Disability under
Occupation:
At the Congruence between
Conflict, Religion, & Society
in Palestine
Name: Omar Rashid
Student Registration Number: 1402525
Supervisor: Dr. Martin Rew
Word count: 12,000
Programme: MSc. International Development (International Political Economy and Development)
Acknowledgements
This dissertation truly was a labour of love, with the process never being a burden.
For their role in the conduct and direction of this research, I have to thank so many people.
First, I would like to thank all of the staff at the International Development Department of the
University of Birmingham, from my Supervisor Dr. Martin Rew, to the lecturers in all of my
modules, right through to the Administrative and support staff. Your help and support during
this year has been immense and I truly thank you all.
Second, I would like to thank Lesley Dawson of the Living Stones Trust, on two counts.
First, for your role in facilitating my contact with first, Dr. Ahmed Younis, who then put me in
touch with Dr. Jehad Alawneh at the Augusta Victoria Hospital. Whose help was truly
invaluable and without it, I would not have had the opportunity to have as rewarding an
experience as I had during my two weeks in the Holy Land, and for that I thank you so very
much. Second, your offer of help with the scholarship was also hugely appreciated.
Jehad, your support during my stay was more than I could ever possibly comprehend. I truly
appreciate all that you have done for me, and I pray that the situation in Palestine is eased
for you. Having fatoor during Ramadhan with your family was an experience I will never
forget…
I would also like to thank Martin Keat of United Nations Association International Service
(UNAIS) for putting me in contact with Lisa Arnold, the Operations Manager of the Occupied
Palestinian Territories of UNAIS, for giving me her copy of PASSIA. You were right about
PASSIA Lisa, it really is the Bible when it comes to contacting NGOs in Palestine! It was a
lifesaver, especially during my time in Ramallah. So again, I thank you.
To the organisations that I met in the course of my research; within the interests of
anonymity, I will not disclose the names of the organisations and the people who I had
spoken to. However, I just wanted to say that I truly appreciated the time you all took out in
your no doubt, busy schedules, to meet with me and to discuss a topic which we all had a
passion for. I thank you all for your help and illuminating opinions during our discussions.
They truly were the voyage of discovery which I had hoped they would be when I embarked
upon this study.
Dedications
I would like to dedicate this dissertation firstly to the people of Palestine, and especially, to
the disabled people of Palestine: a largely forgotten community within a largely forgotten
people. May the promising roots of inclusion for the disabled community continue to grow,
and may Allah (SWT) lift and ease the burdens which you and your people currently face.
To the people of Palestine: the love, the warmth and the hospitality which I was afforded
during my stay in both Al-Quds and Ramallah will never be forgotten. So much so, that I
don’t consider the people I met during my stay as friends, but family, and I fear that you will
never truly know the effect that you have had on me. From the beautiful and cheeky children,
to the wisdom of the elders; it was here, that I truly felt the brotherhood of Islam. The honour
of being within the confines of the blessed Bayt-ul-Muqaddas on Salaatul Jummah will never
be forgotten, with the words eternally failing me in my efforts to provide a just and accurate
description of its majesty...
Secondly, I would like to dedicate this piece to my family, and more specifically, to my
mother and sisters. My mother, whose love and support has been ever present, even when I
felt like I didn’t deserve it. To my sisters, but especially Samina and Robina. I know I never
say this to you, but the both of you, along with Shazia, are and always will be my inspiration.
From the bottom of my heart, I thank you for absolutely everything you have done for me.
Words could never suffice for what both of you have sacrificed in helping me grow over the
years. I am eternally grateful for it all, and I just hope and pray that I have grown up to be the
man you hoped I could be.
Abstract
This study was undertaken on three levels:
First, to locate the perceptions of disability among the disabled in the occupied territories of
Palestine, in light of their religious affiliation. Second, to investigate the realities of the
disabled within Palestine; and third, to enquire as to whether there had been any differences
in the perceptions of disabilities and the realities of those who were injured in conflict, and
those who were born with impairment.
The strategies used in the advancement of this study were a hybrid of qualitative and
quantitative methods. The qualitative methods used were: semi-structured interviews, a
focus group discussion, and my personal direct observation, as a disabled person within the
region. The quantitative component of this study meanwhile, was in the form of purposively
sampled questionnaire surveys.
It was found during the course of the study that the perception of the disabled within
Palestine towards their condition was one of acceptance, with the majority viewing it as the
will of Allah, and a strength.
In terms of wider society implications, the position of the disabled was one which was
reflective of disability on the general development agenda: a largely neglected stitch in the
overall fabric of society. However, there was a perceptible and positive shift in this reality,
from neglect, to inclusion; though there was still much more to be done in this regard.
Above all however, the pervading feeling of the disabled within Palestine was that the main
disabling aspect of their lives was not their physical or mental conditions, but the occupation
itself.
While as regards to the potential dichotomy, it was seen that there was a general agreement
that the faith of the conflict-disabled was not challenged by their newly acquired conditions,
though there were significant differences between the lived experiences of both groups, with
the conflict-disabled enjoying a better status than those who were born with their disability.
Abbreviations and Disambiguation
DPOs – Disabled Peoples’ Organisations
GUPD – The Palestinian General Union of People with Disabilities
Intifadas – The Palestinian Uprisings which had occurred in 1987 and 2000
NGOs – Non-Governmental Organisations
PA – The Palestinian Authority
Shariah – Islamic Law
UN CRPD – The United Nations Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities
UPIAS – Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation
WHO – World Health Organisation
Zakat – The Islamic annual tax of alms, one of the five pillars of faith in Islam
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………....i
Dedications…………………………………………………………………………………………….ii
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………..iii
Abbreviations and Disambiguation…………………………………………………………………iv
Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………1
Literature Review……………………………………………………………………………………..3
Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………………………………..18
Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………19
Data Analysis………………………………………………………………………………………..23
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………...36
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………….37
Appendix……………………………………………………………………………………………..41
Introduction
-
Rationale for the Research
Disability has been neglected in development, both as a policy issue (Grech, 2009) and in
academia (Harris-White, 2003). This neglect is all the more surprising when the disabled
comprise the largest minority in the world (UN, 2006a), with some estimates putting the
number at almost ten per cent of the world population (WHO, 2006). As a disabled person
myself, this neglect seemed all the more reason for this study to be undertaken.
The context of this study was within the occupied territories of Palestine, specifically East
Jerusalem and Ramallah. With East Jerusalem coming under the contested municipal
authority of Israel; and Ramallah, being the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority, or as
per recent events, the Unity Government of Palestine (Beaumont, 2014).
While the popular narrative has been to view Palestine through the prism of the Israeli-Arab
conflict and its’ associated political ramifications. Seemingly very little is known about the
position of the disabled within Palestinian society, under the environment of occupation. The
resultant casualty figures during the conflict for instance, have primarily reflected those who
had perished, with the injured or disabled being an afterthought. A situation which is perhaps
reflective of the status of the disabled on the development agenda as a whole…
The land comprising Israel and Palestine is of great significance to the three traditional
monotheistic faiths of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Hence, it seemed appropriate to
consider the role of religion in guiding perceptions of disability. Furthermore, the relationship
between religion and disability within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one
which has had very little, if any, academic consideration.
It was for these reasons therefore, that the occupied territories of Palestine seemed to be the
perfect environment for this study of the interaction between disability, society, religion, and
conflict.
-
Research Questions
The research questions identified, were:
1. Taking the role of religion into account, how do the disabled perceive their disability?
2. What is the reality for the disabled, in terms of their wider society interactions?
3. What difference, if any, is there between the realities and perceptions of those who
were born disabled and those who became disabled as a result of conflict?
-
Structure of the Research
During the course of this study, the Literature Review will first, provide the requisite
Conceptual Framework of the study. This will then be followed by the Methodology, where
the research philosophy, strategy, and data collation methods will be articulated, along with
any limitations and ethical boundaries. The Data Analysis, will provide the answers to the
research questions proposed from the data collected, which will then naturally lead into the
Conclusion, and a summary of the results.
Literature Review
The main areas of interest for this Literature Review are:

Perceptions and realities of disability;

Religious interpretations of disability; &

Disability and society in Palestine
Perceptions and realities of disability
Disability as a phenomena, knows no bounds and can affect all sections of society (Ghai,
2009), irrespective of colour, caste, gender or creed. Furthermore, the use of the word
denotes the (in)abilities of a person to carry out their daily duties, which is further impacted
by the cultural context which that person is living within:
“Disability is a relative term because cultures define differently their norms of being and
doing” (Harris-White, 2003:3).
Hence, the same condition will have a variable impact (Kagawa-Singer, 1994), with
definitions of disability oscillating between any potential number of reasonings.
From none at all, as in various African contexts, where the condition “is not separate from
one’s overall well-being”, but instead, is considered a component of it (Stone-MacDonald,
2012:394); and where western conceptions of disability are incompatible with the realities of
the Global South (Helander, 1993); to those instances where physical ‘quirks’ which are
accepted in the North, are considered disabling in a majority world context. For example, the
Tuareg of Mali consider freckles and small buttocks as a disability as they are a major
obstacle to marriage (Coleridge, 2000). Moreover, it is also apparent that the physically
disabled are afforded more focus than other disabilities, particularly above the intellectually
disabled (Rohwerder, 2013).
-
The perceptions of disability
Perceptions of disability are difficult to ascribe, as they are often shaped by individual
context. However, numerous perceptions, or ‘models’ of disability have emerged, which will
now be considered:
-
The Social Model
According to the social model, disability is “a social construction, not a biological fact”
(Stienstra, 2002:109), which is imposed upon the person with impairment by the surrounding
structural conditions of society (UPIAS, 1976:3). It was created out of the first meeting of
UPIAS and its resultant publication, the Fundamental Principles of Disability. It proffered the
view that the imposition of disability was achieved via the constructed, exclusionary, and
isolationist barriers of society, and moreover, the disabled were an oppressed social group
(UPIAS, 1976). The aim was to empower the disabled (Islam, 2008), to break down the
barriers to the equality of opportunity of all (Shakespeare & Watson, 2002). Thus, exponents
of the social model focused upon the unequal power relations that existed between the
disabled and society (Skrtic, 2005).
Another key aspect was the disability-impairment distinction. Impairment was defined as the
actual physical or mental abnormality (UPIAS, 1976). Disability on the other hand, was
defined as the outcome of the negative interaction society had with the impairment, in the
form of the barriers imposed upon the impaired individual (UPIAS, 1976).
In The Politics of Disablement, Oliver advanced the social model from the initial disabilityimpairment distinctions and barrier-removal, to an all-encompassing model of disability.
Oliver’s hypothesis was centred around the fundamental principle that disability “as a
category can only be understood within framework which suggests that it is culturally
produced and socially structured.” (Oliver, 1990:22). Moreover, impairment in of itself, was
not exceptional in the way it was manifested. In each and every case, it was the repression
of society upon the impaired individual, which caused the disablement.
The social model incorporates norms such as civil liberties and human rights, along with a
critical interpretation of disabled person-society relations (Lawson, 2011), to turn the burden
of accommodation from the individual, to society. Disability was held to be manifested
through these external interactions with society (Lang, 2001a). The disabled people were not
in need of being “fixed or pitied… [but needed] human rights protection guaranteed in law,
representation in the political process and full integration of disablement issues into social
policy” (Bickenbach et al, 1999:1174).
The model has been hugely influential in all aspects of disability discourse, and has “now
become the dominant hegemony underpinning policy-making and service provision” (Lang,
2001a:18). Consequently, many Statutes relating to disability at all levels, have been guided
by the social model. This can be seen in the recent widespread ratification of the UN CRPD,
and particularly, its definition of disability; which was created “from the interaction between
persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers that hinder their full and
effective participation in society” (UN, 2006b:3).
Despite its potentially transformative effects, the social model has been criticised. For
instance, Ali et al, in regards to British ethnic minorities with disabilities, critiqued the model
for presenting an “exclusive analysis that failed to acknowledge the multiple oppression of
black disabled people” (2010:950). Associated with this, was the criticism on the macro level
by critical writers such as Grech, Stienstra, Coleridge, and Meekosha; that not just the
model, but disability studies generally, neglected the experience of disablement within the
Global South. Through viewing disablement via a Eurocentric lens, the Southern experience
of disablement, and its interactions with structures such as religion, was lost (Grech, 2011).
Imposing the social model of disability upon the South in contexts which were ill-fitting
(Grech, 2009), had led to the situation where Northern concepts of equality and fairness
were interpreted as “conformity and uniformity” in the South (Coleridge, 2000:29); evoking
comparisons with the neoliberal agenda (Stienstra, 2002), which also had a disabling impact,
in terms of access to the marketplace (Grech, 2009), and perpetuating inequalities
(Meekosha, 2011), for the disabled.
Criticism has also revolved the ‘strong’ readings of the model, which have seemingly been
established upon polemical grounds, assuming a homogenised experience of disablement,
irrespective of context (Grech, 2011), ignoring that the barriers to equality could also be
varied: one disability in one context, would not be another (Lang, 2001a). Furthermore, the
aim of barrier removal to the potential equality of opportunity for all would be an
“unsustainable myth” (Shakespeare & Watson, 2002:17) as the impairments inherent within
some are simply too severe, and would always be a barrier, thereby contradicting this
hypothesis. Furthermore, Islam (2008) noted that the focus of the model upon the structuralsocial causation of disability, neglected the possibility that impairments could also “be
capable of affecting the structures surrounding them” (2008:41-42).
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The Medical Model
This model had initially been the primary model for understanding disability, with its impacts
arguably being the most far-reaching.
The medical model locates disability within the context of the individual. It stresses upon the
disabling impact that the specific medical impairment has had on the individual and the
extent to which the individual can be ‘rehabilitated’ into society (Stone-MacDonald, 2012). It
therefore, seeks to ‘correct’ the impairment so that individual can participate in society to the
best of his or her ability. Essentially, the overarching aim of the model is the rehabilitation of
the individual into society.
A key aspect of the model was the emphasis upon the different impairments within the
concept of disability. Hence, where the social model assumed that ‘the disabled’ were
uniform in terms of their afflictions, and that it had been society who had disabled the
individual rather than the impairment itself, the medical model instead focused upon the
variation in impairments, ignoring the common experiences of the disabled in their
interactions with society, and instead compartmentalised the disabled on the grounds of their
disability in hierarchical fashion. This basis of the model has come in for criticism due to its
parallels with colonialism, and the segregation of the disabled (Grech, 2009).
Other criticism of the medical model has been predicated upon the social model, revolving
around the former’s rigid nature; where the aim of the support the disabled person received
was to adapt the person to the needs of society (Barron & Amerena, 2007:9). Furthermore,
the overall scope of the model was founded upon the negative aspects of the impairment
and what the person could not do, as opposed to what he or she could do (Shakespeare,
1996).
Another common criticism was that the medical model created a culture of Statedependency. As per Lang (2001a), this culture was initially formed by the progression of the
Welfare State in the aftermath of the Second World War, and was exacerbated through the
institutionalisation and segregation, which the medical model promoted as such institutions
had “little or no regard of the needs and aspirations of disabled people”, and hence, there
would be no impetus for the impaired person to improve their quality of life (Lang, 2001a:15).
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The Charity Model
The charity model locates its understanding of disability within the perspective of caring for
the disabled or impaired person. The overwhelming nature of the provisioning undertaken for
the care of the disabled within the welfare model, is one of pity (Lang, 2001b).
As will be outlined below, religious perceptions of disability hold much sway within the
welfare model, and indeed, the welfare model is particularly strong within the context of alms
giving (Ingstad, 2001). These perceptions can be both positive and negative. For example,
within the context of Islam, a disabled person as of right, is entitled to equity in the society
(Miles, 2010), drawing parallels with the social model. While at the core foundations of Islam,
Zakat (one of the five pillars of faith) will ensure that the needs of the disabled person are
catered to within his or her community. On the other hand however, disability has also been
interpreted to be a test from God (Mactaggert & Murthy, 2013), consequently giving the
impression that the disabled person is a burden to his or her family.
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The realities of disability
The reality for the disabled encompasses a variety of experiences; spanning their interaction
with:

The political economy;

The family;

Wider society interactions; &

Conflict situations
-
The political economy
In terms of the political economy, the prevailing narrative has been that the current marketdominated, neoliberal order has had a deleterious impact upon the disabled. For instance,
Stienstra (2002) noted that globalisation, with its “hyper-liberal” focus upon the individual
(2002:115); and the associated laissez-faire attitude towards the role of the State,
particularly in the welfare of its citizenry and the regulation of the economy; created a
segregation of society based along the lines of capability (evoking parallels with the medical
model of disability and its categorisation of disability), so much so, that it has been
interpreted as a form of “systemic economic discrimination” against those with impairments
(Russell, 2002:120).
However, a word of caution must be said. This view is, as with much discourse surrounding
disability, predicated upon a Western-centric, industrialised, Northern setting, and has been
critiqued, as the social model had been, for precisely this reason. In the case of the South;
the disabled, for instance, can attain employment in the informal sector, as opposed to the
conventional job markets of the North (Grech, 2011). While also, many of the aims and
aspirations of disabled people are based on survival (Meekosha, 2011), as opposed to fullscale economic and political equality. For instance, in the context of Afghanistan, services
for the disabled were often insufficient and what little services were available, were
predominantly in the capital, Kabul (Miles, 2010).
Furthermore, political equality is even more difficult to achieve since the reality for many
disabled people within the South is that they have no political agency (Grech, 2009), while
many Southern States lack the institutional capacity to carry out any substantive policies for
the redress of disability inequality (Baylies, 2010; Crabtree, 2006).
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The family
The impact of disability upon the family dynamic was significant, and could be seen to be
both positive, and negative in nature. For example, as Gething’s (1985) study on the
perceptions of people with cerebral palsy, their relatives and other able-bodied people found;
the extent of proximity between the disabled person and other people, had a positive
correlation in perceptions towards disability, amounting to what the author termed, an
“insider view” of disability, with the disanled perceiving their problems as less severe than
their relatives, who in turn, perceived the problems in less severe terms than other ablebodied people. However, due to the age of the report and the fact that it was based upon a
Northen context, it would be difficult to assume compatibility with this study.
Alternatively, within the context of India; Gupta & Singhal’s study showed that the birth of a
child with disabilities had a negative impact upon the whole family unit. With the research
also showing that parents have had a negative perception towards their disabled child, with
feelings of pessimism, hostility and shame being prevalent (2004).
The economic and social burdens placed upon families with a disabled child, also create a
situation where the families are “disabled by proxy” (Crabtree, 2006:52). These burdens can
be manifested in the form of additional service needs, and also in loss of income due to the
time constraints in looking after the child. Thus, families are unable to fully partake in their
duties as productive members of society.
Though, with further awareness of service provision, this position would change for the
better (Gupta & Singhal, 2004).
This impact of disability is exacerbated when the disabled person is one with intellectual
disabilities or is female.
Regarding the intellectually disabled, it was seen in Miles’ (2010) study on Afghanistan, and
indeed the developmental agenda as a whole (Rohwerder, 2013), that children with such
conditions were afforded a lower level of priority and that those who are physically disabled
were given more opportunities to be included within society, these same opportunities were
not present for the intellectually disabled (2010).
However Coleridge (2000), who also wrote on disablement in Afghanistan, did stress that
this occurs, not due to any negativity towards the child, but out of over-protection (Coleridge,
2000).
While in the Arab context, it was seen that those families with an intellectually disabled child,
were affected by a social stigma, in the form of reduced opportunities for marriage, as
assumptions of hereditary disabilities were prevalent (Crabtree, 2006). This social stigma,
has been known to result in the seclusion of disabled children away from the rest of society
(McIntyre, 2010).
The female disabled meanwhile, have been victims of the failure of the disability movement
to adequately address their concerns (Crabtree, 2006), and have been depicted as suffering
from a ‘multiple handicap’, where in the context of India, their impairment in combination with
their gender has created a situation where they have been unable to marry, and are
secluded from view, so as not to impact upon other family members’ chances of marriage
(Harris-White, 2003:6).
However, when religious influence is considered, the nature of this impact can become
markedly more positive. For example in the context of the United Arab Emirates, the
unanimous response to Crabtree’s qualitative study on families with children who had
intellectual disabilities, was that Islam had been a source of strength for the mothers (2006).
This seemed to contradict Florian and Katz’ (1983) findings, which saw that disability was
perceived Islamically, as either the result of Divine Will, a punishment for previous sins, the
work of possession by evil spirits, or the result of the ‘evil eye’, which would manifest
themselves in the form of negative attitudes towards the child, such as the child being a test
from Allah.
In the context of Arab-Israeli families, it was seen that Arab families had more recourse to a
wider extended family support network, than Jewish families did (Kandel et al, 2004). The
rationale behind this situation was, in the opinion of the authors, due to the traditional society
within which they were embedded. Florian & Katz in their review of research and literature
meanwhile, posited the view that Arab families were more overprotective of their child,
creating a dependence of the child upon the family, along with an ambivalence towards the
child, combining feelings of remorse and embarrassment (1983). However, the age of the
report, and the contradictory findings of later reports, means that the veracity of the findings
can be held in some degree of doubt.
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Wider society interactions
The impact of disability upon wider society interactions has been nuanced, ranging “from
disdain to deification”, depending upon the context (Kagawa-Singer, 1994:362). For
example, the birth of a disabled child can lead to a social stigma being placed upon the child
and the family (Crabtree, 2006), which, as with the case with the family dynamic, is often
exacerbated when the child has intellectual disabilities (Qutteina et al, 2012). While in the
context of Tanzania, it was noted by Stone-MacDonald (2012), that the various models and
conceptions of disability were often ‘melded together’ to fit the individual context of the
village or town, so much so that in the case of the Maasai, all children were cared for in the
same manner and were expected to partake fully in all customs and traditions (StoneMacDonald, 2012).
In Afghanistan, Miles (2010) highlighted roles that the disabled have been able to play in
their local communities, one example being the role played by visually impaired people as
the local fonts of knowledge, and reciters and teachers of the Qur’an (Miles, 2010).
While in the case of Asia, the ancient tribal conceptions of disability were seen to have
parallels with some contemporary equivalents. Such as the the medical model and the
ancient tribal codes of Manu and the Arthasastra, with the emphasis on the incapabilities of
the disabled person (Miles, 2000).
Within the Arab-Israeli community on the other hand; according to Florian & Katz, the
disabled were viewed by the Arab community as being physically and spiritually weak and
were to be pitied, with the focus of the community being upon the fatalistic views of disability
(1983). What guided the actions of the community towards the disabled, was shame; or
rather, the “psychological drive to escape or prevent negative judgement by others” (Florian
& Katz, 1983:176).
Though, as stated earlier, the age of the report and the subsequent findings of later reports,
do cast the veracity of its findings in some doubt.
As will be shown below, the role of religion in the wider society interactions of disability
however, has been a positive influence. With issues occurring in situations where culture or
tradition predominated over religion (Al-Aoufi et al, 2012). For example, it was relayed to
Crabtree (2006), that an Imam had shown a hostile attitude towards a disabled child, despite
the Islamic position being on the contrary.
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Conflict situations
Due to the scarcity of relevant literature on disability in conflict situations, it was difficult to
ascertain whether there was a general experience of disability under conflict. However, from
the few literature there was, a common theme which began to emerge was that there was a
potential dichotomy between those who were born disabled, and those who became
disabled as a result of conflict.
As will be noted below, this dichotomy is relevant in the context of Palestine. However, for
the purposes of this section, the example of Afghanistan will be used. Where Miles noted
that disability had been linked to conflict, which was apparent in the formation of the interim
government and its creation of the the Ministry of Martyrs and the Disabled (2010).
Furthermore, it was also seen that those who were disabled in the conflict were also seen as
heroes (Coleridge, 2000). However, it must also be noted that it was also stated within the
same context, that “the privileged social status of young fighters often unravels and is
replaced by indifference” (Harris-White, 2003:5), and hence there must be caution in regards
to this view, and a further consideration of the external, structural factors in the manifestation
of such views towards disability.
The experience of disability under conflict was, as expected, one which was extremely
tumultuous; with all the associated problems of disablement vis-à-vis societal barriers, being
exacerbated by the presence of conflict and the resultant loss of the disabling structures
without adequate replacement. For example in Sierra Leone, it was found that what little
services had been provided by the government before the conflict, were gone, and the
survival of disbled people was at the mercy of the benevolence of passers by, rather than
any governmental support (dos Santos-Zingale & McColl, 2006).
Religious Interpretations of disability
As the predominantly Muslim Palestinian community is the focus of the study, this review will
primarily consider the Islamic interpretations of disability, though there will also be some
consideration of Christian perspective.
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The Islamic perspective
Islamic perceptions of disability, have been interpreted as a test of faith (Schuelka, 2012),
and the will of Allah (Miles, 1995). That to endure suffering is a sign of His mercy, as the
rewards of the afterlife will be sufficient (Ghaly, 2010). However, while general perceptions of
Muslim attitudes towards disability has been that of long-run fatalism, borne out of the
translation of Islam, of ‘submission’ (Miles, 1995), the theological position of Islam towards
disability could not be any more different.
Indeed, both the Qur’an and Sunnah (the example of the Prophet Muhammad) provide an
extensive legal framework for understanding disability, and articulate the rights of the
disabled, and the duties of society towards the disabled, within the context of Shariah.
Hence in Islam, there is no concept of disability, per se. Instead, the phrase “disadvantaged
person” is used (Bazna & Hatab, 2005); encompassing a wider scope and taking into
account socioeconomic conditions in addition to mental or physical impairments; going
beyond the relatively narrow confines of disability under the medical model, and evoking a
comparison with the social model, with its focus upon the restoration of the imbalance of
society caused by disadvantage (Miles, 2010).
The rights and responsibilities for the disadvantaged and society contained within Shariah
are vast, and cannot; in light of the research questions proposed, be fully comprehended
within the relatively short scope of this Review. However, examples can be used to
exemplify this range. For instance, in the Qur’an, a story was narrated of the Prophet being
rebuked by Allah for turning away a blind man who sought his knowledge, in favour of
proselytizing the faith to nobility:
“He [the Prophet] frowned and turned away because there came to him a blind man, But
what would make you perceive, [O Mohammed], that perhaps he might be purified, or be
reminded and the remembrance would benefit him?” (80, 1-3).
This short verse is significant on multiple levels. First, it underscored the rights of the
disadvantaged to education, and equally, it highlighted the duty of all to seek knowledge, to
the best of their capabilities (Al-Aoufi, 2012): the existence of an impairment was no excuse
to the non-performance of a duty (Bazna & Hatab, 2005). This verse was all the more
poignant, when this same blind person became a trusted Companion of the Prophet, being
entrusted leadership of Madinah (the second city of Islam) in the Prophet’s absence on two
occasions (Al-Aoufi et al, 2012).
However most importantly, it emphasised that all were equal in the eyes of Allah,
irrespective of their social status, abilities, or lack thereof. What had mattered, was the level
of their faith:
“Indeed the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous” (Qur’an, 49, 13).
Central to the progressive view of the disabled outlined above, is the belief that humankind is
essentially pure, and can achieve ‘perfection’ to the best of their capabilities, as opposed to
absolute perfection, which is solely within the realm of the Divine (Bazna & Hatab, 2005).
Thus, in the eyes of Allah, the status of the person was of no consequence, only his deeds.
Hence, the disabled are not prohibited from living a life of dignity, and indeed, Islam
encourages their full participation within society. An example of this, is the fact that in Islamic
Jurisprudence, there is no prohibition of the disabled, outside of insanity and serious
instances of hearing, speech and visual disabilities, from being the Caliph (head of State) in
an Islamic State (Ghaly, 2010).
Islam, much like the social model, perceives ‘disadvanted situations' as arising from the
barriers produced by society. Within Islam therefore, there is a civic responsibility to care for
the disabled and to improve their situation (Al-Aoufi et al, 2012). This responsibility has been
adhered to in a variety of forms. For example, the concept of ehsan ensures that as a right,
where a person is unable to carry out his duties due to a deficiency, that deficiency will be
equalised so as to restore the balance of society (Wadud, 1986).
While Zakat has been interpreted as a form of charity, Islam instead perceives Zakat to be a
method of restoring the balance between rich and poor within society (Miles, 2010). It does
not belittle or patronise the disadvantaged, but instead, is seen as a social duty, and as a
method to gain goodwill from Allah for undertaking this duty (Schuelka, 2012).
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The Christian perspective
Disablement within Christianity occupies a paradox. It has been both punishment, and
opportunity for compassion, seemingly simultaneously. On the one hand; the New
Testament promulgates a humane approach to disabled people (Covey, 2005), evoking
comparison with the charity model. On the other, it has dehumanised them, and urged their
segregation in the Old Testament (Schuelka, 2012), striking parallels with the medical
model.
Hence, while Islam posits that humanity is essentially pure, though not objectively perfect.
Christianity instead perceives humanity as being created in the image of God (Schuelka,
2012). Thus, the presence of any impairment or ‘blemish’, as it was interpreted (Stiker,
1999), would signify an unholy presence. Indeed, “the Bible is clear in its message that
perfection and beauty should surround things religious and that imperfection is to be
rejected” (Rose, 1997:398). This can be seen in the following passage:
“And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying, ‘Speak to Aaron, saying, None of your offspring
throughout their generations who has a blemish may approach to offer the bread of his God.”
(Leviticus, 21:17)
Moreover, disability among other things, was considered an affliction, demonic possession
(Covey, 2005), or as a punishment from God (Rose, 1997). Thus, rather than the
progressive model seen in Islam, the Judeo-Christian perspective on disability was that of
segregation, akin to that of the medical model (Covey, 2005). This could be seen in the fact
that the visually impaired and physically disabled were prohibited from entering places of
worship:
“No blind or lame man shall into the Lord’s house” (Book of II Samuel, 5:8)
Linked to this, was Schuelka’s (2012) premise that the medical model of disability, a
nominally secular perspective on disability, was in actual fact, a successor to the JudeoChristian ethics that were prevalent in Europe before it. The theory postulated was that; in a
remarkably similar fashion to Stienstra’s (2002) argument on ‘capability’, the Judeo-Christian
ethic, and its emphasis upon the ‘desirable’ face of religion, was a precursor to such systems
as capitalism, with its focus upon the productive, and even reprehensible theories as
eugenics (Schuelka, 2012).
Yet in spite of the scripture, the New Testament saw a transition towards a different
perspective, whereby the existence of disability; then understood as the manifestation of sin,
was the process through which Jesus could show his compassion and perform miraculous
healing (Covey, 2005), thus expediting the sins of the impaired person (Schuelka, 2012).
However, this view of disability gave rise to a charitable conception, which while initially
promising (Covey, 2005), eventually led to a relationship of pity being established between
the impaired person and the giver of charity, whereby the former was a burden, in need of
paternalistic care (Schuelka, 2012). In other words, the impaired person becomes “a project,
a vehicle for others to fulfil their acts of kindness. Their existence as a person is thus
subservient to their disability” (Rose, 1997:399).
Disability and society in Palestine
Considering the decades of conflict; the resultant rise of disability (Giacaman, 2001); conflict
being one of the principal causes of disability in the territories (Canawati, 2010); and
conflict’s direct impact upon disability services (Al-Jazeera, 2014), it is somewhat surprising
that there did not exist any published literature on the Palestinian experience of disability
during conflict, the only sources being found on the websites of NGOs and Palestinian
advocacy organisations. However, these readings cannot be discounted, due to the fact that
they are, until now, the only first-hand narratives of Palestinian disablement under
occupation.
The disabled within Palestinian society occupy a paradoxical role. During the Intifadas; the
disabled, particularly the GUPD, were given a central role in the Palestinian social rights
movement (Giacaman, 2001), and the PA both enacted a rights-based Statute on Disability
(Law No.4/1999), and also ratified the UN CRPD (UN, 2014).
However, despite these acts, the reality has not correlated, and the disabled still feel the
worst effects of occupation (Canawati, 2010). For instance, over eighty-seven per cent of
disabled Palestinians are unemployed (Smith, 2014), and some of those who do find work,
are looked upon with pity (Shehadeh, 2013b). With this situation being exacerbated when
the disabled person is a woman (Abu AlGhaib, 2014).
Moreover, the 1999 Statute has yet to be implemented, with the rationale ranging from
financial constraints (Qutteina et al, 2012), caused by the desperate political and
socioeconomic situation (Canawati, 2010), to an inertia on the part of the PA (Shehadeh,
2013a).
Furthermore, even when attempts have been made to improve this situation, the disabled
have not been able to benefit. For example, despite half of the schools in Palestine adhering
to inclusive education strategies, many families did not place their disabled children in
education (Qutteina et al, 2012); However, it was noted that there was a definite shift in
emphasis from the medical model, to a social model; with disability now starting to accord
some relevance on the development agenda (MAP-UK, 2014).
Underscoring these issues, has been the occupation, where until the recent agreement of
the Unity Government (Beaumont, 2014), the occupied territories of Palestine (the West
Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem) were governed by three separate entities. The
Gaza Strip, by Hamas; the West Bank, by the PA and Israel; and finally, East Jerusalem,
which has been under contested occupation by Israel since 1967 (UN, 1967). Thus, the
recognition of the Palestinian State, and its legitimacy along the Weberian lines of authority
to use legitimate force within its territory (Weber, 1946), has been contested.
The issue of territorial sovereignty is further confused by the tripartite separation of the West
Bank; due to the Oslo Accords, where area A (17% of the West Bank) is under full PA
control; area B (24%) under PA civilian control, and Israeli security control; and area C
(59%) coming under full Israeli control (Qutteina et al, 2012).
Due to this separation, there is a differential socio-economic impact for the citizens of each
area, with the latter two coming under much more stress, in not being able to access
urgently needed services due to the restrictions imposed upon their movement and quality of
life (Qutteina et al, 2012). The implications of the occupation have in turn, meant that the
NGOs have taken the lead in providing services for the disabled, rather than the PA (Jarar,
2009).
In terms of the realities experienced by disabled veterans, it was noted that generally, they
were accorded a higher level of respect than other disabled people, and were seen as
heroes for their sacrifices during both Intifadas (Giacaman, 2001; Canawati, 2010). This was
a seemingly well established view as evidenced by Florian & Katz, where it was held that the
“military disabled [have] a special place in Israeli society for all national groups” (1983:172).
However, this attitude was criticised for placing an emphasis upon physical impairment at
the expense of other disabilities, especially when there was a perception that those who had
conflict-related disabilities, had preferential access to services and indeed, a better quality of
life as compared to those who were born with their impairment (Qutteina et al, 2012), which
evoked comparison with the heirarchical view of disability in the medical model.
Furthermore, the occupation, has had a deletrious impact upon people with disabilities;
exacerbating the difficulties with which, they already live; with the existence of checkpoints
being a common bone of of contention. For example, one disabled Palestinian upon visiting
London, opined “When it takes you two whole days to cross a border, whereas it only takes
a matter of hours to arrive in London; that is one meaning of freedom” (Smith, 2014). While a
rather more forceful example, was of the difficulties a physically disabled Palestinian had at
both checkpoints and border crossings, where he was afforded no allowances and been the
subject of strict body searches, he stated that he was told “you might be a disabled person,
but we consider you as the most dangerous people” (McIntyre, 2010).
Conceptual Framework
After reviewing the literature, it is apparent that much of the existent discourse has focused
upon disablement through a Northern, critical lens, with comparatively little written about the
Southern experience of disablement, and a total absence of the Palestinian experience. This
neglect is also apparent in the sphere of conflict studies. Considering the disabling impacts
of conflict throughout the ages, this is all the more surprising.
In terms of the religious perspectives, clear parallels could be found between the rightsbased conceptions of disability found within Islam and the social model; and also between
Judeo-Christian values and the medical, and later, charity models.
Hence, taking into account the findings of the review, the conceptual frameworks which shall
be used during this study are the social model in assessing the structural impacts of the
occupation upon disablement, and the associated Islamic framework in regards to persons
with disabilities and their individual perceptions towards their impairments. Above all
however, there will be a focus upon the Palestinian experience of disablement.
Methodology
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Research Strategy & Philosophy
The research strategy utilised during this study was predominantly inductive, necessitated by
the absence of research into the field of disability within the context of occupation.
Due to the personal nature of the research questions, the Interpretive social science
philosophy was chosen, as the basis of it was that social reality can oscillate from person to
person (Neuman, 1994; Creswell, 2003). The driving force of the research was the subjects’
own perceptions of their disability. Interpretivism would therefore lend itself to being contextdriven, allowing for a subjective study to be taken, which would also allow for a more
personal relationship between myself as the researcher, and the research subjects, due to
the fact of my disability. Furthermore; due to the flexibility of Interpretivism, the research
would not seek an all-encompassing theory, but instead, explain the particular social
phenomena that is disablement in the context of occupation.
The Critical nature of the research would be conducted in regards to the wider social
context, and the extent to which the personal situations of the respondents mentioned
earlier, may be influenced by structural externalities. Critical philosophy shares many
similarities with Interpretivism; focusing upon the individual, and a focus upon the subjective.
However, the Critical school interprets the social reality as one which is inherently predicated
upon social and class oppression (Neuman, 1994). However, that is not to say that the
Critical approach to research would be explicitly held. For instance, as the researcher, there
will be no value judgements made on the research subjects. Rather, the subjects will be
allowed to dictate the direction of the research, which is in line with Interpretivism.
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Methods
The data had been gathered on the qualitative and quantitative level, comprising a mixedmethods research approach. Mixed methods, for the purposes of this study, have been
defined as an “intellectual and practical synthesis based on qualitative and quantitative
research” (Johnson et al, 2007:129). However this research nevertheless, has an emphasis
on qualitative methods.
On the quantitative level, questionnaire surveys had been distributed with nineteen
responses, across the two cities. However, around a third of the respondents were from East
Jerusalem, and the roughly remaining two thirds hailed from Ramallah.
These surveys were used in order to locate the general attitudes of the disabled in Palestine
towards their disability, placing the research in its appropriate general context. Hence,
through gaining a basic understanding of the position of the disabled in Palestinian society,
the research would then become more nuanced and able to answer the more sophisticated
research questions proposed in the introduction, via the data acquired by the qualitative
methods.
The qualitative level comprised of semi-structured interviews with both executive, key
stakeholders and direct beneficiaries, in addition to a group discussion, along with direct
observation in the form of my personal experiences of disability in East Jerusalem and
Ramallah.
There had been five semi-structured interviews, with direct beneficiaries and executive, key
stakeholders being represented across all five interviews, within both East Jerusalem and
Ramallah.
The use of semi-structured interviews and the group discussion was based upon the
understanding that these methods would allow the respondents to truly express their beliefs
and opinions on the subject matter at hand: their disablement in the context of Palestinian
society. Thereby, synthesising the predominantly Interpretive philosophy, with the actual
data collection methods which were used in the research.
The reasoning behind the use of direct observation, was that the fact of my physical
disability placed me in the unique position of being a disabled researcher on the topic of
disability in Palestine. Hence, it seemed logical to make use of this, to probe deeper in to the
experiences of the disabled in Palestine.
Granted, while the use of this method was unorthodox, and my status as a British national
meant that I would not have the true experience of disablement in Palestine; the data
collected through this medium would only ever be used to supplement the data collected in
the interviews with the people who did have this experience of disablement in Palestine.
A purposive, strategic sampling strategy was used during this study. This was due to time
and resource constraints, in addition to the focus of the study being upon the perceptions of
the disabled towards their disability, and its interactions with their faith and wider society.
Moreover, due to the relatively niche section of society that the research was focused upon,
and the relative scarcity of respondents, a purposive-strategic form of sampling seemed to
be the most necessary strategy. However, that was not to say that other forms of sampling
were not possible. Indeed, it has been stated in the past that a quantitative method of
sampling can be used in similar predominantly qualitative-based studies, and vice-versa
(Onwuegbuzie & Collins, 2007).
The interview data was collected and analysed through the method of coded transcription,
as the method of data collection necessitated this form of analysis.
The survey data meanwhile, had been collated and aggregated, in order to provide the
general context to the findings of the interview data.
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Research Limitations
The associated mobility issues which arose out of my disability were an initial concern.
Furthermore, due to the increasingly tense security situation in Palestine towards the end of
my time there, with the kidnap and subsequent murder of three settler teenagers before my
departure from the United Kingdom, and subsequent lynching of a teenage Arab in the last
week of my trip had meant that my pool of potential respondents had been dramatically
reduced. This increasingly tense political and security environment had therefore meant that
my pre-existing mobility issues had been further compounded.
Initial contact had been made with the Gaza office of the UNRWA before my departure, and
a tentative agreement had been reached for a telephone interview once the research
process began in earnest. However, towards the end of my stay in Palestine, war had
erupted in Gaza and thus, the possible contact with the office was lost.
The relative scarcity of organisations within the Palestinian territories which dealt with
disability as matter of policy, had meant that there was not as much primary data collected
as previously envisaged.
Associated with this was the use of gatekeepers in the interview process, especially in East
Jerusalem; where gatekeepers had been present in interviews, choosing and directing me to
the beneficiaries, thereby allowing for the possibility of bias creeping in to the interviews
which had been held with the beneficiaries. The research also did not account for any
variables between educational attainment, gender, or socioeconomic level, which are key
factors in research on such attitudes and perceptions (Florian & Katz, 1983:170-171).
Hence for these reasons, this study is unable to be generalised, but is instead a case study
on the issue of disablement under occupation, in respect of these two cities; rather than the
whole of occupied territories.
Related to my British nationality was the language barrier. As I had comparatively little
knowledge of conversational Arabic, a translator was used in the interviews that had been
held with the direct beneficiaries. Thus, there was the risk that the translations may not have
been fully accurate, which may have impacted the analysis, though all effort was made to
have these translations verified by second and third parties upon my return.
The lack of a Jewish and Christian perspective, had meant that the focus of the study was
predominantly upon Muslim perceptions towards disability. As such, a clear cross-sample of
the population was not found in the research. A future study would definitely ensure that
there was a more representative sample of the region, leading to a more realistic case study.
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Ethical Boundaries
The ethical considerations were primarily concerned with the trust and rapport engendered
between myself and the respondents, who were either working closely with the disabled, or
had been disabled themselves.
The fact that I had been dealing with a vulnerable social group in the form of the disabled,
had meant that the research was conducted in an easily accessible manner, with each
respondent being explicitly asked for their consent before the interviews had taken place.
It was also ensured, that each interview conducted, was done so in a manner which though
consistent in the questioning, was nevertheless tailored, to the best of my ability, to the
needs and abilities of each respondent.
In regards to the dissemination of the dissertation upon completion, each organisation had
taken up the offer of a copy of the completed dissertation.
The data was analysed objectively, with no bias and above all else, my personal opinions
and position as a disabled Muslim from Britain, did not come to bare on the research or the
research findings. In order to ensure that the whole process was convenient for all parties,
all of the data was collated at the respondents’ convenience.
Data Analysis
The data which had been collated using the methods referred to in the Methodology, will
now be analysed. The respondents are coded as follows:
(a) The founder of a blind persons’ initiative in East Jerusalem, who was a blind
Christian woman;
(b) Two direct beneficiaries; (i), (ii), of a disabled persons’ workshop initiative in East
Jerusalem;
(c) Four direct beneficiaries; (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), of the blind persons’ initiative in (a), who
also took part in the group discussion;
(d) A representative of a Palestinian DPO;
(e) A technical advisor for a disability NGO working in Palestine; &
(f) A programme officer for an NGO in Palestine
The respondents from (a) to (d) were direct beneficiaries, with (a) and (d) being executive,
key stakeholders also. While (e) and (f) were solely executive stakeholders.
The findings of the collected data from these interviews, group discussion and direct
observation, in addition to the quantitative questionnaire survey data, will therefore be
analysed, giving a definitive answer to the research questions set, which will also form the
structure of this analysis.
Taking the role of religion into account, how do the disabled perceive their disability?
The nature of perceptions regarding disability was dependent upon whether the respondent
had either been a beneficiary or an executive.
In the case of the former, it could be seen that they had accepted their impairment as the
‘will of Allah’, a long-running narrative during the interview process which was foretold by
Miles (1995). For instance (b)(i) held this belief and was grateful for what he had been given
as opposed to feeling sorrow for what he never had. This was affirmed also, in the group
discussion, while, (a) viewed her organisation’s achievements as “the Lord’s work”.
Furthermore, as can be seen in the table below, the nineteen anonymous respondents of the
questionnaires, (six in East Jerusalem and thirteen in Ramallah) all of whom were direct
beneficiaries, held that they had either a positive view of religion in light of their disability, or
at the very least, neutral:
Table 1: What do you feel your religion says about the disabled?
Positive
Neutral
Negative
Total
0%
100%
0%
100%
Ramallah
92%
8%
0%
100%
Proportion of
63%
37%
0%
100%
East
Jerusalem
Total
However, interestingly, the most positive set of responses to this question had come from
Ramallah; as the Ramallah responses to other questions on strength of faith and on the
culture-religion balance, seemed to contradict this view:
Table 2: In terms of religious adherence, are you a:
Strong Believer
A Believer
Total
East Jerusalem
67%
33%
100%
Ramallah
38%
62%
100%
Proportion of
47%
53%
100%
Total
Table 3: What do you feel your culture says about the disabled?
Positive
Depended on
Negative
Total
the Person
East
17%
33%
50%
100%
Ramallah
31%
23%
46%
100%
Proportion of
26.5%
26.5%
47%
100%
Jerusalem
Total
Table 4: Out of the two, would you say you are:
Cultural
Religious
Total
East Jerusalem
0%
100%
100%
Ramallah
54%
46%
100%
Proportion of Total
37%
63%
100%
Though, as noted in the Methodology, the peculiarity of these results may have been due to
the relative imbalance in responses between both cities.
Regarding the executive respondents, the answer to the question of how disability was
perceived by the disabled, was considered along the lines of the different models of disability
outlined in the Literature. All of these respondents perceived disability through the prism of
barriers and the social model (UPIAS, 1975); and that there was now a shift from the
medical and charitable models, to the social, as was highlighted by MAP-UK in the Literature
(2014). Particularly respondent (f), who highlighted that disability under the medical model
used to be viewed akin to how a disease would be: “as if it was something that we could
repair”. Though now, a huge change could be seen, particularly in the attitudes of
management, who now focused upon a participatory approach; while (e) also highlighted
that services were now being adjusted for people with disabilities, ensuring that they could
be mainstreamed into wider society.
However, debate did revolve around the importance accorded to these models.
Respondent (d) conferred the social model central importance in his view of disability,
holding that it would be easier to implement than an explicitly rights-based model, due to the
circumstances of occupation. Respondent (e) was largely in agreement, however, he noted
the complexity of disability in Palestine due to the essentially hybridised nature of the sector;
with elements of the social, charitable, and medical models still existent. Furthermore,
harking back to Miles (2010) and his views on Zakat, he did not discard the charity model,
stating that it was not necessarily negative: “For me, it is a good attitude that we as a
community respect and support each other. The problem is that we don’t know how to
support each other, this is the problem in the process, not in the concept itself”. Moreover he
elucidated that, as the charity model is heavily driven by the local community; it would also
make good use of the residual sense of solidarity existent within the minority communities of
the occupied territories.
Respondent (f) on the other hand, preferred to disregard ‘models’ and have in its place, a
largely rights-based framework; driven by the beneficiaries themselves, than a model which
sought ‘integration’ at the expense of inclusion. The focus instead, as opined by Islam
(2008), being upon empowering the disabled, to work with the rest of the community to
create a truly inclusive society, whereby the needs of all were met.
In regards to attitudes towards religion, the answer was again, unanimous. Respondent (f)
agreed that those who were born disabled, accepted their disability as the will of Allah, which
was shared by (e). Respondent (d) believed that while his work was not based upon religion;
nevertheless, religion had played a positive role in the provisioning of services for the
disabled, with Islamic schools for the blind being built in Jerusalem in the early days of Islam,
and the role played by Christian missionaries in the modern age. Moreover, he had a
positive view of his faith in light of his disability, that it provided him more opportunities,
rather than less. That Islam, provided a lot of space for the disabled to live their lives fully in
the community, that Allah was only concerned about the collation of good deeds, reminiscent
of the Islamic view of disadvantage highlighted in the Literature. This was also agreed upon
by (e), who went further, and held that Islam was the social model, fourteen hundred years
before the social model existed, a viewpoint which was symbiotic with Miles (2010). While (f)
viewed religion as a good set of morals in helping the disabled to achieve their full potential
in life. However, harking back to Crabtree’s (2006) finding; where issues had arisen were in
the pervading influence of the traditions and culture of Palestinians, the example that was
given by the respondent, was of the exacerbated inequality of opportunities faced by minority
groups such as the disabled and women. These issues were reflected in the policy of (d)’s
organisation to implement lessons of disability in to the Friday and Sunday sermons in the
Mosques and Churches.
What is the reality for the disabled, in terms of their wider society interactions?
The implications of disability have been categorised into the following, and will be considered
in turn:

The nature and extent of State provisioning;

The role of the occupation;

Community relations; &

The role of the family;
-
The nature and extent of State provisioning
Provisioning for the disabled across both cities, was a source of concern. For instance, (a)
disclosed that she received no public support in setting up her initiative, and that her
motivation for doing so, was that the needs of many blind people were not being catered to.
Furthermore, the only support that she had received was in the form of health insurance
from the Israeli government; the value of which, was decreasing due to the increased rate of
taxes that she now had to pay. These concerns were echoed by (b)(i), who highlighted that
ever since the occupation, he did not receive much governmental assistance, and that the
Israeli government required him to pay taxes despite his lack of income. He was in receipt of
health insurance from the PA, and did not have a job, as he would have lost entitlement to
this insurance, which would also be the case if he received his support from the Israeli
government. Respondent (b)(ii) was proof of this, as he now received an allowance from the
workshop after this insurance had been withheld by the authorities.
During the group discussion, a story was relayed by (a), of a person from the West Bank
who could not afford to pay for an identity card, as she only received seven hundred shekels
every three months as support for her disability, the entitlement to which had not been
universal. In Jerusalem, (a) stated that her insurance covered all her needs, but for people in
the West Bank, this seven hundred shekels was inadequate.
A further issue was the lack of physical access. Since the construction of a light rail across
her town (a) was now unable to travel independently. This was a common theme across all
of the respondents, with (e) agreeing that access was a weakness of the PA.
The issue of access was also experienced by myself as a disabled person. The acute lack of
raised pavements, non-existent disabled entrances and the continual need of assistance to
get from one place to another was apparent. For instance, in Ramallah, I had visited five
Mosques in the city. All but one of these were inaccessible to me. Interestingly, the one
mosque that was accessible, was also frequented by (d). A noticeable difference could be
seen in the access between the two cities. While neither were particularly acceptable, the
level of access in East Jerusalem was difficult, rather than impossible, in comparison to
Ramallah. However, even in the Al-Aqsa, East Jerusalem; the third holiest site in Islam,
there was only one gate that was somewhat accessible.
The executive respondents were somewhat reminiscent of Harris-White (2003), when they
lamented that disability had not been accorded a high priority even though, the PA had
enacted the 1999 Statute, and was also a signatory of the UN CRPD. However, (e) stated
this was a political decision, as opposed to the PA having the will to implement the CRPD.
Respondent (d) noted that the Statute was not implemented due to the lack of authority
behind the legislation. This view was fortified by (f), who agreed, holding that was what was
written on paper, was not apparent in action, a view highlighted in the Review also (Qutteina
et al, 2012).
However, when viewing the results of the questionnaires, these views of governmental
provisioning were apparently not reflected:
Table 5: In terms of provisioning for the disabled, do you think the Government are
doing:
Well
Okay
Bad
Total
33%
50%
17%
100%
Ramallah
15%
77%
8%
100%
Proportion of
21%
68%
11%
100%
East
Jerusalem
Total
In terms of services provided, (d) held that the provisioning for the disabled across the
occupied territories, used to be the responsibility of the Israeli Civil Administration; under
which, no rehabilitation services were supplied. Instead, these services were provided by
NGOs. According to (e), this seemingly laissez-faire arrangement towards disability and
rehabilitation has seemingly continued since the inception of the PA, with these services now
being bought by the PA, from the NGOs, which had been stated by Jarar (2009).
However, mitigation of this situation was provided by (e) and (f). With the former, holding a
similar view to that of Baylies (2010), that due to the non-existence of the Palestinian State,
the PA did not have the institutional capacity to carry out much of its function, and was
instead dependent upon assistance from external sources such as donors. The latter
agreed, proffering the view that the PA was operating along the charity model, and that the
issue of disability was afforded a low priority due to the acute needs of the rest of society,
such as health and education.
Again however, the executive respondents were unanimous in agreement, that there was a
promising transition in the nature of the provisioning, though there was still much to do. The
example given by (e) of disabled parking spaces now being made available in much of the
city centre, being particularly relevant in this regard.
-
The role of the occupation
The Israeli occupation was the cornerstone of the Palestinian experience of disability.
Behind every difficulty that the disabled faced, the occupation was either a root cause, or an
exacerbating factor, acting as a barrier the equality of opportunity for all, as stated by UPIAS
(1976).
For example, (a) had set up a boarding house due to the difficulties that her mainly West
Bank-based beneficiaries had in being able to travel to and from Jerusalem.
Respondent (b)(i), went further and explained his view that, “everyone is disabled due to the
occupation”. He held that his impairment did not harm him, but that the occupation disabled
him. The examples he gave were, the difficulties he accessing Al-Aqsa, even though he lived
nearby; his inability to travel within and between areas on both sides of the separation
barrier; and the security coordination between the PA and Israel, which has meant that
Palestinians did not have the freedom to move within their own borders.
The occupation; according to (e), created a situation whereby the principle of accessibility for
all was unenforced: the able-bodied faced the same barriers as the disabled. However, while
this impact was felt by all; for the disabled this impact was “doubled” (Canawati, 2010): the
able-bodied struggled to move between cities, the disabled struggled to move within them
also.
The issue of checkpoints was also a common theme. Respondents (b)(i) and (d) both gave
the example of the Qalandiyyah checkpoint between Jerusalem and Ramallah, which has
turned a normally thirty minute journey, into one which normally lasts up to three hours for a
Palestinian. While for all other nationalities however, the Qalandiyyah checkpoint
represented a minor inconvenience of a few minutes.
Respondent (d) went further and added that it was not the PA that restricted his movement,
it was the occupation. Associated with this, (e) highlighted instances of the mistreatment of
the disabled by Israeli soldiers at checkpoints, under the pretence of security, which had
been uncovered in the Literature (McIntyre, 2010).
According to (e), the geographical impact of occupation were a huge burden for all who lived
within the territories. The tripartite split of the West Bank (Qutteina et al, 2012); has meant
that the difficulties experienced by those living under occupation in Areas B and C have
been exacerbated. The PA, being unable to provide even the most basic services to the
people living in there. While those who lived within the refugee camps in Syria, and
especially Lebanon, had an increasingly desperate situation…
This was echoed by (d), who opined that the differential impact of the occupation had meant
that the degree of the occupation’s impact was felt differently, and thus, there were different
priorities for each of the areas. This in turn, was another explanation for the incoherence of
the provisioning for the disabled, by the PA, which had been highlighted by (f) also.
Due to the variable geographical impacts of the occupation, and the resultant lack of
services, the government has little to no authority in the provisioning for the disabled. The
lead role instead, played by NGOs and the local community, as stated by (e), and Jarar
(2009) in the Literature. Related to this, was the economic impact of the occupation,
particularly within the West Bank, where according to (e), the declining living standards due
to the artificially inflated economy and resultant high cost of living, had a strong correlation
on the ability of the disabled and their families to have access to the services they needed.
While furthermore, there was the inability of Gazans to access basic medicines, due to the
imposition of a blockade.
Respondent (d) also highlighted the bombing of a newly established rehabilitation centre in
the Beit Lahiyeh area of Gaza during one of the bouts of conflict, a precursor to recent
events (Al-Jazeera, 2014).
The occupation also had an impact upon education. Respondent (a) relayed that her school
was relocated due to the gains made by Israel in 1967. While (d)’s example was of the first
school for the blind in the Middle East, which had to be relocated from Jerusalem to
Bethlehem in 1994, due to the pressures of the occupation. Connected to this, (e)
highlighted the numerous problems that had arisen for schools in Area C of the West Bank,
whereby Palestinians needed permission from Israel to build such infrastructure as schools
(Qutteina et al, 2012). This permission, was rarely forthcoming.
-
Community relations
The impact of disability on community relations was nuanced. With some noting the positive
aspects of their community, and others, the negative. For instance, (a) noted the role played
by her local community in raising the initial funds for her centre. However, this support was
temporary, and indeed, the centre has predominantly been solely-run ever since.
Respondent (b)(i) stated that he mainly faced his situation as a disabled person alone. This
included a difficult childhood due to bullying, which though, gradually receded and he was
now comfortable with his social standing.
During the group discussion, (a) relayed a story of a negative perception of her blindness,
whereby a woman had pitied her, holding that “they think that people only see”; with
community perceptions being that the disabled could not live adequately due to their
impairments, a finding which was consistent with the views espoused by Florian & Katz
(1983).
In regards to the executive responses, there was a general agreement regarding this
negativity. For instance, (d) stated that a stigma of the disabled still existed, particularly the
intellectually disabled, which was often seen in the form of failed marriage proposals for
family members, a stigma which was also found during the Literature Review (Crabtree,
2006), and is also perhaps indicative of a residual influence of the medical model and its
hierarchy of disability.
Explanations were offered for why such views persisted, for example (d) predicated his
reasoning upon the geographical impacts of the occupation, stating that “the majority of
people with disabilities are connected by poverty”, as the areas that they had come from,
were rural areas, villages and the refugee camps, cut off from the rest of society by the
occupation. Respondent (f) on the other hand, was of the view that the position of the
disabled and their self-esteem was, in her experience, better in the rural areas. The example
given, was of a blind person who had been a fully active member of his local community;
which correlated with experiences of visual impairment in Afghanistan (Miles, 2010), while in
the cities, the disabled were secluded. Respondent (e) meanwhile, held that the community
still operated along the charity and medical models, before elucidating his rationale that the
negative perceptions of disability within the community were a by-product of decades of
occupation, the burdens of which have been successively compounded year-on-year. The
reasoning of (f) on the other hand, was that these negative perceptions were predominantly
due to Arab culture, where grandiose acts of public generosity were common yet within the
private sphere, the disabled were neglected, somewhat reminiscent of the shame culture
highlighted by Florian & Katz (1983).
However, despite agreement regarding negative community perceptions, there was
nonetheless, an understanding that there was a positive shift in attitudes. For instance, as
stated earlier (e) highlighted the role of the community in various local initiatives for the
disabled, while (d) noted the increasingly pivotal role by disabled advocates in promulgating
their rights, and the resultant obligations of the local community.
This shift in the perceptions of the community seems to have been borne out also in the
responses of the survey questions below.
Table 6: Do you get treated differently due to your disability?
Yes
No
Total
East Jerusalem
17%
83%
100%
Ramallah
92%
8%
100%
Proportion of Total
68%
32%
100%
Table 7 (13 Respondents): If yes, is this treatment:
Positive
Negative
Total
East Jerusalem
100%
0%
100%
Ramallah
100%
0%
100%
Proportion of Total
100%
0%
100%
-
The role of the family
The role played by the family unit in the lives of the disabled in Palestine was pivotal. For
example, (b)(i) stated that his family have always helped him in his daily affairs. While (b)(ii)
noted that his mother took him to and from home to the different centres nearby.
In the group discussion, the responses were nuanced. For instance, respondents (c)(i) and
(c)(iii) were of the opinion that their family had not treated them any differently due to their
disability, though in the case of (i), there had been other blind people within her family, while
in the case of (iii), her visual impairment was not as severe, meaning that she could, to some
extent, see.
On the other hand, the mother of (iv) pitied her daughter’s situation, focusing on her
inabilities, as opposed to her abilities. While in the case of (ii), while she felt her family were
generally supportive, her sisters in law were quite unsympathetic. Though she was at pains
to say that this was largely due to family politics, than her disability.
All of the executive respondents referred to the seclusion of disabled children by their
families, a phenomena referred to in the Literature also (McIntyre, 2010), though there was
agreement that its occurrence was increasingly rare, due to a shift in the perceptions of
families towards their child’s disability, with (f) highlighting that families were now starting to
include their disabled child in all of their activities; both inside and outside the home.
Respondents (e) and (f) agreed that the reason why families were not hiding their children to
the same extent as before, was due to the expectations of the families; that they would
receive the required support and services in the care of their child, if these children were
known to the authorities and wider community (Gupta & Singhal, 2004). Meanwhile, (d) held
that the role played by advocacy organisations had been an impetus in the improvement of
the situation, as families were now being made aware of their responsibilities, and disabled
people were now being urged to advocate for their rights.
In the past, the care and support for families with disabled children, was simply not available,
which had then meant an increased social and financial burden upon the families with a
disabled child. This, respondents (e) and (f) stated, was one of the primary reasons for the
seclusion of these children; with (f) stating that families in this position would have been
ashamed to say that they had a disabled child in their care. Respondent (e) went further and
described it as another form of discrimination, as the child was not being afforded the same
opportunities as his siblings. This discrimination was often exacerbated when the child was a
female; a hypothetical example of this, was of two disabled siblings, with the male sibling
receiving more opportunities in comparison to his sister. The reasons why this would occur,
were due to “traditions, a lack of awareness, [and] the socioeconomic reality”.
However, in spite of the promising signs of inclusion, more was still needed to be done. As
emphasised by (f), there still existed a residual attitude of treating the disabled differently,
which would, in addition to the attitudinal, physical and financial barriers, be
counterproductive to the inclusion of the disabled. Furthermore, as (e) elucidated, due to the
differential economic and geographic impacts of the occupation, there still existed some
families within the isolated areas of Area C that were still engaged in the isolation of their
disabled children.
What difference, if any, is there between the realities and perceptions of those who were
born disabled and those who became disabled as a result of conflict?
In regards to this potential dichotomy, it could be seen that there was a predominant
symbiosis in the individual perceptions of disability, that there was an overall acceptance of
disability as the will of Allah. For instance, (b)(ii) was a survivor of the second Intifada, where
he had been shot on his way to University and pronounced dead. It had not been until the
next morning that signs of life were found. While he initially stated that he found his
adaptation difficult, he nonetheless, attributed that he was alive solely due to the will of Allah,
and that he was forever grateful.
However, where this diverged, was in the way that they were perceived; articulated their
rights; and in their daily realities. For example, all of the executive respondents unanimously
held that disabled veterans were seen as national heroes for the sacrifices that they had
made in the defence of Palestine, alluding to Giacaman’s (2001) proposition. Indeed, (e)
opined that they saw themselves as God-chosen for the honour.
Meanwhile, (f) considered the conflict-disabled as being more insistent in the enforcement of
their rights than the born-disabled; the reason being, that they had become disabled in the
defence of the homeland, and with it, they had an honour and accepted their disability with
pride. According to (d), the conflict-disabled usually found their adaptation more difficult, as
the born-disabled, were more flexible and ready to adaptable to conditions, which was not
the case for the conflict-disabled. Furthermore, the latter preferred to view themselves as
injured from the conflict, with more optimism that a medical cure to their impairments could
be found.
Both (d) and (f) agreed that there was in the difference in the living standards between both
groups. According to (f), while the born-disabled were largely accepting of their fate; the
conflict-disabled had more doors open to them in their pursuit of services and assistance.
Respondent (d) specified that this assistance often came in the form of a wider array of
services being made available to them (Qutteina, 2012), and also a monthly stipend from the
PA.
Respondent (e) noted that the conflict-disabled had played a prominent role of increasing the
prominence of the Palestinian disability movement in the aftermath of the first Intifada
(Giacaman, 2001), where their intransigent attitude towards the Israeli authorities was an
inspiration for the disabled to advocate for the attainment of their rights. In the second
Intifada and since however, while there was a residual influence of the disabled veterans,
the socioeconomic realities of the occupation, and fractured communities, have meant that
they no longer enjoy the same privileged status that they had during the Intifadas.
Conclusion
During the course of this study, it was apparent that the presence of faith was a strength to
the disabled person, whose perception of disability was one of acceptance according to
Divine providence. In terms of the realities, it could be seen that there was a definite and
perceptible shift towards the social model, from the community-level to the family. However,
more was needed to achieve full-scale equality of opportunity, due to the generally low
priority accorded to the disabled by society and the Government.
In regards to the perceptions and realities of the conflict-disabled, it was found that there
was a symbiosis between the two groups in their individual perceptions towards their
disabilities. However, where there was a divergence, was in the realities, where the conflictdisabled enjoyed a better standard of living. Yet above all, underpinning every experience of
disablement, was the occupation as a barrier to equality of opportunity.
However, what made the experience of disablement in Palestine so unique, was that there
was also the presence of other models. For example, it was indicated that the hierarchy of
disability advanced by the medical model was of residual influence.
However, most interestingly, was the apparent influence of the charity model, especially so,
given that the influence of social model tended to be all-encompassing; and usually led to
the declining influence of earlier models. With the social model being in the favour of NGOs
and donors, the key question is why has the charity model remained resilient? The answer to
this, is the underlying role played by religion in what is seemingly, a secular society. Despite
Zakat being a pillar of Islam; and the influence of Christian missionaries in the Holy Land; the
role played by religion in the provisioning of services for the disabled is often overlooked, yet
donors and NGOs may be best served forging links with Faith-Based Organisations in the
future.
In regards to further research, reflecting the lack of consideration of disability; in
circumstances of conflict, occupation and in the South generally; there is certainly the scope
to consider the Jewish and Christian perspectives of disability in greater detail in addition to
further research upon Southern disablement. Casting the net further afield, comparisons
could also be made with occupied-Kashmir; where the added dimension of the caste system
could provide a potentially fascinating backdrop.
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Appendix
-
Tables
Table 1: Does Religion Influence the socio-economic realities, and cultural
perceptions, of disability?
Yes
No
Total
East Jerusalem
0%
100%
100%
Ramallah
69%
31%
100%
Proportion of Total
47%
53%
100%
Table 2: Is your religious background:
Jewish
Muslim
Christian
Total
0%
100%
0%
100%
Ramallah
0%
100%
0%
100%
Proportion of
0%%
100%
0%
100%
East
Jerusalem
Total
Table 3: In terms of religious adherence, are you a:
Strong Believer
A Believer
Total
East Jerusalem
67%
33%
100%
Ramallah
38%
62%
100%
Proportion of
47%
53%
100%
Total
Table 4: Do you get treated differently due to your disability?
Yes
No
Total
East Jerusalem
17%
83%
100%
Ramallah
92%
8%
100%
Proportion of Total
68%
32%
100%
Table 5 (13 Respondents): If yes, is this treatment:
Positive
Negative
Total
East Jerusalem
100%
0%
100%
Ramallah
100%
0%
100%
Proportion of Total
100%
0%
100%
Table 6: What do you feel your culture says about the disabled?
Positive
Depended on
Negative
Total
the Person
East
17%
33%
50%
100%
Ramallah
31%
23%
46%
100%
Proportion of
26.5%
26.5%
47%
100%
Jerusalem
Total
Table 7: What do you feel your religion says about the disabled?
Positive
Neutral
Negative
Total
0%
100%
0%
100%
Ramallah
92%
8%
0%
100%
Proportion of
63%
37%
0%
100%
East
Jerusalem
Total
Table 8: Out of the two, would you say you are:
Cultural
Religious
Total
East Jerusalem
0%
100%
100%
Ramallah
54%
46%
100%
Proportion of Total
37%
63%
100%
Table 9: In terms of provisioning for the disabled, do you think the Government are
doing:
Well
Okay
Bad
Total
33%
50%
17%
100%
Ramallah
15%
77%
8%
100%
Proportion of
21%
68%
11%
100%
East
Jerusalem
Total