Adam Levine
8/2/11
Sociology 4131
Prof. Ross Haenfler
EDM/Rave Culture
Electronic dance music (EDM) and rave culture have their origins in the
1960s and 1970s. The 1960s saw the emergence of fast paced rock and roll music
that was easy to dance to and promoted large gatherings of youth at festivals and
concerts alike. However the 1960s main contribution to EDM culture was the use of
drugs to enhance the musical experience. In many ways the 1960s brought deviance
and music together in a way that they had not typically been connected in the past
but the music remained a mostly cerebral experience rather then a physical one.
(McLeod publication date:62). EDM is not confined to a single type of music - a wide
range of styles fall under the EDM banner many of which I will discuss below.
The 1970’s were truly the parents of electronic dance music. Discotheques
and disco music began to gain popularity in the United States and Britain during the
1970’s. At first it was the gay and African American subcultures that embraced the
new musical culture as an alternative to the predominantly white culture that
surrounded rock music. Disco was the first time synthesizers, drum machines, and
other electronic instruments had been widely used in an entire genre of music
producing music with a more electronic sound then the rock music of the 1960’s.
Disco music was often defined by repetitive beats often with few words in the
tracks. This along with the fast pace meant that the music was almost entirely
designed to be dance music. Disco also contributed to EDM in that it was often
connected with a place. The discotheque was a place where people would gather to
both listen and dance to disco music making a place and not only the music an
integral part of the experience. Another major contribution of disco music to EDM
culture was that it was the first time music centered around a disc jockey rather
then a band. Big bands were no longer needed for large gatherings of people and
this enabled a much broader population to engage with the music on a more regular
basis (McLeod 62).
In the 1980’s “it was widely believed that disco was “dead” but it had largely
gone back underground to its core black and gay urban audiences” (McLeod, 62).
By this time the music had lost its name as Disco and been transformed into “House
Music” which is considered to be the first genre of Electronic Dance Music but still a
forerunner to Rave culture. House music originated in Chicago at the Warehouse
Club, which is where it got its name, resident DJ Frankie Knuckles had a major
influence on the emergence of House Music. House music was different then the
Disco music on the 1970’s it incorporated “car-crash percussion breaks, voices in
unheard-of-keys, ant-farm-maze keyboard improvisations.”(McLeod, 63) and a
variety of other new noises that had not typically in the past been associated with
music (with the exception of a few psychedelic styles of the 1960’s) This new style
furthered the importance of the DJ in the EDM scene; where before a DJ was simply
playing another artist’s music they had now been elevated to the role of performer.
Some DJ’s even began to make the leap away from performer at this time and into
the realm of artist/producer, making the DJ an even more central part of the EDM
experience. (McLeod, 63)
Across the pond in England Acid House music had begun to emerge and with
its rise came the rise of Rave’s and Rave culture. “Acid House music was
characterized by an even faster beat and an instrument style that emphasized
synthesized sounds even more then previous electronic dance music’s.” (McLeod,
63) Rave culture in its simplest form can be described by large gatherings of mostly
white middle-class kids dancing all night with the aid of drugs like ecstasy (McLeod,
64). However this is a major oversimplification of Rave Culture as a whole and I will
discuss rave’s complexities in much more detail. Although Acid House had its roots
in British urban centers it quickly became decentralized and spread out of urban
areas and into the surrounding suburban and rural areas. This decentralization was
enabled by the lack of necessity for big bands, the availability of “bedroom studios”
and the emergence of smaller forms of recorded music enabled EDM to be easily
transported to remote locations away from the clubs and discos of the cities.
(Hesmondhalgh, 236) Britons strict licensing laws forced pubs to close at 11pm and
in places where discos and clubs didn’t exist the youth would have nowhere to go to
continue partying into the night. This gave rise to the illegal and semi-legal
warehouse parties that would come to define rave Culture. “Although these events
often disappeared quickly, out-of-city youth were exposed to dance music culture in
a way that helped reduce divisions between perceptions of urban sophistication and
provincial naivety” (Hesmondhalgh, 236)
Acid House gave rise to many other electronic dance music forms such as
garage, techno, jungle, drum and bass and many others. The DIY mentality and
emergence of relatively inexpensive digital recording and production technology
allowed for a surge in new artists and producers onto the EDM scene. This also
contributed to one major dynamic of EDM culture in that it caused EDM to not
revolve around a few popular artists and made the form song centric rather then
artist centric. Small record labels largely characterize electronic dance music, the
ability of these companies to cheaply promote their artists and music contributes to
the independent nature of EDM culture. (Hesmondhalgh, 237)
As EDM gained popularity it quickly caused a moral panic largely associated
with the perceived large-scale use of illegal drugs such as ecstasy, LSD, Speed and
others at raves. Although drug use was common at these events it was not nearly as
virulent or dangerous as the media and following public perceived it as. This moral
panic would quickly give rise to anti-rave laws and a public outcry for regulation
and education.(Hesmondhalgh, 238) Prior to this moral panic, although many ravers
had engaged in subversive activities it was not a culture defined by deviance. Post
moral panic this shifted and the culture would become much more defined by its
deviance and counter culture activities. This would come to be the public image of
raves but would not be an accurate description of them. Raves can be described as
large gatherings of young people often in make shift illegal or semi-legal locations
where electronic dance music is played. These gathering often go all night even
early into the following day. Drug use is prevalent at raves although there are many
who enjoy them with out the use of drugs. Raves also make use of vast light arrays
and displays and they are defined as much by the light show as they are by the
music. At raves there is usually a strong sense of community and friendship ravers
look to engage with fellow participants and there is a constant feeling of unity and
togetherness amongst the crowed. In the late 2000’s EDM and rave culture have
gained increased popularity making its way into mainstream society and even onto
major radio stations. With this there have emerged highly popular and publicized
EDM “rave” events and festivals gaining much media coverage without the public
outcry for regulation.
Status, Status Hierarchy, and Stratification in Rave/EDM culture
Like almost all other subcultures, within EDM and Rave culture there exists a
hierarchy of who is on the “inside” and who is one the “outside”. Social stratification
is “a way of rank ordering people based on characteristics deemed important by that
society.” “Status hierarchy is an arrangement of statuses where some are more
valued, honored, or rewarded then others. Imagine a ladder or a pyramid where
those at the top have more respect then those at the bottom. Where you fall on the
ladder impacts how others treat you, your access to society’s rewards, and your
opportunities in life.” (Haenfler, 36) These classifications in society not only apply to
society at large but also to different subcultures within society. Related to the
hierarchy and structure of a given sub-cultural group is the authenticity of a given
member. “Members of subcultures define authenticity as being involved for the
“right” reasons, generally meaning living the values of the group rather then simply
sporting the costume, having a lasting commitment to the scene rather then a
temporary escape from “real” life.” In Tammy Andersons book Rave Culture she
identifies two broad categories of those involved in Rave Culture those or are
“insiders” and those who are “outsiders.” In her interview with a techno DJ and
record store employee she establishes what can be defined as the characteristics of
a true rave insider as “loyal to electronic music and true believers in the rave
concept. “ while defining outsiders as “routine party people who chose events for
convince and like dance events because they run way past the normal bar hours”
(Anderson, 55) This description given by someone who is clearly an insider
provides us a glimpse into the hierarchy within rave culture.
In Tammy Anderson dissection of the rave hierarchy she breaks down
Insiders into three groups “Loyalists, Stakeholders, and Hustlers.” Loyalists who are
at the top of the social hierarchy are defined as “deeply committed to underground,
as opposed to more commercialized, dance music and they demonstrate the
strongest and most consistent ties to the EDM scene. Loyalists spend a lot of money
on hard-to-find and cutting-edge dance music and incorporate it into most aspects
of their daily lives.” This definition places not only incorporates the use of
subcultural capital which ““confers status on its owner” in the scene coming from
the material objects. Displaying knowledge of a subculture’s roots and using the
appropriate slang are other examples of subcultural capital” (Haenfler, 38) to
determine authenticity but also the life style and worldview held by these
individuals. Loyalists typically have a particular genre of EDM that they prefer and
will only attend highly commercialized events if they are spotlighting an artist
within the genre of particular interest. Loyalists also don’t typically sport obvious
fashions of typical of early rave and dance culture, refraining from the “candy kid’
style of baggy pants, glow sticks, lolli pops, and pacifiers and not adopting the
“modern club chic” instead they spot a “casual comfy style.” Most loyalists use drugs
most commonly marijuana and alcohol but also MDMA (Anderson)
Stakeholders are another type of Rave “insider” and are the professionals of
the industry, including “DJ’s, producers, event promoters, and other marketing
specialists, and visual, sound or media technicians or aides. Although most
stakeholders come from a history of deep loyalty and personal interest in the EDM
and Rave scene but moved into the business side of the industry giving them a
different place and different interests then pure consumers of EDM. Their position
in the culture forces them to make decisions that might go against the main tenants
of EDM and rave culture and push it further towards commercialization in order to
advance their own careers and to keep EDM alive. Similar to Stakeholders are the
rave “Hustlers” they are also insiders and devoted to the scene but for a different
reason then the loyalists and stakeholders. Hustlers provide a service to rave
attendees by providing goods both illegal and legal that ravers desire at EDM events.
(Anderson)
Within rave culture there also exists the “outsiders” ”clubbers, pretenders,
and spillovers.” Outsiders are individuals who attend rave events but do not
associate or identify with the rave lifestyle. Outsiders are also “more likely to adopt
commercial club culture styles” these people fail to differentiate between
mainstream and commercial songs and artists. Outsiders face scrutiny from insiders
and are considered posers and fake although they are necessary to the EDM scene in
that they provide large amounts of money to it and enable it to continue as a
subculture. Clubbers are a very general category of “party people” “who frequent
bars, lounges, night clubs and other venues.” “Clubbers are committed to going out
late at night to socialize, drink, and dance.” They also typical do not associate with a
specific style or artists but rather are fans of any “dance music party” but have little
“cultural identification with it” and embrace the pop culture lifestyle. Clubbers are
different then the other types of EDM outsiders in that they are not hated by the
“insiders” but rather are accepted into EDM events openly and seen as potential
future EDM insiders and are seen as the most important group of outsiders
necessary to keep EDM and rave culture alive. Pretenders are another group that
exists within EDM but are unlike the clubbers not at all respected by insiders. “The
primary defining element of a pretender is a temporary attachment and counterfeit
loyalty to the EDM scene in order to build some sort of clout or status among peers.”
(Anderson, 69) Pretenders usually attend only the most highly commercialized EDM
events and have no attachment to the EDM and rave culture. “Pretenders [also] tend
to view the EDM scene as a deviant subculture, a place to break free of conventional
rules to engage in highly hedonistic behaviors.”(Anderson, 71) The final group
identified as “outsiders” is that of the “spillovers”. Spillovers are people who “crash”
“EDM events simply to prolong their partying into the early morning hours, after the
bar or club they were attending closed for the night.” (Anderson, 71) Spillovers
usually don’t have any interest in EDM music unlike the other groups of outsiders.
Neo-Tribes and Post Subcultural Theory
Post-Subcultural theory states that “CCCS overemphasizes subcultural
coherence and distinctiveness. That there are no stable, coherent, easily labeled
subcultures and that subcultures and scenes blend together, that youth subcultures
are not tied to the working class but are instead very diverse.” EDM and Rave
culture fit very well into this sociological theory because it is such a diverse
community. EDM is made up of hundreds of genres of music examples of this are
House, Trance, Drum and Bass, Techno, Electro House, Dub Step, Drum Step,
Psytrance and hundreds more, each of these having their own followings and minisubcultures, this is often described as Factioning whereby subcultures break into
smaller, more distinct subgroups. Often at any given rave multiple EDM genres will
appear in different rooms allowing people to gravitate to their preferred style. This
makes EDM and Rave culture largely a “Cultic Milieu” or the sum all different
underground alternative scenes. It is not uncommon when attending a rave to see
people from all different subcultures from Goth to Punk to Preppy, diverse and
different groups seem to come together at raves to take part in the hedonistic joy
and relief of the event.
Post-Subcultural theory suggests that subcultures are pleasure oriented,
apolitical scenes, which are fluid and impermanent. Where identities shift, blend
and are not fixed. It suggests that subcultures have been replaced by “neo-tribes” an
ever changing hybrid of identities and practices. Neo-tribalism “proposes that
contemporary western social organization has developed into a “neo-tribal”
structure in which people move between small and potentially temporary groups
distinguished by shared lifestyle, values, and understanding of what is appropriate
behavior… neo-tribes are often elective and based around consumption practices.”
(Riley, 348) Raves in many ways embody the neo-tribal experience because they
“focus on hedonist weekend escapes from the “real” world.”(Riley, 350) That’s not to
say that EDM and rave culture do not seek to change the dominant culture in society
and to alter the social landscape, they just do so in a different and less obvious ways
then other social movements. “In contrast to earlier counter-cultural movements,
for whom political protest was seen as intrinsic to the invocation of social change ...
the communal utopian ideologies of the [rave] community point to the idea that
simply living a [rave] lifestyle is a powerful tool for social change and
transformation of human consciousness ... Although the meanings given to [EDM}
music do not directly lead to political protest or activity that challenges society
directly ... they do offer some form of challenge to modern hegemonies by offering
[ravers] a means of escape or ‘transcendence’ from regular society.” (Riley, 351)
Moral Panic
Stages of Moral Panic (Haenfler, 62)
1. Someone or something is defined as a threat to values or interests often by
someone in a position of power.
2. The media depicts the threat in an easily recognizable form, amplifying the
danger while offering incomplete information.
3. Public concern grows rapidly as more people become aware of the “threat”
4. Authorities and opinion makers issue a response, calling for swift action to
quell the threat.
5. The moral panic recedes or results in social changes such as new laws or
increased law enforcement.
Once a moral panic has begun the public often calls on their leaders and law
enforcers to solve that problem usually leading to a Moral Entrepreneurial
campaign: When people bring attention to a “problem” create rules, label deviants,
and then try to have the rules enforced. The goal being to convince the public and
authorities to take swift action to solve the “problem.” This then often leads to a
Moral Crusade.
Steps in a Moral Crusade
1. Raise awareness of the problem and convince the public and authorities of
the problem. Construct the problem or create a problem where there wasn’t
one.
2. Entrepreneurs set about converting other to their point of view. They call
upon “experts” (often with marginal credentials i.e. celebrities, religious
leaders) to legitimize and popularize their case.
3. Once the public is on board the moral entrepreneurs create new “industries”
tailored to solve the “problem”
This was the course of events that unfolded around rave culture and would in
many ways dictate the direction of rave culture. Almost from the inception of the
rave there has been an anti-rave movement. Localities began by instituting laws that
enforced curfews, fire codes, health and safety ordinances, liquor licenses, and codes
for large public gatherings. These regulations would have the effect of moving raves
out of their traditional performance spaces in illegal warehouses and other
underground venues and into the commercialized club scene. In 2000 the federal
government become interested in controlling the rave culture and passed the
“Ecstasy Anti-Proliferation Act putting club drugs under the jurisdiction of the DEA’s
Controlled Substances Act, effectively increasing penalties for the sale and se of
drugs like ecstasy, GHB and ketamine.” Having tackled the issue of individual drug
use and distribution the federal government moved to further dismantle rave
culture by passing the Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation Act of 2003 also known as the
“Rave Act”. This new legislation made it a felony to provide a space for the purpose
of illegal drug use. “It was intended to hold rave promoters accountable for ravers’
drug use” and to discourage club owners, event planners, and promoters from
hosting rave like events. (Anderson, 2009) These policies were largely the result of
the expansion of “illegal ecstasy markets… in urban and suburban areas. Deaths due
to drug-related overdose and dehydration at raves were widely publicized and
scientific research quickly, yet erroneously concluded that ecstasy produced longterm brain damage after only modest use. These public health indicators freighted
parents and policymakers into action in order to protect the mostly white, middleclass ravers’ and club-drug consumers. Rave promoters and ecstasy sellers were
constructed as a dangerous new criminal class that needed to be controlled.”
(Anderson, 103) This series of events follows almost exactly what is a textbook
definition of a moral panic and the resulting moral crusade. The fear of the
unknown, the new, the possibly uncontrollable and the apparent hedonism that
takes place at raves led to a harsh overreaction by the general public and policy
makers. The effect of this was mostly to establish Rave Culture as a culture of
deviance and to criminalize participants. These policies also had the effect of forcing
event organizers to pretend that drug use was not occurring at their events causing
them to create much more unsafe conditions then if they could openly acknowledge
the use of drugs and prepare for that.
Works Cited
Anderson, Tammy L. Rave Culture: the Alteration and Decline of a Philadelphia Music
Scene. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 2009.
Haenfler, Ross. Goths, Gamers, and Grrrls: Deviance and Youth Subcultures. New York:
Oxford UP, 2010. Print.
Hesmondhalgh, David. "The British Dance Music Industry: A Case Study of
Independent Cultural Production." The British Journal of Sociology 49.2 (1998): 23451.
McLeod, Kembrew. "Genres, Subgenres, Sub-Subgenres and More: Musical and
Social Differentiation Within Electronic/Dance Music Communities." Journal of
Popular Music Studies 13.1 (2001): 59-75.
Riley, Sarah C.E., Christine Griffin, and Yvette Morey. "He Case for 'Everyday
Politics': Evaluating Neo-tribal Theory as a Way to Understand Alternative Forms of
Political Participation, Using Electronic Dance Music Culture as an
Example." Sociology 2010 44: 345