from the
urban core.
STAGE TWO: The Imminence of Change
Public Sector Plans
The
BRA/EDIC
"change"
study
area,
of
along
1972
with
labeled
the
Fort Point
waterfront,
a
leather
district, and other industrially zoned areas in the inner
city.
According to
the
study,
these
change districts
were to be studied for zoning reclassification, but there
is no indication that this was ever done.
This designation marks the
expectation
for
uncovered.
the
future
Clearly, the
changed over
during the
time, but
1970's,
first
this
of
official
the
perception of
change in
district
that
I
the district had
as expansion picked up in Boston
area
of
change
--
both the
warehouse district and the vacant expanses surrounding it
--
became
a
city
planner's
and
developer's
dream of
manifest destiny.
With
every
high-rise
added to the crowded downtown,
the emptiness of the Fort Point landscape became
cruder
contradiction.
In
the
mid-seventies,
an ever
office
the
South
Station
Federal Reserve tower was
built
on
sprouted
towers
steps
the
from
in
Boston
side
of
Street only
Summer
Fort
the new
area;
Channel.
Point
Growth, surely, would eventually leap the narrow boundary
of Fort Point Channel.
BRA plans, however, did not forecast that major office
towers would
cross over
Planning studies
the channel.
new office development in the area.
discourage major
BRA reacted
discouraging office construction, the
market which
over-built downtown
percent vacancy rate by 1977.
study of
the same
construction should
the
Fort
Point Channel
stated that "should market
next
few
occur within
Clearly, the over-building
to an
peaked with a fourteen
The
year also
over
demand increase
In
of
years,
new office
the core of downtown."
downtown
was
not
yet a
concern.
The BRA
started several
projects that recognized
entire
area.
framework for
During
action
long-range physical planning
the
the
on
growth
Private
plans
the
South
hotel/residential
developer interest.
Boston waterfront,
They forecast that the
new development
for
complex
for the
1970's, the BRA assembled a
including the warehouse district.
area could support
potential
and rehabilitation.
development
on
the
Fan
of
a
major
Piers confirmed
The major
problem was lack of access.
problems were the choke
development.
bridges
Current
from
point
access
downtown,
downtown and
throttle new
through
South
Boston
Public Transit locations are
periphery.
To improve
access from
nearby highways, a technological fix in the
form of a new
access road
could
was limited to three aging
or
residential neighborhoods.
located only on the
that
Transportation
Northern
Avenue
bridge
and
a seaport
were deemed essential elements.
These local
improvements
were
tunnel/depressed
appended
central
to
artery
the
plan
third
that
harbor
was
first
conceived during Governor Sargent's administration in the
early 1970's.
Obtaining funding
infrastructure
transportation
improvements
planners
support for these major
has
in
been
the
the
city
focus
and
of
state
administrations ever since.
Also in the 1970's, the BRA
mandate continuous
(BRA, 1977; p.11).
formulated
public access to the channel frontage
This idea
later expanded
Harborpark, a
continuous linkage
waterfront.
Because
waterfront are
could
be
development.
a program to
all
implemented
of the entire downtown
non-marine
conditional under
to become
uses
on
the
city zoning, this idea
incrementally
through
new
Both
the
represented
waterfront
They
plan and the public walkway
transportation
a
vision
quite
forecast
of
the
different
the
entire
from
and the
Boston
contemporary reality.
transformation
industrial district
South
of
a
declining
surrounding acres of vacant
land into an active, accessible part of the city.
These programs have taken years to
reach implementation,
but their presence have helped to shift the perception of
the area from a
landscape of
decline to
a landscape of
renewal.
Although
the
focus
utilizing the vast
Point
Channel,
of
planning was directed toward
tracts
any
of
large
recognize the role of the
vacant
land
planning
across Fort
process
warehouse district.
had
to
The BRA
Fort Point planning study of 1977 also directly addressed
the existing
with
buildings of
considerable
the Fort
ambiguity.
Point district, but
In a seeming attempt to
cover all the bases, it encourages: upgrading of existing
industrial loft space for office, light-manufacturing and
wholesale
trade;
rehabilitated
residential
industrial
development
buildings,
in
new
and
and protection and
enhancement of existing jobs and uses.
The
forecast is
essentially reactive; it seeks to accommodate significant
physical
upgrading
and
reuse
of
the
district
minimizing the impact on the present users.
while
BRA planning
studies offer no implementation policies
for these complicated use directives.
district,
which
(waterfront
was
M-4
(manufacturing)
industrial)
Manufacturing
is
The zoning
remained
the
most
of the
and
W-4
unchanged.
open
of
these
two
classifications, allowing most uses as of right, limiting
only
multi-family
conditional uses.
housing
and
approval of
a variance
Appeal.
In
the
Boston,
development.
as
by the
variance
Zoning Board of
process
is
a major
the BRA uses to gain approval power over
The zoning of the majority of the district,
therefore, did
little to enforce the policy advocated by
planning documents.
The
that
presents
the
facilities
Conditional uses require review by the
BRA and
instrument that
parking
document
vision of
a multi-use district
was never reflected in the
laws governing redevelopment.
Maintaining the existing zoning,
while ineffective in
mandating uses in the district, did help protect existing
buildings, because the floor area ratio of four specified
in
the
zoning
is
exceeded
by
most
of
the existing
buildings.
The use strictures outlined
highlight
the
official policy.
design or
jeopardy
Many
in
planning document
interpreting
elements
social imperatives;
of what should occur
in the
of
a
any
plan
plan
as
fit urban
they may present a vision
without recognizing
the difficulty
of
implementation.
difficult
In
politically
the private market it would be
to
regulate
use
of
existing
structures as selectively the plan suggests.
Rapid
change
is
controversial, but
in the
potentially
the city's
1977 report,
and
own interest, highlighted
lay in maximizing tax revenue while
minimizing public cost.
at their
destabilizing
The reutilization
of buildings
"highest and best use" would be the best way to
accommodate that directive.
Despite the policies outlined
BRA did
consider Fort
office growth.
downtown
firms
In
Point as
the
were
to
Industry Survey,
assess
six emerging or
locations
for their
Fort Point channel received the largest negative
was
considered
situated to clients and
access
Office
possible
response of seventy percent.
area
1977 Study, the
a possible recipient of
1979
asked
potential office areas as
firm. 2
in the
to
the
"perceptionally,
MBTA.
its
The
report notes
that the
aesthetically undesirable, poorly
other businesses,
The
distance
report
from
also
South
and with poor
notes
that
Station was
greatly exaggerated". (BRA, 1979; p 70)
2
The six areas are Broad Street, the Waterfront, South
Station, North Station, Midtown, and Fort Point Channel.
Private Sector Positioning
While the
public sector framed policy and lobbied for
new infrastructure, private actors
nature
of
the
began
to
change the
district. During the 1970's, substantial
shifts took place, but very little was physically evident
or widely noticed until the end of the decade.
In 1972, the purchase of Boston Wharf Co., by Town and
City Properties, a British transportation and real estate
conglomerate,
was
a
perception of the
operating
as
a
major
indicator
district.
publicly
purchase by Town and
of
Boston
the changing
Wharf
had ceased
held company in 1960, but the
City heightened
the expectation of
significant development.
Transactions
among
the
properties along Summer
twenty
and
non-Boston Wharf Co.
Congress
Streets increased
significantly, from only one in the 1965-69 period to six
in the first five years of
the seventies.
II)
indicate speculation, because
These
transactions
little renovation activity occurred.
major
new
player,
and
new
(see appendix
Anticipation that a
public
investment
increase the value of real estate in the area may
would
be the
reason behind the increase.
Town and
City's development
strategy focused on new
construction in the twelve acre vacant
lot to
of
Alternatives of a
Summer
convention
Street.
(see
center/hotel
or
map
a
II)
stadium
(one
the South
of
many
proposed over
to replace
the years
on
this
because
the
Development
both proposed in 1976.
however,
discarded
ultimately
Boston Garden) were
site was
lack
of
solution to transportation access problems to such largescale uses,
because the site was identified by
and also
the state as a possible route of the
third harbor tunnel
project.
Town
and
City,
therefore,
development activity.
company retained
that period
original
one
development
these
commercial
to
for
become
and
Boston
and
Wharf (the
waiting.
presupposed
and
on
also
the
on
The
public
major
new
the nearby fan piers; waiting
realities,
manufacturing
Yet
at
assessment
was
proposed
not embark on major
under new ownership) describe
improvements,
limited changes.
Town &
of
investment
infrastructure
for
Executives
its name
as
did
Boston
tenants
another reason
Wharf
let
continue on with
for somnolence on
City's part, according to Robert Kenney at Boston
Wharf, was major corporate
reorganization of
the parent
company in the late 1970's.
In
1980,
yet
another
new player entered the scene,
when Rose Associates, a
national developer headquartered
in
Town
New
York,
assumed
and
million dollar mortgage note to gain
City's
remaining six
a minority interest
in Boston Wharf Co.
Rose Associates, which also owned an
office
South
tower
near
Station
in
downtown Boston,
brought
market
extensive
of
the
local development
The combination
prefigured a more
knowledge
to the table.
active role for Boston Wharf.
A Cultural District
While ownership shifted
future, other
and owners made plans for the
changes significantly
image of the district.
altered the popular
With no original instigation from
the city, the district evolved as a cultural resource.
began moving
In the mid-1970's, artists
in to
loft
buildings scattered throughout the district, living there
illegally on commercial leases,
the
neighborhood.
the
first
residents in
Though the district lacked
everyday
services like markets and pharmacies, its
loft space was
affordable
space was very
and
available.
Comparable
difficult to find in other Boston neighborhoods
The Boston Wharf Company tacitly approved the official
illegality; artists
paid at
rents, and
provided a
Neither did
the city
new market
After
end of commercial
for industrial space.
ever raise the issue, even when it
became clear that people
regulations.
the high
were living
all,
their
residential conversion even if
contrary to zoning
own policy encouraged
the zoning
did not.
In
this respect the Boston experience is very different from
the similar movement of
Sharon Zukin
artists
in Loft Living.
to
Soho,
described by
There, a special exception
to the zoning code was necessary to allow artists to live
in loft space, and only in specific geographic areas.
Boston
the
process
was
not
because the sheer numbers
of
so
contentious,
people
In
perhaps
involved
are much
smaller in Fort Point.
Another
unexpected
development
1975, after spending years
transpired
looking for
a new
when
in
home, the
Children's Museum (originally of Jamaica Plain) purchased
the Allied Stores Warehouse, a six-story
building
facing
Street Bridge.
the building
the
channel
unadorned brick
off just off the Congress
An earlier buyer had intended
to a
to convert
furniture and interior design center,
but was forced to sell a year later.
The
Children's
Museum
entered
the
area
with some
trepidation. The site is technically in South Boston, and
in 1975 that neighborhood
antagonism
set
off
by
was
school busing.
neighborhood is far removed
Children's
Museum
could
seen
be
from the
relocation
as
embroiled
part
in
The residential
site, however; the
committee
of
the racial
felt
downtown,
the area
with
proper
advertising.
To
the
museum,
convincing factor.
the
location
and
price
were
the
Located adjacent to downtown and near
public transportation, the site promised to be accessible
to a broad range
for the
of children.
The
price of $1,000,000
entire 145,000 sq. feet was four million dollars
cheaper
an
than
alternative
in
offered
the heart of
downtown, and the warehouse space was highly adaptable to
museum exhibits.
The
1979
opening
turning point
district.
in the
the Children's Museum became a
story of
reuse in
the Fort Point
The activity and color surrounding the museum
and its plaza facing
rest of
of
the city.
Fort Point
Channel knit
it to the
It brought people and publicity to an
area which had formerly been largely
unknown but
to the
downtown workers who parked their cars on its periphery.
It is
probably not unusual that the Children's Museum
is the first dramatic
Fort
Point
development to
district.
The
cautious in making as big a
channel,
heeding
the
quoted
"location, location, location".
museum
does
not
suffer
constraining boundaries,
in the
private market tends to be
leap as
much
take place
the one
real
across the
estate dictum
An institution like the
the same market risks.
the market
Within
follows the museum.
It is hence attractive to see the Children's Museum as an
exemplar for future reuse in other sectors.
It is worth noting
vacancy rates
simply have
proceed
certainly
in downtown
postponed
until
engendered as
however, that
a
helped
to
for
office
developers to
In
any
case,
of
the
lively
shift
the
perception
result
of high
Boston in the late 1970's may
plans
later.
the period
the
difference
Museum complex
of the old
warehouses and lofts lining the streets of the district.
STAGE THREE: The Fort Point Development Boom
In the
1980's, development
Channel.
After years
caught up with Fort Point
of planning
studies and developer
speculation, the renovation of buildings for new uses has
reached a sustained level which has
of slowing
down.
renovated so far
presently
not yet
Seventeen properties
during
undergoing
this
shown signs
have been fully
decade,
with
renovation.
seven more
Renovations
are
particularly prominent along the main streets of Congress
and Summer close to the bridges leading over the channel,
but instances exist throughout the district.
Residential Development
One of the very first reuse
Place
condominiums,
projects is
encompassing
Sleeper Street, one street
in
three
from
the
the Dockside
warehouses
channel.
on
The
eighty-eight unit project, begun in 1981 by Boston Wharf,
has
the
distinction
residential
project
of
in
being
the
Kenney terms it a success,
were
first
offered,
district.
but
sales
problem, according to Kenney,
the
admits
were
was
only
market-rate
Boston Wharf's
that
when units
difficult.
The major
that
rising interest
rates locked many potential buyers out of the market, and
thus many deposits were forfeited.
The experience
Soho,
in
New
is entirely
York
City,
opposite from the case of
where
upscale
residential
development followed in the path of artists.
Fort Point,
however, has never developed a street-scene
of galleries
and cafe's
that would
to residential
between
office
help make the area more conducive
development.
buildings
Children's Museum, proved
projects.
Dockside
and
a
the
poor
back
model
Place, isolated
wall
of
the
for subsequent
R
rx
WEINTIAL
Reowm-C UsRaN1 R EsUovio VA~
EII
ernn
LIJ
0
FE-r
0 FICE" CURENT RNPIERo-U
Fm
PAKKIN6
FORT POINT ADAPTIVE RE-USE
Office Development
dominant
The
in
activity
As background
has been added to the market.
square feet
one million
By 1987, almost
conversion to office space.
to this rapid pace of conversion, two factors
the
vacancy
rate
in
downtown
plunged from 14% in 1977 to 2% in
boom is
development
the
class
stand out:
A office space
1981 and
has remained
in the single digits ever since; correspondingly, average
office rents in the same space have more
the decade
than tripled in
since 1977, from nine dollars to thirty-three
dollars per square foot.(BRA, 1987)
According to Miller Blew, managing partner of Bulfinch
Development
renovated
Co.,
one
in
space
constriction
which
of
the
this
made
active
developers
district,
industrial
it
was
structures
of
this
on the
downtown's margins particularly attractive to conversion.
Large
volumes
of
space
in
existing
available at low cost, providing lower
buildings
were
rent overflow for
firms caught in the price-escalation bind.
This was
particularly true
because the growth in office
employment was due to the establishment
small
professional
and
service
increased employment in
the
and
employers.
other
very
large
growth.
firms rather than from
banks,
buildings in industrial districts
and expansion of
insurance companies
The relatively small
could accommodate this
A
new
other
had
factors
an
impact
on the
The inflationary cycle of the 1970's had driven
process.
up
of
number
existing
The availability
of
costs of
attractiveness
of
historic
credits, allowing
tax
20% on renovation costs of the non-
up to
historic register
the
for conversion. (Warner, 1978, p6).
existing properties
deductions of
the
increasing
buildings,
than
faster
costs
construction
buildings of
this district heightened
The ability to syndicate these benefits
this disparity.
lowered risk to developers.
Purely local factors played a role
too.
After years
of lobbying, city and state officials felt more certainty
that the new transportation infrastructure would become a
reality,
and
coming years.
in 1981
major
The
new
development would occur in the
nearby Fan
to begin
a long
Piers proposal resurfaced
period of planning studies and
approvals.
Likewise,
that would
improve access to the area were pushed by the
State Department
of Governor
the
massive
of Transportation
Dukakis in
1982, and
traffic improvements
with the re-election
finally approved in a
Federal highway bill in 1987.
The
BRA,
conversion of
significantly,
has
not
regulated
office space to any great degree.
stark contrast to the process of approvals for
construction, which
process.
goes through
the
This is
major new
an elaborate approvals
Many conversion projects, as described earlier,
do
not
need
conditional approval under present zoning.
The few variances applied for in the Fort
are
approved
routinely
without comment from the
specified, but
Point district
the Zoning Board of Appeals
by
BRA.
Design
review is often
with most properties this review has been
perfunctory; According to Mitch Fischman at the BRA, only
the properties
must
at the
integrate
edge of Fort Point Channel, which
public
access
along
the
water,
have
demanded time of the BRA and the development team.
Speculative Development
The multiple factors have supercharged the development
climate in the district during this decade.
among
the
non-Boston
Congress Streets
possible
pool
Wharf properties along Summer and
increased at
of
a rapid
pace.
Out of a
twenty parcels, only two transactions
were recorded in the latter half of the
this rate
Transactions
increased to
nine in
seventies, while
the first five years of
the eighties. (see appendix II).
In this small sample, prices began
in 1982,
square
jumping from
foot
in
the
approximately thirty
increasing rapidly
an average around ten dollars per
late
1970's
to
an
average
of
five dollars per square foot in the
early 1980's.
This increase has continued through to the
present, with
unrenovated space
dollars a
square foot
in 1986,
selling for up to sixty
and still
selling at a
The rate of
pace equal to the early part of the decade.'
value increase is double that recorded in downtown Boston
over the same period.
Unlike the
(BRA, 1987; p 9)
period of speculation in the early 1970's,
development activity
transactions.
closely
Projects
followed
began
masse in 1984, when six office
different patterns
buildings opened.
of development
a developer
Street,
A
united
more marketable
properties
few
have been followed.
of the
property join
Another
assemble property
developers
of these, including 250-260 Summer
adjoining
buildings
spaces.*
Finally, developers
have
A few
to renovate the space.
pattern has occurred when
themselves.
increase in
coming on the market en
In one pattern, the current owners
forces with
the
sold
the
to
create larger,
properties
of a few
shortly
after
completion of the rehabilitation.
It
is
Streets
this
which
pervasively in
small
has
One new
building which burned
reflects
the
along
changed
the 1980's.
existing buildings in
converted.
area
the
the
most
and Summer
quickly
and
Eleven out of the seventeen
sample
building, 303
down.
convergence
Congress
The
of
were,
or
are being,
Congress, replaced a
speed
factors
of conversion
favoring
office
3 Price in 1986 dollars
* The resulting structure has 94,000 net
feet
leasable square
development
with
ownership.
The
the
many
multiple
nature
property
reacted almost
owners
separate
of
The process
simultaneously to the possibility of profit.
in 1984
began in 1981, but exploded with six completions
alone, and additions in each year thereafter.
transform the streets; new shops line
The renovations
the
base
of
the
and
buildings
punctuate
building
buildings
have
entrances.
only
not
glossy
new
lobbies
The developers of these
to
sought
convert
these
to convert them at the highest end of the
buildings, but
market possible.
This
transformation
is particularly
true on the margin of the district overlooking Fort Point
Channel, where projects
incorporate
the
public walkway
along the Channel's edge mandated by the BRA.
The rapid pace of conversion has created some problems
in finding
fall of
a market
for the
1986, according
Boston
at
was the
23%,
another district
these
figures,
250,000 square
vacancy
in
second highest
behind
only
the
the
district
is
Fort Point
of any district in
North
of converted warehouses.'
the
In the
to the biannual Building Owners
and Managers (BOMA) survey,
Channel area
additional space.
Station area,
According to
over-built,
and
the
feet coming on line in 1987 will only add
to the high vacancy rate.
'the districts include Fort Point,
Station, Back Bay, Government, and Retail.
42
Financial,
North
Boston Wharf
Boston Wharf's
property
changes in ownership.
development activities
The
has not
office at 263 Summer
projects at
was
bought
fifteen
market,
and at
and
more
Because the entire
years ago for only twice the
price that one building on Congress
today's
a time,
transformed the landscape to the same
degree as the speculative developers.
tract
supervising all
company,
through its
Street, works on only a few
that pace
has remained intact despite
Street sells
for in
so because it has the strong
financial backing of two major development organizations,
it
is
under
no
pressure
to
increase
its renovation
schedule.
Interestingly, Boston Wharf's activities
off the main streets of Congress and Summer.
buildings it has renovated
for office
have focused
Most of the
space are located
in the area north of Congress Street on Farnsworth Street
(see map).
The renovations of
these warehouse buildings
are very simple, without high quality finishes or central
air
conditioning,
developers have
for
instance.
While
been vying to produce a Class A product,
Boston Wharf produces space very clearly
range
at
very
speculative
competitive
rents.
square foot, vacancy is very low.
in the
class B
At twelve dollars a
Only recently
of
its
did the
overlooking
the
water
renovation.
At $24/ sq. ft.,
competitive with
is
now
Street,
Summer
253
sites;
profile
higher
company begin taking advantage
in
process
the
rents will
of
be higher, but
the product of other developers in the
area.
As a major landowner, Boston Wharf
priorities
from
district.
housing
As
the
owner
property
other
and
manufacturers,
has very different
manager
of
warehouses,
owners
in
the
eighty properties
artists, offices,
and
condominium residents, the company must have a long range
view, for
makes it
a number
of reasons.
vulnerable to
For one, its very size
constricting action
by the BRA.
Extremely fast development which dislocates large numbers
of
tenants
somewhat
could
obvious
be
controversial.
reason
A
second,
and
is that in developing quickly,
Boston Wharf could compete with itself.
In answer to a BRA request,
a master
plan for
the section
Congress, completed
The
plan
residential
forecasts
development
space
renovated
in
Because it owns many
in
of its property north of
by Jung/Brannen
identifies properties
buildings
Boston Wharf commissioned
the
of
both
office and
buildings,
and
also
that will not be renovated at all.
of
the
streets,
subdistrict,
landscaping features.
Associates in 1981.
Boston
as
well
as the
the plan even specifies
Wharf
is
proceeding with
the plan, with minor variations, street by street.
fact
The
illustrates the
is
there
that
a
vast differences
large and small land-owner.
plan is unusual, but it
between the
As intimated earlier, Boston
Wharf is behooved to act in a rational,
It is
now preparing
south of Summer
changes which
role of a
knowable manner.
a plan for the even larger district
Street,
in
anticipation
of
the major
will be brought by the Third Harbor Tunnel
connection through its property.
The development of office
recognized
by
both
the
space
in
the
district is
marketplace
and public sector
planners as a significant development.
BOMA now includes
it as a subdistrict in its bi-annual Market and Occupancy
Survey.
BRA included it in early drafts
Interim
Planning
that it
is in
eventually
Overlay
many ways
decided
to
District
a part
deal
of its Downtown
(IPOD), recognizing
of downtown.
with
it
The BRA
separately
in a
similar re-zoning action in South Boston.
Artists and Industry
The office development boom of the
vulnerable
tenants
off
wholesaling
tenants,
who
Streets
have
rapidly
guard.
lined
departed,
1980's caught more
Manufacturing
Congress
and
and
Summer
and there is been no
organized industrial policy to encourage the retention of
space.6
industrial
manufacturing
in
in
EDIC,
Boston
"The
its
Big
report
1983
Picture",
on
actually
excluded the majority of the Fort Point District from its
"industrial
fact
South
that
in
Boston"
its
Boston, three
survey
of the
Boston, employing
classification,
of
despite the
industrial jobs in South
twenty largest
employers in South
a total of 450 employees, were located
within the district.'
EDIC has determined that underlying land
the
end
to
manufacturing
with the exception of
at the
activities in this district,
the buildings
most extreme
values spell
edge of
along Midway Street
the study
range
square
is impossible to compete with office
It
uses that can charge three
Boston Wharf
and
has supported
shortening
standard
of
to
lease
three
three
four
to
Standard
manufacturing rents
foot.
from
area.
times
six dollars/
that figure.
EDIC's view by raising rents
terms
years,
to
the
factors
commercial office
encouraging
the
departure of firms even from unconverted buildings.
Data is confusing on this issue, because EDIC figures
include this area together with the growing industrial area at
the far end of Summer Street near the Boston Marine Industrial
Park. Nevertheless, employment declined 9 % between 1978 and
1983 alone.
6
These are The House of Bianchi
(garments) at 293 A
Street, Mark Burton (printing) at 300 Summer Street, and
Stanwood Drapery Co. at 321 Summer Street.
7
the other hand, have mobilized as a group
Artists, on
to fight for their continued existence in the
Fort Point
By the mid 1980's, over three hundred artists
district.
lived and/or
worked in
commercial leases.
In
the district,
1982 they
all but
a few on
formed the Fort Point
Artists Community (FPAC), in order to
make the community
known to the city and to the general public, and to press
for secure housing.
annual
Fort
Through
Point
developed sympathy,
studios
such
strategies
tour,
press coverage,
the
artists
as an
have
and political clout
well in excess of their numbers or monetary resources.
In 1984,
FPAC was
able to buy one building to house
thirty studios at 249 A Street.
sweat
equity
units.
The
and
was
sold
It was renovated through
to
opportunity to
artists as cooperative
buy more
property in Fort
Point is very limited, however, and the group has focused
on the preservation of
was
able
grant five
to
of renovation.
a
to
In
1985, it
agreement by Boston Wharf to
restrict rent
increases to the
and relocate any tenants evicted because
Boston
negotiation
threatened
an
year leases,
inflation rate,
in
engineer
commercial leases.
Wharf agreed
mediated
oppose
a
by
the
variance
to these conditions
BRA,
because FPAC
request
for
the
construction of a parking garage that Boston Wharf needed
for future office conversions.
Robert
artists
that
a
getting
are
relatively small percentage
approximately
better
much
than
deal
although the artists constitute a
manufacturing tenants,
with
Wharf correctly points out
Boston
of
Kenney
of
all
industrial tenants,
square
250,000
feet
scattered
throughout the district.
The
difference
crucial
in
location more than a
geared to
decade
Boston Marine
earlier.
locations,
Industrial Park
of
EDIC's policies
tenanting
of
such
as
in the
(BMIP), at the far end of
Summer Street in South Boston.
full
perception
protecting existing space as much as
providing new space in safe
the
the
The area was written off as an industrial
alternatives.
were not
is
Only very
recently, with
BMIP, have they begun targeting
industrial conversion, seeking to
change
the
zoning of
some areas to be more exclusively industrial.
The artists, on the other hand, are relative newcomers
to the district.
The rapid changes brought by the office
development
boom
community.
According to
Point
Artists
threatened
a
budding, not declining,
Robin Peach,
Community,
artists
director of Fort
feel
like
"pioneered" the district, only to face removal by
of
gentrification.
partnership with
By
organizing
the newspapers
and the
and
they
a form
forging
a
BRA, they have
been able to preserve the community for the time being.
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FORT POINT ARTS COMMUNITY
CHAPTER THREE
THE EVOLVING ROLE OF THE FORT POINT DISTRICT
The role
of the
clearly evolving.
of
groups
Fort Point
district in
the city is
As described earlier, the multiplicity
represented
in
the district guarantees that
there is no one view of how it fits in with other sectors
of the
urban system.
development,
which
Even within the sector of office
is
the
transformation
of
primary
concern in this document, there are a number of different
possible views of what is happening.
There is no perfect model to
conversion
in
Fort
messy and imprecise to
which
certainly
Point,
describe the
like the process, it is too
compartmentalize.
overlap,
product of
are
Four angles,
useful in describing the
present and future use of office
space in
the district:
one is that the central business district is expanding, a
second posits the creation of a
specialized subdistrict,
a third forecasts a mixed-use district, and a fourth sees
office space in the district as more suburban than urban.
Central Business District Expansion
The most pervasive view is that the reuse of buildings
in
the
Fort
Point
business district
District
expansion.
analysis is that the CBD cannot
is
evidence
of
central
The main argument for this
absorb the
total growth
in
demand
for
expanding into the district.
towers in
potent
and therefore the CBD is
space,
office
The
construction of office
the South Station area over the past decade is
physical
for
evidence
movement
towards
argument
is
Fort
Point.
articulated
demonstrated
by
the
the
direction
of
this
Broad support for this
by
the
type
of
public
sector,
development
and
activity
performed.
Before analyzing this argument,
what
constitutes
central
it important
business
district
to note
itself.
Popularly, the banks, major financial service, insurance,
and
law
firms
of
financial
fulfill the image.
each, and
They
district
office towers
hundreds
employ
of employees
constitute the core identity for the functions
of the CBD.
If this is the core of the business district, there is
also a
fringe.
In the
fringe are the firms in a broad
range of fields that cluster near the core
because close
contact with
other firms or government is important, but
which cannot
afford
prestigious
a
clear
cut-off
fringe firms, but
rather
there
instance,
young
There
is
not
small,
firms
locate in class B space on
more
prestigious
quarters
sectors of the office
office
tower rents.
between core firms and
is
a
continuum.
in consulting or law may
the fringe,
only to
with greater success.
market,
For
such
as
move to
Other
engineering and
architecture,
locate
almost
exclusively in less costly
space because of lower profitability as a sector
or high
space needs per worker.
In
1985,
The
BRA
estimated
encompassing both the vacant
will account
by early in
directed
for up
land
that
and
Fort
the
Point,
built area,
to 12.5% of all downtown employment
the
next
century.
growth
will
presumably encourage this spatial
The
BRA's
policy of
expansion, as the new zoning policies restricting heights
hold back
growth in
the financial district and in other
sections of downtown.
Developers
reinforced
along
this
notion
rehabilitation.
renovations
office
Summer
is
The
very
buildings
Congress
in
their
quality
and
the
in the
Rather
care
in
finish
of
to
the
This
is
buildings which directly front
both the
waterfront and
than simply retro-fitting industrial
space, the developers
great
approach
channel.
the channel, and enjoy views of
downtown.
streets have
high, comparing admirably to small
across
particularly true
and
and
their
developing
a
architects
have taken
sophisticated and elegant
image for the product.
It is instructive, however, to look beyond the lobbies
of
the
buildings.
The
quality of the renovations is
partly driven by the historic tax
1981
and
1986
allowed
credits, which between
deductions
of
up
to
20% for
historic renovations.
The level of finish achievable is
high, particularly in the highly visible
the
buildings,
because
the
tax
public areas of
credits encourage the
inflation of deductible expenses.
Rent levels
different
and
tenants,
story.
Aside
however,
tell
a somewhat
from those buildings directly
fronting the channel, the rent levels are much lower than
those
of
the
central
business district, which in 1986
averaged $33 dollars for existing (BRA,
$40 dollars for new Class A space.
in Fort Point are in the
expensive building
1987; P
9),
and
Most of the buildings
15-20 dollar
officially rents
range.
The most
in the 27-33 dollar
increment (BOMA, 1987; p 11).
The nature of the space obviously does not
very largest
With
core businesses
average
square
floor
feet,
to expand in the district.
plates
entire
allow the
of
approximately
8-15,000
buildings rarely contain more than
100,000 square feet, well below the
requirements of many
core businesses.
There
is
some
however. but
only in
Channel, where
evidence
the buildings
the amenity
possible connection
levels and
limited
with
of the
the
the quality of tenants.
district
is
found
in
fronting Fort Point
view and the closest
downtown
a traditional mainline core firm
Point
of core expansion,
raise
The prime example of
located
one
the rent
of
in
the Fort
these waterfront
locations, at 250 Summer Street.
Morrison,
Mahoney
and
Miller occupies 50,000 square
feet in the 94,000 square
foot
Boston law
located near
firm formerly
building.
A large
the heart of the
Financial District, its business makes it desirable to be
in close
physical proximity
law firms.
According
partner, when
to
the firm
to the
David
courts and to other
Bakst,
faced a
Esq.,
a senior
relocation decision, it
judged that Fort Point was tenable, and most importantly,
$15 per
square foot cheaper than anything available near
their original location.
The Fort Point district thus exhibits some evidence of
a shift
margin.
of core
The
fulfills a
uses, but
rest
of
central location
multiplier
district
firms
start up
effects
construction
in
development,
as
reduced
supply
the
the
in
the
unable
in the
of
office
of
and
Class
afford
37%
in
1986.
(BRA,
1987,
a more
Fort Point district.
downtown
renovation
to
renovation
have
new
and new
encouraged
this
construction
has
B office space (pre-1960
construction, unrenovated) from 60% of all
to
this analysis
fringe function: firms which have been forced
out of the CBD, or new
The
only along its most amenable
p
8).
space in 1978
Most tenants in
rehabilitated buildings occupy a floor or less
of space, in a broad range of firms including consulting,
financial
services,
architecture,
engineering,
and
advertising.
The BRA
reinforces the interpretation of the district
as a fringe CBD
survey.
location
in
their
recent office
While developers classify their rehabilitations
as Class A office space, the
B.
most
BRA classifies
it as Class
Officially, Class A is new or newly renovated office
space, while
1960.
Class B
However,
the
determination of $24
class
is unrenovated
BRA
has
space built before
added
dollars/square
a
foot
rent
and
level
more for
A
space,
which
clearly distinguishes Fort Point
district
office
space
from
most
space
within
the
Financial District.
The
private
marketplace
also
alludes
to
this
disparity; in BOMA's Office Survey, Fort Point is grouped
with the
Boston
category of
CBD.
This
considered part
Downtown Boston,
suggests
that
but not with the
while
the
area is
of the downtown market, it is definitely
outside the center.
The view of the
site for
the CBD
Fort Point
other uses
presently exists.
In
office conversion occurs block by block until
the district is wholly appended to
supported
in the district,
sees the district in terms of transition to a
more homogeneous mix of uses than
this view,
an expansion
does not place any great importance on
the concurrent existence of
but rather
District as
by
the
spatial
the CBD.
succession
The view is
so far, but that
pattern
of
succession
in which converted buildings are
clustered near Fort Point Channel on
Streets is
Congress and Summer
motivated by the pattern of ownership as much
as by geography.
As we have seen, the property
has converted
than that
imminent
in individual ownership
much more quickly, and much more lavishly,
owned
by
the
completion
Boston
of
Wharf
Co.
With the
conversion in these properties,
the pattern laid down over the past few years may change.
Specialized Subdistrict
Another way of looking at the
Fort Point
district is
that rather than evolving simply into an extension of the
CBD, it is evolving
connections across
into a
the channel
character all its own.
which has
specialized subdistrict with
but also with a separate
Like the Back Bay, for instance,
a concentration in the insurance industry, the
Fort Point district may be developing
a concentration of
functions which are mutually reinforcing.
Despite
the
broad
diversity noted earlier, the Fort
Point district does have
a substantial
concentration of
architects, graphic
designers, and
advertising firms in
converted
Added
printers, designers,
architects
space.
and
artists
to
in
office furniture showrooms in
specialization
of
the
the
unrenovated structures, and
retail space,
district
the partial
in design functions is
apparent.
Artists' presence in the district since the mid-1970's
constitutes the imagistic roots
of the district's design
function, but the quality and price of available space is
the
greatest
reason
professions are
than other
for
less able
professional
naturally
concentration.
lighted
to pay
warehouse buildings
for class A CBD space
services,
spaces
are
of
Most design
and
many
the
open plan,
converted
especially suited
loft and
to the needs
of architects and other designers.
The
specialization
recent location of the
end
of
Park.
Summer
argument
is bolstered by the
Boston Design
Street
in
Center at
the far
the Boston Marine Industrial
For firms that have substantial contact
with this
facility, the Fort Point District is not just at the edge
of the
Financial
District,
but
is
between
two major
destinations.
In viewing
the
the district as a specialized subdistrict,
current
mix
of
uses,
in
both
unrenovated buildings,
is more
expansion model.
expansion of
example
of
unimportant
The
gentrification;
to
rehabilitation
the
causes
Specialization
is
development, in
that many
somewhat
and
relevant than in the CBD
the
developing
expulsion
renovated
of
more
the CBD
previous
is more an
uses
character,
former
like
are
and
tenants.
community
of the present users of space
are
important
district.
upgrade
resources
A young
from
to
bare-bones
retaining
functioning
architecture firm,
the
of
the
for instance, may
unrenovated loft space to more
finished and prestigious space
while
the
same
in a
converted building,
functional
relationships to
firms and services with which it interacts.
The
BOMA
occupancy
professions were
survey
notes
that
design
among the first to occupy rehabilitated
buildings in the district, but that in recent years, they
have
been
joined
financial
by
service
a
growing
firms.
number
The
of
legal and
argument
for
a
specialization in design is therefore weakened by current
trends, but is still very significant.
Mixed Use Neighborhood
Planners in
forecast
a
both the
mixed
use
public and
private sector have
neighborhood
in
district.
It is the view promulgated by
1977 Fort
Point Channel Study,
Boston Wharf in its own study,
Associates in
1981.
explanations
of
the
would posit that much of the
be swept
away by
specialized.
in its
performed by Jung/Brannen
senses,
product
the BRA
and further developed by
The district
use neighborhood in some
the Fort Point
currently is a mixed
but
of
the
previous two
the process of change
mix is
temporary, and will
further evolution
into something more
The concept
of a mixed-use district is similar to the
specialized concentration model developed earlier, but it
also
assumes that residential uses are an important part
of the conversion process occurring in the district.
effect,
the
model
maintains
that
In
the district should
remain substantially the same, but should
become more of
an attractive neighborhood to both live and work.
Residential development
mixed-use
framework
Jung/Brannen.
narrow
side
development,
The
is a
developed
intimate,
streets
are
in
it
fact
significant part of the
by
BRA
and
removed qualities of the
suitable
is
the
for
residential
where many of the artists
presently live in loft space.
Officially, Boston Wharf is the greatest
mixed-use.
It is
the only
landowner to develop market
rate housing, at Dockside Place on
current
plans
development,
forecast
and
Pittsburg Street.
it
is
Sleeper Street.
a
continuation
just
starting
of
a
Its
housing
project on
In addition, they plan the conversion
of loft and warehouse space into
variety of
proponent of
rental rates.
Jung/Brannen plan for part
office space
at a wide
Importantly, according to the
of
Boston
Wharf's property,
some space will remain unrenovated, and thus could remain
in
traditional manufacturing use.
As owner of seventy-five percent of the built space in
the district,
presenting
Boston
an
Wharf
has
nonthreatening
political
view
their development activity unsettles
future
development
approvals
slow transition for the
the
district
avoids
of
the future.
the
could
reasons for
BRA,
with
industrial
facilities
in
the
A
tenants in
advocates
industrial employment in Boston, a particular
EDIC's
or EDIC,
be put at risk.
remaining industrial
difficulties
If
of
problem as
Boston
Marine
Industrial Park reach capacity, and industrial relocation
within
Boston
Negotiations
becomes
with
increasingly
artists
for
favorable
difficult.
lease
terms
partially defused a situation that could turn popular and
political opinion against Boston Wharf.
According to Robert Kenney, General Manager
of Boston
Wharf, there is no intention to depart significantly from
the plan.
There is also
no guarantee;
it is constantly
re-evaluated against market conditions.
For instance, in
the same period in which Boston
housing
project,
conversions.
it
has
Wharf has
completed
Because Boston Wharf is
completed one
four
office
reacting so slowly
in comparison to the smaller land-owners of the district,
by converting only a few
time, the
years to
current mix
come.
of
its
many
properties
at a
of uses should remain reality for
The long
term tenacity
however, is more difficult to forecast.
of its vision,
This is particularly true in assessing the residential
possibilities of the district.
of
size
and
layout
are
The
buildings, in terms
conducive
conversion, but the district is not
to
residential
directly adjacent to
any other residential neighborhoods, and their supporting
services.
This, along with the near invisibility
artists in
creating an active street-life makes changing
the perception of the area to
very
of the
difficult.
conversions
in
The
Boston
a residential neighborhood
most
have
successful
been
on
the
residential
margins
of
neighborhoods, such as in the factory buildings along the
North End waterfront.
Action taken by the BRA to help preserve
artists in
this
the place of
the district is rational public policy within
framework,
while
from
the
perspective
of
CBD
expansion it simply obstructs the movement of the marketplace.
It is one of the only actions taken by the BRA to
enforce a mix of uses.
Suburban Dispersion
There
is
one
view
which
sees office space in Fort
Point as part of the generalized trend of dispersal.
other
views
modes: easy
highlight
face to
related businesses,
the
retention of the urban work
face contact,
mixed-uses.
suburban view of land use, the
The
clustering of interAccording to this more
creation of
office space
is
judged
by
price
and
accessibility alone.
This is
certainly a minority view in the Fort Point district, but
there is
at least
one development
project currently in
the construction phase to which it corresponds.
The renovation of the Hub Folding
Box Company complex
on Binford Street by Stanhope Development Company differs
from the majority of conversion projects
both by
its size and its location.
free-standing factory
create
open
floor
320,000 square
This is
The linkage of three
buildings with
plates
feet of
much larger
of
in the district
glass atriums will
up to 50,000 sq. ft. and
total space
at final build-out.
than the norm for the district, and
will allow large scale users into the area
for the first
time.
Street
landscape
activity
The
location,
of
and
south
parking
lots,
amenity,
but
harbor tunnel which will
to
the
Boston.
be
Southeast
of
is
as
from
the
eventually provide
Expressway
inexpensive
different from the higher
far
in
a
hub of
close to the intended third
and
For these reasons, the
marketed
Summer
the
easy access
north
shore of
development project will
back-office
class
space
space,
quite
overlooking Fort
Point Channel. 8
The
developer
anticipates
$17/sq.ft, before concessions.
renting
the
space
at
The development
is unusual in its isolation and size,
and of course its success is as yet undetermined.
makes
the
point
that
when
accessible
by
foot
from
businesses
it
must
take
the location is not easily
public
on
than the
clearly not all as
transit
or
other
more suburban, i.e. self-
contained, auto-dependent nature.
actually larger
But it
The district, which is
compact financial district, is
accessible to
the CBD
as the office
buildings lining Fort Point Channel.
Other
outside
developments
our
study
acceptability
of
on
the
district
South
point
locations
not
Boston waterfront
to
the
increased
at the hub of the CBD.
Commonwealth Pier, redeveloped as the World Trade Center,
now
houses
office
space
for
Fidelity, and many firms
tenanting the Boston Design
Center
location
the
in
Back
Bay
to
Boston Marine Industrial Park.
are
relatively
nature of
isolated.
from
a prime
present location in the
All of these developments
Their isolation changes the
communication between
transportation.
moved
Walking and
firms, and
the mode of
the subway are replaced by
cars and shuttle busses.
The point is made
located
on
the
even in
edge
of
the case
the
Senior
firm
was
Partner
forced
at Morrison,
to
law firm
the Fort Point Channel at 250
Summer Street, albeit in a minor way.
Bakst,
of the
institute
According to David
Mahoney and Miller,
a
shuttle
van to
to
employees
transport
and
from
North
Station
and
Government Center (stops in the commuter rail and transit
systems) each day, and hire additional bicycle messengers
make
point
the
that
modest, but
Those measures are
because of longer trips.
when
centrality
is an important
the
relatively
short distances
locational factor, even
found within this one district are substantial.
A Mixture of Influences
images of Fort Point Channel can be defended
All four
as a version of the truth.
not following
or
instance.
the
These
opposing views
expansion of
element
of
advertising
of
ownership,
the
location of
of the building, for
four
for
CBD
are
not,
has happened.
into
the
specialization
and
district is
characteristics
of what
the
in this
but a number of different paths
one path,
depending on the nature
property,
Change
the
For example, the
district
in
it,
architecture
most part,
may
as
have an
when
firms
small
locate
in
rehabilitated space.
The real
import of
these different views is not that
they perfectly describe
that
they
focus
what
is
attention
on
affecting renovation activity.
district has
these
occurred so
multiple
influences
happening,
the
but rather
various influences
Building
reuse
in the
quickly, responding to many of
simultaneously,
that
it is
difficult to
identify one
model as
paramount.
probably as true for the developers of
for the critic.
This is
property as it is
One example is the development of class
A space for class B
tenants.
It
exposes
the current
schizophrenia of a district in the midst of rapid change,
in which the market is not certain, but rather is rapidly
shifting.
All of
these models
recognize that,
the district is becoming an important
only differences
are the
and the relationship of
city.
It
degree to
to some degree,
office node.
The
which this happens,
development to
the rest
of the
Of course, this is in large part a fait accomplis.
is
instructive
conversion
on
a
to
remember,
large
scale
however,
only
began in the early
1980's, and only a few years earlier was
play a
major role
in the
district.
that office
not forecast to
However, the sheer
volume of office space converted in these few short years
guarantees
location
the
of
continuing
office
role
space,
of
the
district as a
regardless
of
future
development trends.
The Future of Office Development
In many respects, the rapid pace of office conversions
in Fort Point since 1981
longer,
if
only
cannot
because
properties is dwindling.
be
the
Because
sustained
number
most
of
of
for much
available
the recent
renovations
resource
were
is
of
almost
non-Boston
totally
Wharf
used
buildings, that
up,
with
only
a
scattering of unrenovated buildings left in the district.
Boston Wharf
majority
of
Co, on the other hand, controls the vast
unrenovated
space
both
in
the currently
desirable area along Summer and Congress and in the still
undeveloped areas in the
But their
activity
far
reaches
of
the district.
policy of close supervision of all development
by
the
continue to
small
staff
restrict the
of
the
company
should
pace of their development to a
few properties per year.
The nature of property ownership will
pace of
thus affect the
development, and there are other influences that
should check conversions in the short term.
rate of
23% quoted by the most recent BOMA survey (fall,
86) suggests that demand is not
and the
The vacancy
keeping up
with supply,
addition of 250,000 sq. ft. in the next year may
only increase the gulf.
properties just
The
entering the
high
rate
market at
may reflect
the time of the
survey, because at least one developer, John O'Connell of
Stanhope
Development,
much lower.
However,
influences of
that
some
office expansion
years since 1981,
positive.
thinks
when
The Boston
the
the present rate is
of
the
underlying
have weakened in the six
impetus
was overwhelmingly
vacancy rate,
while still low by
national standards, has inched
up
to
10%
from
the 2%
current absorption
rates.And, while historic tax credits are
reduced, they are now among the only tax advantages available
in real estate development.
The perception
of the
area as an office market is
perhaps the strongest impetus for continued development.
district
is
recognized
as
a
The
significant component of the
overall downtown market by public planners and by the private
market.
As
the
district becomes ever more acceptable for
office location, the price
differential so
important in its
development becomes less important.
Future
district
scale
on the Fan
will only
area
large
as
development
Piers, which
reinforce the
an
new
office
infrastructure will
is
now
adjacent
to the
virtually assured,
perception of the entire Fort Point
district.
New
transportation
help allow new, more intense development
on the expanses of vacant
land nearby.
In the
longer term,
given the continuation of current growth in office space, the
district will be ever
downtown
Boston,
and
more central
thus
in the
increasingly
office market of
attractive
for
adaptive reuse.
The long term continuation of current trends is in no
way assured.
Many sources point to a diminution in central
city office sector growth, based on productivity advances due
to computerization,
and on the increased dispersion of
traditional center city functions based in
part on electronic
communication advances.
See
ULI,
The Changing Office
Workplace, 1987.
68
recorded
in
1981,
suggesting that inflationary pressure on
forces favoring dispersion
office rents should slow, and the
should weaken.
The
federal
tax
deductions
for
landmarked historic structures have
renovation
declined from
of
non-
twenty to
ten percent. under the 1986 tax code changes, diminishing the
attraction of adaptive reuse.
tax
benefits
is
sharply
The
ability to
reduced
under
syndicate the
the same tax code
revision.
Finally, existing building shells in the district are no
longer
undervalued
in
comparison
to
new
construction.
According to Miller Blew of Bulfinch Development, the cost of
his
company's
current
project
at
280-86 Summer Street is
equivalent to the cost of new construction.
This is in stark
contrast to earlier experience, when developers exploited the
lack of perceived value in existing structures and
to
deliver
the
construction.
product
to
market
at
were able
less cost than new
The rapid inflation of building prices
district since
1982 eroded
the successful shift
in
the
in the
this disparity, an indication of
perception
of
the districts'
utility. (see appendix II).
However,
forces
Class
despite
encouraging
A
office
the
office
rents
are
diminution
development
among
the
in some factors, the
are
still present.
very highest in the
country, second only to Manhattan, and scheduled additions to
the downtown
office market will not lead to over-building at
current absorption
rates.And,
while historic tax credits are
reduced, they are now among the only tax advantages available
in real estate development.
The perception
of the
area as an office market is
perhaps the strongest impetus for continued development.
district
is
recognized
as
a
The
significant component of the
overall downtown market by public planners and by the private
market.
As
the
district becomes ever more acceptable for
office location, the price
differential so
important in its
development becomes less important.
Future
large
scale
district on the Fan
will only
area
as
development
Piers, which
reinforce the
an
new
office
infrastructure will
is now
adjacent
to the
virtually assured,
perception of the entire Fort Point
district.
New
transportation
help allow new, more intense development
on the expanses of vacant
land nearby.
In the
longer term,
given the continuation of current growth in office space, the
district will be ever
downtown
Boston,
and
more central
thus
in the
increasingly
office market of
attractive
for
adaptive reuse.
The long term continuation of current trends is in no
way assured.
Many sources point to a diminution in central
city office sector growth, based on productivity advances due
to computerization,
and on the increased dispersion of
traditional center city functions based in
part on electronic
communication advances.
See
ULI,
The Changing Office
Workplace, 1987.
CHAPTER FOUR
CONCLUSIONS: THE IMPACT OF REUSE
Changing perceptions of urban growth
In
this
study,
district has
I
closely analyzed how one industrial
been transformed
transformation
is
not
yet
become an important part
providing
space
accommodating
to
a
museums,
through adaptive
complete,
of
the
broad
artists'
The
but the district has
office
variety
reuse.
market
in Boston,
of firms, while also
lofts,
and
residential
condominiums.
The
movement
of
office
space
to
this
and
other
industrial districts at the periphery of the central business
district is indicative of a profound shift in perception, and
establishes a
pattern,
new
pattern
sectoral
existing built
urban
expansion
form.
became socially
in
more
In past
acceptable, the industrial
destroyed
term
decline
buildings
reverse is
make
way for
as
other uses
for more congenial locations. But the experience
of reuse in entire industrial districts
that
to
structures; or alternatively, the
district would continue a long
bypassed it
In this
decades, before preservation
and economically
appropriate
use.
can be accommodated within the
district would either have been
modern,
land
are
also
functions are
adaptable
true.
to
new
Contemporary
very malleable
has proven
uses,
economic
not only
but that the
and social
within a static physical form;
the office
building, or
the condo,
or the
museum can have
many different physical manifestations.
The case study illustrated how this change transpired in
one district.
It
was not fluid, but full of starts, stops,
and a few dead ends.
the 1980's,
The rapid large scale changes in use in
during which
the district
emerged as an office
node, were prefigured by years of public sector
private positioning.
I
planning and
identified three overlapping stages
in this process of change.
Underlying
everything
is
the
gradual
manufacturing functions in the central city.
decline
This began much
earlier than the advent of reuse as a major force,
a
direct
cause
precondition.
district
of
reuse,
rather
is
The perception of Fort Point as
constitutes
the
change.
This
process of
but
sectoral decline
first
stage
persisted
and is not
a
necessary
an industrial
identified
long
of
after
in
the
signs of
were evident, and lay behind efforts of the
BRA to market industrial
space in
the district
in the late
19901's.
The
second
inevitability of
public
sector
stage
was
change.
In
actors
began
the
this phase,
to
plan
future for the district, without an
what that future would be.
like
the
stadium
of
the
key private and
for a non-industrial
initially clear
idea of
This stage was characterized by a
number of significant proposals
these,
realization
for the
district.
Many of
proposal of the Boston Wharf Co.,
were
abandoned.
Others,
ultimately implemented.
like
This
waterfront
access,
transitional phase
were
was one of
testing possibilities.
During
this
architects to
change, but
second
stage,
movement
of
artists
unrenovated loft space confirmed the theory of
large scale
action was
modest.
The opening of
the Children's Museum in 1979 represented a cusp
second
and
stage
and
a
third
project to manifest the
stage.
wide
between the
It was the first major
variety
of
possibilities for
reuse in the district.
In the
third stage, a decade of plans and proposals was
translated into action.'
identity
of
established
During
the
district
through
the
this
as
an
rapid
buildings for office uses.
surprising in relation to
stage,
office
a
node
renovation
of
strong new
has
been
industrial
The speed of the actual change is
the
decades
of
gradual movement
toward change.
Today, the district has a new identity, quite apart from
its industrial origins.
stages are
the reuse
not gone
process.
manufacturing and
Evidence
of
the
first
and second
though, and that is a characteristic of
Much
space
warehousing uses
remains
unrenovated, and
still remain.
considerable uncertainty about the future mix of uses
district.
However,
all
There is
in the
future development will be in the
context of the existing office district.
The
perception of
the district
has successfully
shifted, even faster than the
actual uses of the district.
Special qualities of adaptive reuse
It is ironic that the warehouses and lofts of Fort Point
have
undergone
such
a
standing plans for the
working
their
way
contrast illustrates
rapid
nearby
through
transformation,
vacant
the
the special
accommodating urban growth.
Fan
while
Piers
long
are still
approvals process.
role of
The
adaptive reuse in
It can be a very speedy process,
and can also accommodate a variety of users,
including those
not normally served by new development in the central city.
The
small
properties
of
Fort
Point
Channel
insignificant in isolation, but together account
of approximately
roughly
six million
one-million
square
square feet
feet
of
for a store
of space.
space
are
that
If the
has been
converted since 1981 had been proposed as an office tower, it
would have had to go through a battery
and
permitting procedures,
of reviews, hearings,
potentially adding years to the
development process even before the start of site-work.
In contrast, the small increments which characterize the
development pattern
in Fort Point require little regulation,
nor do they arouse public controversy.
no
shock
of
the
new;
the
With
traditional
reuse, there is
problems with new
development such as traffic generation, environmental impact,
and aesthetic
compatibility are
a
of conversion can occur within a
amount
surprising
The result is
considerably.
also reduces construction time
that
non-issues. The small scale
very few years.
The diverse
part of
of
pattern
ownership
is another factor which can speed the
this district
In Fort
pace of conversion.
which characterizes
difference between
Point, the
large and small property owners is pronounced.
the one
of the difference is due to the special
case, but
circumstances of the
also a generically different approach to
there is
development between large scale
property.
Some
and
small
owners of
scale
A large owner is forced to plan and stage his/her
actions over the long term, while
the moment
seems right.
small owners
may act when
In Fort Point, this allowed them to
act within a very narrow time frame.
The
diverse
large
ownership
conversion.
of
small
buildings
inexpensive
space
relatively
a
one
one slice
simultaneously.
office
of
allows
Unlike
addresses only
number
number
wide
large
can
For instance,
to
parcels under
variety of approaches to
new
development,
which
of the market, adaptive reuse of a
properties
run
small
the
address
in the
gamut
luxuriously
from
various
markets
Fort Point district,
barely
appointed
renovated,
Class A space
comparable to anything in the financial district.
The result is that
Fort Point,
and districts
like it,
are effective stockpiles of easily adaptable space.
During a
73
period
of
high
demand
and limited additional supply, like
that which was experienced in
this space
can serve
Boston
to catch
in
the
the overflow of the CBD that
might otherwise leave the city altogether,
because major new
development can take many years to react.
to
responsive
the
needs
often
development
not
centrality, but cannot afford
entire floor
of an
office space.
That
development boom,
them
to
firms,
which
new
address.
Firms
that
need
prestige,
office tower
Finally, the buildings
are
resources
a
don't
need an
served by reuse.
for
uses
other than
has been the dominant use in the recent
but their
residential
create
and
are well
or
size, scale,
institutional
special quality of adaptive reuse is
to
It is particularly
smaller
of
does
early 1980's,
richly
mixed
and setting lends
as
well.
A final
therefore the potential
urban neighborhood from an area
formerly associated with a very narrow range of uses.
Fostering Reuse
The role of industrial districts as a resource for urban
growth
is
increasingly
well
current zoning initiative of
established.
the
Downtown
In Boston, the
Interim Planning
Overlay District (IPOD), adopted in 1987, formalizes reuse by
proposing
District
restricted
and
warehousing
the
growth
Bulfinch
districts
subdistricts
Triangle,
downtown.
Fort
for
two
the Leather
manufacturing/
Point
Channel
is
BRA's
the
outside
rezoning action is
it
cap
will
contemplated.
Like the
for
heights
allowable
but
designation,
downtown
a
similar
downtown action,
new development at an
average existing height for the district.
In addition, the BRA
a policy
has proposed
to protect
historical
buildings, as designated by the
Boston Landmarks Commission.
Fort Point Channel is currently
all
significant
being surveyed for just such designation.
These actions
indicate that the BRA is institutionalizIt
ing reuse into city policy.
nificant, but
has
somewhat passive,
always
very
former
success
industrial
increase
in
of
existing buildings
reuse
in
districts,
property
with
In the case of
action as much as public policy
Channel, private
was the instigation for conversion.
the
a sig-
role in fostering the reuse
of Fort Point and other industrial districts.
Fort Point
played
point, however,
changing the perception of
as
values,
At this
seen
could
replacement
in
the substantial
eventually
by
threaten
denser structures.
The BRA's action forestalls this possibility.
Over the
quarter century of this case study, public and
private attitudes towards the existing built environment have
come full cycle.
Now, finally, its value is firmly reflected
in public policy, just as it
successful
reuse
is
projects.
reflected
all around
us in
The process of change in Fort
Point is still evolving, as its role in the city is redefined
by new
uses.
Through all the change, however, the existing
75
APPENDIX I
TIMELINE
1967
Fort Point warehouse space marketed by BRA
1972
Labeled "change" area in BRA/EDIC
Industrial Needs study
1972
Boston Wharf bought by Town and City
Properties, Inc.
mid-70
5
Artists begin moving into district
1975
Children's Museum buys Allied Stores
building
1976
Historic Preservation tax credits
established
1977
Boston Class A Office Vacancy Rate at 14%.
1977
BRA Fort Point Channel planning study
1979
Children's Museum opens
1980
Rose Associates becomes minority partner
Wharf Co.
1981
Masterplan for part of Boston Wharf
rties
prope
in Boston
Dockside Place (Condo) construction begun by Boston
Wharf
Economic Recovery Tax Act, increases
benefits of Historic Preservation Tax Credits
Boston Class A Office Vacancy Rate 2%
1984
FPAC develops cooperative at 249A Street
Six Office renovations completed
1985
Fort Point first included in BOMA occupancy survey
1987
Third
Harbor
approved
Tunnel/Depressed
Total office space, complete
1,209,000 square feet
Central
Artery
and in construction:
APPENDI
II
REAL ESTATE TRANSACTION IN THE FORT POINT DISTRICT
(1980-1988)
Address
25)
d ;q t e
Summer
SSummer
285 Summer
353 Concress
274
Summe-
32-340 Summer
369-375 Conqress
256-60 Summer
292-302 Summer
303 Conqress
1 / 60
1/6 2
4/2
6
54
1 1 /64
4 / 7'1)
1.1 /72
10/73
2/74
308-316 ConQress
4/74
308-316 Canaress
1-2/75
8/79
347 Conqress
268 Summer
'I'
303
Cogress
395 Congres
250-260 Summer
347 Conoress
320 Concress
373 Concress
250-50 Summer
274 Summer
345 Congresr
280-286 Summer
262 Summer
Price
r
3/80)
1/81
7/83
11/83
2/64
S6/84
1/,85
1/85
10 /86
$ a. 1 -t.
55.000
22. 960
72. 000
$1.64
$2.0
S1.33%
$3. 79
$2.64
45 ,0C0
$ 2. 27
$355. 000
26. 2S0
112.55
$ 175, 000
$261 1 C)oo
57.800
S3. 03
$550. 000
45. 000
84. 000
$175., 000
$860,000
90. 000
144.540
$5.80
$6.55
$1.94
$5.95
$990, 000.
144.,540
78., 000
!6.78
$3.90
72., 000
$3.82
$2.83
$3%04,0
qOa
$275,000
$255.000
$255,00
53.200.000
S1
50 .000)
$82. 000
S90, 000
$73. 000
587.000
$190. 000
$99 . 000
.
800. 000
210. 000
45. 000
90-0,)
$34.04
$1.
$2. 250. 000
5 737,000
48.000
72 -000
15, 626., 000
$7,220.000
S5.940,000
72 .0
$2, 7(:
000
$25.21
231.
25
94.000
129, 882
45
.
000
$78. 14
$45.73
APPENDIX III
NEW AND RENOVATED
OFFICE SPACE IN FORT POINT DISTRICT
Address
Renovation
Square Ft
Year of
1984 New
303 Congress
130,000
313 Congress
64,700
1984
330 Congress
72,000
1985
332 Congress
37,200
1984
347 Congress
33,300
1984
11 Farnsworth
44,000
1986
12 Farnsworth
64,380
1984
24 Farnsworth
80,000
1987
47 Farnsworth
16,000
1984
44 Pittsburgh
32,000
1984
51 Sleeper
156,000
1984
250 Summer
94,000
1985
268 Summer
67,148
1981
274 Summer
72,000
1984
CUMULATIVE TOTAL 1987
962,728
Binford Street
175,000
(phase 1)
(1988)
253 Summer
61,148
(1988)
285 Summer
55,000
(1988)
129,882
(1988)
280-286 Summer
CUMULATIVE TOTAL 1988
1,383,758
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alexander, Ian. Office Location and Public Policy.
Longman, Inc., 1979.
New York:
Anthony, Aubra H. "Summary of Preservation Tax Incentives in
the Economic Recovery Act of 1981", Information: from
National Trust for Historic Preservation. (no. 30)
the
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