Asian Americans: “Model Minorities”?
Chapter Eight
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Introduction
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Asian American and Pacific Islander groups differ from each other in
language, customs and culture, physical appearance and, most
importantly, in the ways in which they have entered American
society.
Several features are worth noting:
 Asians and Pacific Islanders are tiny fractions of the total U.S.
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population.
Most Asian American groups have grown dramatically in recent
decades.
This rapid growth is projected to continue for decades to come, and the
impact of Asian Americans on everyday life and American culture will
increase accordingly.
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Ten Largest Asian American Groups 2010
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Foreign-Born by Group 2010
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Origins and Cultures
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Asian cultures tend to stress group membership over individual selfinterest.
Asian cultures stress sensitivity to the opinions and judgments of
others and to the importance of avoiding public embarrassment and
not giving offense—saving face.
Traditional Asian cultures were male dominated, and women were
consigned to subordinate roles.
The experiences of Asian Americans in the United States modified
these patriarchal values and traditional traits.
The cultural and religious differences among the Asian American
groups also reflect the recent histories of each of the sending
nations.
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Early Immigration and the Anti-Chinese
Campaign
• Ethnocentrism based on racial, cultural, and language
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differences was present from the beginning.
At first, competition for jobs between Chinese immigrants
and native-born workers was muted by an abundance of
jobs, but as the West Coast economy changed and
eastern Anglo migration continued, the Chinese came to
be seen as a threat, and elements of the dominant group
tried to limit competition.
The Chinese controlled few power resources with which
to withstand these attacks as they were a small group,
and by law, were not permitted to become citizens.
Healey. Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 4e
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Early Immigration and the Anti-Chinese
Campaign
• In 1882, the anti-Chinese campaign experienced its
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ultimate triumph when the U.S. Congress passed the
Chinese Exclusion Act banning virtually all immigration from
China.
Consistent with the predictions of split labor market theory,
native-born workers, organized labor, and white owners of
small businesses felt threatened by the Chinese and
supported the Chinese Exclusion Act (Boswell, 1986).
Conflicts such as the anti-Chinese campaign can be
especially intense because they confound racial and ethnic
antagonisms with disputes between different social classes.
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The Second Generation
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The second generation tended to look beyond the
enclave to fill their needs.
They founded their own organizations that were more
compatible with their American lifestyles (Lai, 1980, p.
225).
WWII brought more opportunities—jobs, military service,
GI Bill, socioeconomic mobility.
Women of the second generation also pursued
education, and as early as 1960, their median years of
schooling were slightly higher than for Chinese American
men (Kitano & Daniels, 1995, p. 48).
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An American Success Story?
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Although well-educated Chinese Americans could find good
jobs in the mainstream economy, the highest, most lucrative
positions—and those that required direct supervision of
whites—were still closed to them.
Many Chinese Americans who stayed in the Chinatowns and
the immigrants who began arriving after 1965, rely for survival
on low-wage jobs in the garment industry, the service sector,
and the small businesses of the enclave economy.
Thus, Chinese Americans are often said to be “bipolar” in
their occupational structure (see Barringer, Takeuchi, & Levin,
1995; Takaki, 1993, pp. 415–416; Wong, 1995, pp. 77–78;
Zhou & Logan, 1989).
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The Anti-Japanese Campaign
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The contact situation for Japanese immigrants
resembled that of the Chinese.
Although Japanese immigration was partly curtailed in
1907 when a “gentlemen’s agreement” was signed, a
loophole allowed females to continue to immigrate until
the 1920s.
Japanese Americans were thus able to develop a
second generation without much delay that numbered
about half of the group by 1930, and were a majority of
63% on the eve of World War II (Kitano & Daniels, 1995,
p. 59).
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The Anti-Japanese Campaign
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In 1910, between 30% and 40% of all Japanese in California were
engaged in agriculture, owned small plots of land and comprising
only a minuscule percentage of West Coast farmers (Jibou, 1988,
pp. 357–358).
Their presence and relative success stimulated discriminatory
legislation in the Alien Land Act, which declared aliens who were
ineligible for citizenship to be also ineligible to own land (Kitano,
1980, p. 563).
Japanese Americans were able to dodge the discriminatory
legislation, mostly by putting titles of land in the names of their
American-born children, who were citizens by law (Jibou, 1988, p.
359).
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The Relocation Camps
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Two months after the attack on Pearl Harbor, President
Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which led to the
relocation of Japanese Americans living on the West Coast.
By the late summer of 1942, more than 110,000 Japanese
Americans, young and old, male and female—virtually the
entire West Coast population—had been transported to
relocation camps where they were imprisoned behind
barbed-wire fences patrolled by armed guards.
Many of these people were American citizens, and no one
was given the opportunity to refute the implicit charge of
disloyalty.
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The Relocation Camps
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The government gave families little notice to prepare for
evacuation and secure their homes, businesses, and
belongings.
Eventually more than 25,000 escaped the camps by
volunteering for military service, many with distinction.
The camps did reduce the extent to which women were
relegated to a subordinate role.
Some Japanese Americans brought lawsuits to end the
program, and in 1944, the Supreme Court ruled that
detention was unconstitutional.
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Japanese Americans After World War II
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In 1948, Congress passed legislation to authorize
compensation to Japanese Americans, but these claims
were eventually settled for less than one tenth the
amount of the actual economic losses.
Demand for meaningful redress and compensation
continued, and in 1988, Congress passed a bill granting
reparations of about $20,000 in cash to each of the
60,000 remaining survivors of the camps.
The law also acknowledged that the relocation program
had been a grave injustice to Japanese Americans
(Biskupic, 1989, p. 2879).
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Japanese Americans After World War II
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For the Nisei, when the war ended they were unwilling to rebuild the
Japanese community as it had been before.
When anti-Asian prejudice declined in the 1950s and the job market
began to open, the Nisei were educationally prepared to take
advantage of resultant opportunities (Kitano, 1980, p. 567).
By 1960, Japanese Americans had an occupational profile very
similar to that of whites except that they were actually
overrepresented among professionals, and there was a tendency to
choose “safe” careers that did not require extensive contact with the
public or supervision of whites (Kitano & Daniels, 1988, p. 70).
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Japanese Americans After World War II
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An additional factor contributing to the perception of “model
minority” status for Japanese Americans is the small number
of immigrants from Japan that the community has not had to
devote resources to.
Furthermore, recent immigrants from Japan tend to be highly
educated professional people whose socioeconomic
characteristics add to the perception of success and
affluence.
In any case, the Sansei and Yonsei are highly integrated into
the occupational structure of the larger society.
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Comparing Minority Groups
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Unlike the situation of African Americans in the 1600s and
Mexican Americans in the 1800s, the dominant group had no
desire to control the labor of these groups.
Unlike Native Americans, Chinese Americans and Japanese
Americans in the early 20th century presented no military
danger to the larger society so there was little concern with
their activities once the economic threat had been eliminated.
Chinese Americans and Japanese Americans had the
ingredients and experiences necessary to form enclaves.
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Contemporary Immigration from Asia
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Immigration from Asia has been considerable since the
1960s, averaging close to 300,000 per year and running
about 30% to 35% of all immigrants.
As was the case with Hispanic immigrants, the sending
nations are considerably less developed than the United
States, and the primary motivation for most of these
immigrants is economic. However, unlike Hispanic
immigration, the Asian immigrant stream also includes a large
contingent of highly educated professionals seeking
opportunities to practice their careers and expand their skills.
Healey. Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 4e
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Contemporary Immigration from Asia
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Other factors besides mere economics attract these immigrants.
 Many Asian immigrants are the spouses of American military personnel.
 There are also a number of immigrants from India, many of who are
highly educated and skilled.
o Immigrants from India are at the “immigrant” end of Blauner’s continuum.
 Refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, many of whom lived in
camps and relocation centers for years before immigrating to the United
States.
o Because of the conditions of their escape from their homelands, they
typically bring little in the way of human or material capital with them.
o For example, Vietnamese Americans have a socioeconomic profile that in
some ways resembles those of non-Asian racial minorities in the United
States.
Healey. Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 4e
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Prejudice and Discrimination
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American prejudice against Asians first became prominent
during the anti-Chinese movement of the 19th century.
The Chinese were seen as a threat to the working class, to
American democracy, and to other American institutions.
Many of these stereotypes and fears transferred to the
Japanese later in the 19th century and then to other Asian
groups as they arrived in the United States.
Healey. Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 4e
© 2014 SAGE Publications, Inc.
Prejudice and Discrimination
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Although prejudice against Asian and Pacific Island groups
may have weakened overall, the continuing force of anti-Asian
prejudice is marked most dramatically by hate crimes against
members of the group.
Asian Americans have also been the victims of “positive”
stereotypes—“model minority.”
This label has been applied to these groups by others who
have a variety of hidden moral and political agendas.
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Distribution of Asian Americans 2010
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Gender and Physical Acculturation: The
Anglo Ideal
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A number of studies document the feelings of inadequacy and
negative self images that result when minority group members –
especially women – compare themselves with the Anglo standards
of attractiveness and beauty that dominate U.S. culture.
Asian American women, like all women in this still paternalistic
society, are pressured by the cultural message that physical beauty
should be among their most important concerns. As racial minorities,
they are also subjected to the additional message that they are
inadequate by Anglo standards and that some of their most
characteristic physical traits are devalued – indeed ridiculed – in the
larger society. For Asian American women, the attempt to comply
with Anglo standards of beauty may include cosmetic surgery on
their noses or to “open” their eyes.
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Assimilation and Pluralism: Education
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The pattern of schooling for Asian Americans is very different
from other U.S. racial minority groups.
As a whole, Asian Americans compare favorably with societywide standards for educational achievement, and they are
above those standards on many measures. Even though they
exceed national standards for college education, women
generally do not fare as well as men.
Compare to whites, Chinese Americans are greatly
overrepresented at both the highest and lowest levels of
schooling. The less well educated members of the group are
often illegal immigrants working in the enclave in poorly paid
positions.
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Median Household Income 2010
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Distribution of Household Incomes
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Families and Children in Poverty 2010
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Assimilation and Pluralism: Jobs and
Income
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The occupational profiles of Asian American groups tend to
sustain the image of success.
Both males and females are overrepresented in the highest
occupational category, a reflection of the high levels of
educational attainment for the group.
Consistent with the educational qualifications and
occupational profiles, Asian Americans as a whole and
Chinese and Japanese Americans in particular are above
the national median yearly income.
Their pattern of income distribution is “bipolar.” That is,
they are over-represented in both the highest and lowest
income groups.
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Assimilation and Pluralism: Primary
Structural Assimilation
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Studies of integration at the primary level for Asian
Americans generally find high rates of interracial
friendship and intermarriage.
Studies have also found that native-born Asian
Americans were much more likely to marry outside
their group than the foreign born.
Healey. Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 4e
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Focus on Contemporary Issues: How
successful are Asian Americans? At what cost?
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The view of Asian Americans as “model minorities” is exaggerated
and stereotypical.
 First, the group is concentrated in cities where the cost of living
is very high.
 Second, per capita income for Asian Americans is lower than the
national average.
 Third, researchers commonly find that Asian Americans get
lower income returns for their years of schooling and earn less
than whites of the same educational level. Also, Asian Americans
face a glass ceiling that limits their access.
 Finally, while it might seem that the “model minority” stereotype
is benign and positive, it can have serious negative
consequences.
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Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining
Asian American Success
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Chinese and Japanese immigrants arrived in America at about the same
time as immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, yet the barriers to
upward mobility for European immigrants (or, at least for their descendants)
fell away more rapidly than the barriers for immigrants from Asia.
 Whereas the cultural and linguistic markers that identified eastern and southern
Europeans faded with each passing generation, the racial characteristics of the
Asian groups continued to separate them from the larger society.
 Immigrants from southern and eastern Europe entered the industrializing East
Coast economy, where they took industrial and manufacturing jobs that gave
them and their descendants the potential for upward mobility in the mainstream
economy. On the other hand, Asian Americans exclusion from the mainstream
economy was reinforced by overt, racially-based discrimination from both
employers and labor unions.
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Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining
Asian American Success
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Some Asian groups rank far above other racial minority
groups on all the commonly used measures of secondary
structural integration and equality.
However, if we also observe the full range of differences
within each group (e.g., the “bipolar” nature of occupations
among Chinese Americans), we see that the images of
success have been exaggerated and need to be placed in a
proper context.
The relative success of Chinese American and Japanese
Americans has become a device for scolding other minority
groups.
The social class differences between these groups today flow
from their respective situations in the past.
Healey. Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 4e
© 2014 SAGE Publications, Inc.
Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining
Asian American Success
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Many of the occupational and financial advances made by
Chinese Americans and Japanese Americans have been due
to the high levels of education achieved by the second
generations.
At the time that native-born Chinese Americans and Japanese
Americans reached educational parity with whites, the vast
majority of African Americans, Native Americans, and Mexican
Americans were still victimized by Jim Crow laws and
legalized segregation and excluded from opportunities for
anything but rudimentary education.
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Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining
Asian American Success
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The structural explanation is not consistent with traditional
views of the assimilation process.
The immigrant generation of Chinese Americans and
Japanese Americans responded to the massive discrimination
they faced by withdrawing, developing ethnic enclaves, and
becoming “invisible” to the larger society.
Like Cuban Americans, Chinese Americans and Japanese
Americans used their traditional cultures and patterns of
social life to create and build their own subcommunities from
which they launched the next generation.
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Comparative Focus: Japan’s
“Invisible” Minority
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The Burakumin, about 2-3% of the Japanese population, has
experienced discrimination and prejudice for hundreds of
years but is virtually indistinguishable from the general
population.
The Burakumin were created centuries ago during a caste
system that forced them into undesirable occupations.
They continue to be seen as “filthy,” “not very bright,” and
“untrustworthy”—stereotypical traits that are often associated
with minority groups mired in subordinate and unequal
positions.
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